Ulrike Tischler ed.) From «milieu de mémoire»> to «lieu de mémoire»> The cultural memory of Istanbul in the 20th century Martin Meidenbauer >>Semper neces toae sweetie ‘emitn poeta Ce ew ‘a eta n tnt "Reon ep mc ch dn ing et Die Deutsche Biblithek verzeichne ese Ian nc Deas Robi ae; detaliene bbiogratsche Daten si ‘im internet ber tpn. de abet {© 2006 Martin Meidenbaser \Veragsbuchhandling, Munchen Lunch Abington Noms Mand aap 10 Ale Rett vorbhsten, Diss Wek in ‘eich arse fle mine ihgochit Jae rwerury seo er Grete des Une sh Icke Zimang se sage lig ‘einer ‘te och snore, Rel er ign Gotan ng oe ot Crpeconng Caarattarg al ence a sSScoachen Sener a Printed in Germany Gesu auf chloe gbleichem, surf und _erungsbestindgem apr (SO 9706) 'SBN 3.89975-063.2 Veragerzicis chick ‘Marin Neidenbauer Velgsbuchhandlung [ET CARISSIMO SIGURDO MARITO ET MATRI MEAE CARISSIMAEEdhem Eldem Abstract ‘This article explores the difficulties involved in reconstructing the past ofthe districts of Pera and Galata, due to the dominance of certain myths and clichés linked to the past ofthese “western districts” of Istanbul. Reflecting on the impressive amount of literature produced in recent decades on this particular area, it attempts to analyze the reasons bend this phenomenon and to tically asess its historical relevance. It argues that much ofthis intellectual production i strongly influenced by a number of tropes, the genealogy of which isin itself worthy of a historical analysis. ‘voman Gals and Pera between myth and reality Edhem ELpem ‘Ottoman Galata and Pera between myth and reality ‘The past two decades have been characterized by a rediscovery, mostly by the ‘Tutkish public, ofthe history of Istanbul and, more particularly of some districts viewed as specifically representative of some essential aspects ofthe historical texture ofthe city. Tru, the origins of the phenomenon can be traced back to much earlier times: the Ottomans themselves were quite conscious ofthe symbolic value of their capital city and have consequently produced a number of literary works aiming at describing the history, ‘monuumentality, or simply the beauty of Istanbul. One ofthe earliest and best ‘known examples of this tradition is probably the first book of Evliya Celeb's seventeenth-century Book of Travels, entirely devoted to the capital city and its history, its mythology, its major districts and monuments, as well sits social makeup. Almost every poet would also have a go at praising the splendor of the city, composing odes eulogizing the shores of the Bosporus, elorfying its Imperial palaces, and acelaiming the charm and magnificence of its gardens and promenades." By the nineteenth century, a new dimension was ‘added tothe phenomenon with the publication of works of a more encyclopedic nature, such as Hafiz Hiseyin Ayvansarayi's Garden of ‘Mosques’, Mehmed Raif’s Mirror of Istanbuf* ot Mehmed Ziya’s istanbul ‘and the Bosporus’. The Republican era witnessed a continuation ofthis trend, ‘with Resad Ekrem Kogu’s famous (and unachieved) Encyclopedia of IstanbuP, a fascinating and often bafiling compilation ofa wide variety of information concerning the city, ranging from history to folklore, from streets ‘and monuments to individuals ofall walks of life, and from popular poetry to scandals. By the 1970s, ata time when, in the face of rapid urbanization, a ‘rowing need was felt to salvage what little was left of the city’s urban heritage, a particular effort was made to revive and recreate, be it on paper, ‘some of the masterpieces ofthe city's architectural past. Sedad Elder’ ‘works were particularly striking inthis respect, a they combined a bona fide "Biya GH, Seyshatname, vo. Istanbul 1314/1898, 2 anil Hani DAaISbEXD, Destan ve Divan Edebiyaarna Istanbul Sev. stanbul 1941, See als inthis espst Shrine HawADEn, The Ciy's Pleasure: Istanbul nthe Eightenth Century (Frtcoming). > ate Htseyin AYWANSARAYL, Haikat-Cevami Istanbul 1281/1865. * Mehmed Rat, Mita Istnbol. Istanbul 1314/1897. * Mehmed ZV Istanbul ve Bogaig. Istanbul 1336/1920, 1928, * Reyad Ekrem Kocy,fstnbol Ansiklpedis. Istanbul 1944-1975Eder Elder ‘exercise of historical and architectural research” with a latent feeling of nostalgia for a lost world, as voiced in the titles of two major pictorial works, Reminiscences of Istanbul and Reminiscences ofthe Bosphorus’. ‘One of the major characteristics ofthis phenomenon was its overall. ‘consistency witha certain understanding of Istanbul as an essentially Ottoman ‘and Muslim capital, Evia Celebi was celebrating the present and a recent ‘past; nineteenth-century authors were probably aware of ongoing and ‘impending transformations; their successors in the past fifty years were conscious of the need to keep track ofa heritage that was lost or bound to sisappear in its greatest part. Yet what they all had in common was a certain vision ofan Istanbul made of mosques, palaces, mansions and “Turkish” hhouses, with litle, if any, regard forthe products of modernity and \westernization. By the late 1980s, however, a major shift seems tohave taken place, as attention was drawn towards another Istanbul, one that was less ‘Ottoman, ess Muslim, and less “Turkish”. Galata, and more particularly Pera, the “western” suburbs ofthe city were rediscovered with a strange mix of scholarship, curiosity, exoticism, fantasy, and nostalgia. ‘This phenomenon, too, was not entirely new. Works on Galata and Pera, ‘more often onthe former than the latter, had started to be published as early as the beginning of the twentieth century. De Beylig, Cell Esad [Arseven], ‘Sauvaget, Palazzo, Schneider and Nomis had contributed with stadies dealing with specific buildings or with the overal topography of Galata, as did the By-zantnist Eyice atthe very end of the 1960s.” None ofthese works, however, suggested any form of romanticism or nostalgia; they were clearly set within the framework of the Genoese period of the city, with occasional incursions into the monumental past ofthe Ottoman period and of the Catholic establishments that were able to survive the Ottoman conquest. Practically nothing was said of the nineteenth century and ofthe onslaughts of ‘modernity and of westem architecture that characterized this period. * Seda Hakka ELDEM, Koper ve Kasra, ftnbl 1969-1976 em, Sa’ dabad {Ankara 1977. Kem, Kogeoglu Yas, Bebek, BoBazii Le yal de Kepeogi,&Bebek sar Je Bosphor. si, [Ankara] 1977 *S.H1 Epes istanbul Aman. Reminiscences of sanbul tabu 1979, Kem, Bogzig ‘Anan. Reminiscences ofthe Bosphons. Istanbul 1979 de BevLir, L*habitation byzantine. Paris 1903. Celi BsAD (ARSEVEN, Esk Galata ve Dinan, Istanbul 1329/1913. Jean SALVAGE, Notes sur Ia colon gnoise de Pera. Paris 10934 Benedetto PALAZZO, La chisa dS ito in Calas note storie iltative in ‘ceazion del I. centenaro dele consecrazion. Istanbul 1943, Benedetto PALAZZO, ‘L’Acap Djami ou ease Ssin-Pal Galt, Istanbul 1946. A.M. SeuNeD@e/M. I "Nomibis, Galata. Topographisc-archueologscher Plan mit esuterdem Text. tabu 1944, Semavi Evice, Galata ve Kale, Istanbul 1969. 2 ‘Ovoman Galata and Pera between myth and reality Interestingly, Pera/BeyoBlu was also practically absent from the picture, most probably not considered worthy of interest due to its recent, almost ‘contemporary, urban texture. ‘The first “nostalgic” contribution came earl, in the form of Said Duhani’s Social Topography of Bevogly, published in 1947." By refering to Vieilles -gens veilles demeures, the full title of tis work gave a sense ofa not $0 nt past, in fact one that was well known tothe author and to his potential readers, whose identity was closely linked tothe fact thatthe book was Published in French. A second and very similar work by the same author was published in 1956, again in French; this time, however, the ttle immediately gave a sense of loss and longing that was absent from the first: Quand Beyoglu s‘appelait Péra. Les temps qui ne reviendront plus." Had things, changed in les than ten years othe point of modifying the author's vision of his own past? Probably s, if one considers thatthe book was published in the ‘wake of the events of September (6-7, 1955, a euphemism used to describe the violent mass riots that had targeted the non-Muslim population of Istanbul and had left Pera in shambles. Yet, Duhani’s nostalgic and pessimistic vision had remained confined to a narrow circle of readers who shared much of his experience and memories. It ‘would take another thirty years for this discourse to spread tothe wider ‘Tutkish public. ‘One may wel assume thatthe translation, in 1982, of Duhani’s first book ‘as a turning point inthis respec, the begining of wider nostalgic discourse on Galata and Pera!” The fact that a second translation ofthe same ‘book appeared only two years later confirms ths trend"; yet much more telling is the fact that Orhan Pamuk made extensive use of Duhani’ {description of the Grand ‘rue de Péra as a setting forthe beginning of hs first novel, published in 1982". The tone had been set, and Pera had finally, acquired its letres de noblesse, asa hybrid, westernized, cosmopolitan, ‘moder, and, toa large extent, foreign district of Istanbul, If Turkey in ‘general, and Istanbul in particular, were to look fora Belle époque that could " Suid Naum Dua, Viel gens vellesdemeures, Topographic sociale de Beyogl a XIX’ sel, Intanbal 1947 oe 1 Mem, Quand Beyogtas‘apelait Per, Les temps qui ne eviendront plus. stnbul 1956. "Idem, Esk Insanlar si vier. XIX. Yazyilda Beyoga'aun Sosyal Topografis [famtated by Cera Streyya} Istanbul 1982, dem, Est insane Esk Evler XIX. Yaeyilda Beyobla aun Sosy Topognafis. {fnsiied by Ahmet Parmanstanbl, 1984, ' Orhan Pani, Cevdet Bey ve Ofullan Istanbul] 1982, ahem Elder draw it closer to the western model, there was no doubs that it would have to ‘be located in Pera, and, to some extent, in Galata. "The 1990s witnessed a boom in the genre. Duhani’s second book was translated into Turkish in 1990", and was followed by a number of ‘publications focusing on Pera and Galata. What was most striking about these ‘works was that, leaving aside the former interest for medieval Galata and the ‘development of the Galata-Pera axis in the early-moder er, they concentrated almost exclusively on the nineteenth century and on the first ‘Secades of the twentieth century."* A particular emphasis was placed on the ‘second half ofthe nineteenth century, viewed as the crucial period ofthe ‘genesis ofa culture particular to the region and its population, often labeled as Levantine.” Nostalgia, memoirs, anecdotes, sepia-colored photographs, and an antiquarian taste for objects and ephemera from the period became 8 trademark ofthis new eraze, Even the most “neutral” assessments ofthe distriets, such as Nur Akin's 19.Yizynln fkinci Yarisnda Galata ve Pera {Galata and Pera in the second half ofthe 19" century) could not avoid @ passing remark about “Istanbul'u Istanbul yapan bu goguleu ortamda Rum, Ermeni ve Musevi topluluklriyla Levantener, ..]ilging yasam bigimleri ve sgevreleryaratmlard™."" Pluralism, westernization, cosmopolitanism, a mosaic of peoples, ‘modernity, had become the keywords ofthis new fascination for a foreign and ‘exotic environment to which everybody turned in the hope of uncovering an alternative reading ofthe country’s relatively recent past. Quite a number of reasons could be invoked to explain the phenomenon. There is litle doubt that the process of liberalization ~ particularly economic — initiated in the 1980s in the wake of the 1980 military coup was one major driving foree, especially ‘when coupled, from the 1990s on, with the concretization of the first steps of the dream of accession to the European Union. The considerable speed of a "rapprochement with Greece was partly responsible forthe “rehabilitation” of 1 Seid Naum Dori, Beyogty'nun Ad Pera ken. Geri Dinmeyecek Zaman {gale by Nal Ona) tant 190. I Gat GOLERsoy, Beyoltnda Gezerken, Istanbul 1990. Mustafa CezAR, XIX. Yzyi ‘Beyoflasu. Istanbul 1991 "Gaavanni ScocNAMILLO, Bir Lvantein Beyoglu Anan Istanbul 1990. dem, Cade ‘Kebir'de Sinema. Istanbul 1991 Jak DeLzoN, Pra Hata senbul 193. Beast ‘Osoncen, or'dan Beyo'na 1840-1955, Istanbul 1999. Bir Bey Fotoroman. BBeyoula Photormance. Beyogha 1870-200. Ed, MUnevver EMINOGLU:Itanbul 2000 ld not avoids passing remark about the “fascinating ie. ofthe Greek, ‘Asmenin, Jewish and Levanine communes inthis pluralist environment tht made Tatnbul what was", Nur AKIN, 19. Yaz fkineiYarsind Galata ve Pm. stant 1998, px 2 (Ottoman Galata and Pea between my and reality ‘an image of a cosmopolitan Pera and Galata, where the Greek Orthodox: ‘Community had played a major, ifnot dominant, role. A liberal backlash ‘against Kemalist doctrine and ideology was probably also responsible fora {questioning of some ofthe negative connotations that were associated to the ‘lleged cosmopolitan nature of Istanbul in general, and of Pera and Galata, in particular. One could also assume thatthe process was partly linked to a Eesize to come to terms with some of the darker episodes of the recent past of the Republic; itis probably not a coincidence that the 1990s also witnessed @ {growing numberof publications onthe staus of non-Muslims during the ‘Republican era and more particularly on two of the most flagrant episodes of popular and state-sponsored aggression against local minorities, namely the 1942 capital tax and the events of September 6-7, 1955." ‘Not surprisingly, this intellectual movement was accompanied by a revivalist trend directed at the urban texture of Pera and Galata, Efforts to recreate a fin de siécle ambiance could be feltall along the famed dstklal ‘Caddesi, the Grand’rue de Péra of yore. The municipality itself contributed to the provess by reviving the streetcar line from Taksim to Tinel Square, which ‘was often nicknamed “nostaljiktramvay”. Many buildings were renovated, with a special effort to emphasize their assumed stylishness. The name “Pera” Started appearing on a number of shop signs, alongside names reminiscent of Greek, Armenian, Jewish or Levantine inhabitants and business owners of a ‘century earlier. A significant process of gentrification began, as young, professionals, intellectuals and foreigners started buying and renovating partments inthe area, Soaring real estate prices probably constitute the most telling sign ofthis process that has by now reached the immediate ‘surroundings of the Galata Tower. The last step to be expected is probably the reclaiming of the lower areas of Galata, a process that seems to have started already along, Voyvoda or Banks Street, the prestigious thoroughfare where the major financial and insurance companies of the end of the nineteenth ‘century had established their headquarters. Many of the neoclassical and revivalist facades of the street have been renovated, while a growing 1 Som for example, Rdvan AKA, Varhk Vers. Tek Part Rejiminde Azik Kart Poltika Ome Intenbul 1992, Avner LE, Turkiye Cumburyetide Vahudiler stanbut {oR Rift N Balt, Cumburiyet Vlannds Taskige Yabudiler. Bir Taskeytinme Seriveni (1925-1945) isn 1999 Reva AKAR, sale Yolcu, Var Vegi ve Cals {Cempler abu 19. Ayan AKTAR, Varlte Vergisi ve “Tirkletine Poin, Istanbul 2001hem Elem proportion of the available office space, once devoted to banking and Insurance, is being recycled for cultural consumption.” The aim ofthis long incursion into the processes leading to the emergence ‘of a novel interest for Pera and Galata is a ertial assessment of this [Phenomenon from the perspective of its historical relevance. Indeed, my contention is that, in very general terms, this enthusiastic revivalism poses sizeable problems with respect to the historical assumptions behind it and, perhaps more important, with respect to the possible distortions it may {cause to a proper and sound understanding of some historical facts and processes. Such a critical stand may come as a surprise when emanating from ‘someone who, in various ways, has contributed to, or at least participated in, the construction ofa renewed interest in the Galata and Pera ofthe late ‘nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.” Yet, hope to be able to show that ‘what | intend to question here isnot the validity ofthe growing interest forthe subject and period in question, but rather the problems inherent to some of the ‘ways in which the topic appears to have been handled. Perhaps the most important of all the problems related tothe issue is the strange feeling of exotiism that seems to dominate most reconstructed, visions ofthe districts. In more than one way, this sense of exoticism is perfectly understandable; one needs only to consider the ‘wansformations undergone by Istanbul ~ and for that matter, many other ‘Turkish towns inthe ast century to understand the extent of the cultural gap ‘that has emerged between the observers and thei object of study. Nostalgic as itmay have been, Said Naum Duhani’s narration of Pera relied on an ‘immediate past, on an intimate knowledge and practice of a world which, although already disappearing or even gone forever, was still within the aegis of Garant Bank, i Minerva Han, formerly used bythe Ak Sigortainsrance company, now serving as {wban ancmaofSatane Univers. “i 2 "Through a numberof publications and two exhibitions: Edhem ELD, The Elhnic Structure of Galt, Bicnnual stanbul 1 (1993), 2-33. dem, Bankalar Cadds. lan Gantmtze Voyvod Caddesi. Voyvods Stree rom Otoman Times 0 ‘Today Istanbul 200. Ider, Batilaa, Modernlesme ve Kezmopolitizm: 19. Yazyl ‘Sonu ve 2. Yaz! Bapinda Istanbul ia: Ham Bey ve Donen. Bd. Zeynep RON Istanbul 1993, 12-26, ELDeM, Istanbul 1903-1918: A Quantiatve Analysis of A ‘Bourgeoisie, Boga Journal Review of Soca, Economic and Adminitrative Sadies vol 11, no. 1-2 (1997), 53-98. Bankalar Caddsi Osmanl'dan Gondize Voywvoda Caddes. Voyvoda Stet from Ottoman Times to Today. Exhibition, Istanbul 26 October, 200011 February, 2001 Galata through the Ages. Exhibition Istanbul 26 Ape. 26 ‘August, 2005, 4 (ttoman Galata and Pera between myth and reality rmemory’s each. Not so forthe authors of the 1980s and 1990s, to whom the ‘Belle époque was already “history”, and for whom reconstruction of the past required the use of primary and secondary sources that might compensate for the absence of any firsthand information or experience. This factor in itself ‘was reason enough to create a phenomenon of estrangement dangerously ‘cculted by a treacherous impression of familiarity caused by certain topoi ‘nd stereotypes associated with Pera and Galata “The greatest danger stems from the profusion of such stereotypes and. clichés and by the almost inevitable attraction created by a self-sustaining ‘mythology of Pera and Galata, A closer look at most ofthe research conducted on the area reveals that much of the information used is highly descriptive in nature and extremely selective in scope. Rather telling in this respect isthe reliance of most narratives on elements ofthe urban texture and ‘of the districts’ topography characterized by the fact that they stand out in one ‘way of another. Typicaly, such descriptions will tend to include the most prestigious buildings lining both sides of the Grand’rue de Péra, rarely ‘venturing anywhere further than the avenue des Peits-Champs (or rue ‘Kabrstan) or an occasional transversal street rendered significant by some ‘major landmark. The embassies, the major hotels ofthe time, the famed. passages and cités, well-known shops, photographers’ studios, banks, ‘schools, or major apartment buildings are typical examples of such structures that easily make their way info any compilation on the area, thus becoming ‘emblematic landmarks. The same is tue of most individuals that appear in these sources: names such as Zarfi,Zographos, Hazzopoulo, Vallauri, bah, ‘Canzuch, Camondo, Franco, have been quoted ad nauseam tothe point of creating an illusion ofrepresentatvity atthe scale ofthe whole district. As a result, the present perception ofthe districts” historical texture, reproduced ‘through “virtual” tours ofthe area, is dominated by the image of a posh avenue lined with prestigious 4rt nouveau buildings inhabited by rich bakers ‘of diverse (and often unidentified) non-Muslim identities and surrounded by luxurious shops, brasseries, theaters and cafés-concerts catering to their ‘efined and westernized tates. True, Galata does serve the purpose of presenting the “dark” side of the picture, made of the wretched and violent world of taverns, brothels and sleazy hotels almost side by side with the prestigious buildings ofthe major insurance firms and banking institutions, ‘but lost is all that lies between the two, a “silent majority” of modest ‘employees and shopkeepers, a petty bourgeoisie and a near-proletariat squeezed in those areas ofthe districts that evidently lacked the attractiveness of the nobler streets and buildings. 25dhem Eldem Obviously ths selective approach has also to do with problems related to sourees. Indeed, the “invisible” face of Pera and Galata — both in terms ofits urban and human dimensions — is not as well documented as the economically and socially privileged sections of the districts. Typical in this respect are the sources most widely used in such research, namely the press, insurance maps ‘and commercial directories ofthe city. Toa large extent, this documentation reproduces the social and cultural imbalances of the time, leaving aside almost all areas predominantly inhabited by Muslims or by the lower strata of the non-Muslim population. The most telling example is probably that ofthe famous Annuaire orienta, the pages of which will give a very detailed listing of the shops and dwellings along the principal streets, while ignoring or, at best, giving patchy indications about the secondary streets of the area. Yet, it is also striking that most of these works seem to be content with these limitations, never really engaging in a discussion of what may have lain ‘beyond the posh neighborhoods of the area, nor even making exhaustive use ‘ofall the information that is available. This would require an inversion ofthe dominant approaches tothe districts: instead of building spatial and social analyses on the most oustanding and readily available sources, one would have to consider the totality ofthe documentary evidence — including taking into account its lacunae ~ to attempt a comprehensive reconstruction of the ‘urban environment.” Similarly, inthe domain of architectral history, one ‘would certainly like to see more works dealing with problems of structure, pattems, and typology, in addition tothe already existing selective studies of “remarkable” buildings or specific architects.” One other way to deal with this evident scarcity of sources might well be located atthe opposite extreme ‘of the scale, through micro-levl studies of smaller units ofthe districts. The ‘results obtained from such an approach are bound tobe limited, but one 2 This is what Iie todo when dslng withthe “ethnic structure of Galata" by systematically mapping al the available infomation nthe commercial directories ofthe ime. The result was certainly not satisfactory, duet the patches of the information, but ithad the advantage of exposing large Bank areas onthe map, making necessary to tackle the ise ofthe reasons they were not covered by these sources. CEE. ELDEa, The thni Structure of Galata. There is no doubt hat Murat GUVENG's unpublished project on ‘Contimaty and Change inthe Commercial Geography of Istanbul: Set Profiles in the 1910-1922 Oriental Directories, based on a computerized analysis of the information contained in these sourees wil ead tothe kind of comprehensive and systematic analysis thats seriously lacking inthe fd 2 An encouraging example is Dexin Once's daca dissertation onthe emergence of partment houses inthe dsr. CE. Devin Once, Un nouvea type dba etoman 8 Galata (istanbul la fin do XIX see: questions de contin cr de upre. Unpublished doctoral diseration. University of Pars VII (2003. 26 a (Ottoman Galata and Pera between myth and reality ‘cannot discard the undeniable advantages that can be derived from a forced ‘quest for every possible clue concerning the past ofa coherent unit of space "Not less worrying isthe overall elusiveness with which the social makeup of the districts has generally been trated, Vague categories such as “foreign”, “non-Muslim”, “minorities”, “Levantine”, have been used more or less interchangeably to describe the population ofthe district without bringing any qualification to this nomenclature and without attempting to quantify and locate these allegedly significant and homogeneous groups within the urban space. Typical in this respect is the ease with which the word Levantine is used without much concer for the complexity hidden behind this catch-all ‘and extremely tricky term. The sole fact that the term was never used by individuals and groups to describe themselves, but rather by others to qualify them, often in a derogatory way, should be sufficient a waming against its use ‘outside of its historical context. The fact that it should be claimed today by some individuals to describe their own identity is certainly an interesting development, but cannot make us forget the ambiguous ways ia which it was used in the second half ofthe nineteenth century. Pethaps even more problematic i the frequent and rather indiscriminate way ia which the ‘concept of eosmopolitanism is applied tothe case of Galata and Pera. Nothing 2 This was my pont in seting up an exhibition exclsively on Voyvodaanks Steet (BankalarCades. Osman dan Gondmize Voyvod Cadde. Voyvoda Sea from ‘Ocoman Times to Today, 26 October, 2000 - 11 February, 2001) “One ofthe major challenges ofthe exhibition was to imi tee Banks Stet, without sping over ‘wards the busing commercial areas of lower Galt and Karakby,o foward the oftn- ‘marginal lif ofthe backstreet surounding To include these areas was a serious ‘emptation, for it would have offered the possibilty of talking about the Galata stock exchange the quays, the ships and, most of ll, the fascinating lowlife fa port ety, with its taverns its gnmbiing houses, is brothel, and te wealth of colors of ts cosmopolitan culture. Yet it would have thrown te exhibition off cours, by ding it int the Fch pas. nd present of the whole area. The challenge was, therefore, to remain within the stick boundaries of the tet, austere as this may have bee in comparison wth immediate ‘surounding.” Cf E. E.DEM, Bankalar Cades, 13. Needles to sy, the results were fic from esting the challenge: “in the absence of any rope accumulation of knowledge and documentation, this exhibition has had to rely on is own research, with mixed vss Although tea claim to have corrected few eras in the existing iterate, to have ded one or two names oa very shor list of architet, to have determined —motly ‘trough deduction ~ the consruton dats of most buldings and to have brought some larity to the processes of transformation undergone by the street inthe past hundred and ‘vey years, the result although sep forward, highligh the enormous work tat remains tobe doe. Par ofthe “hidden agen’ ofthis exhibition, then, is fo show the ‘esearch that sil nceds fo be done i he areas of architectural history, urban stae, ad social and economic topography" Cr. biden, 17 nhem Eldem ‘canbe trickier than this very loaded term, more often than not assumed to be a logical and direct consequence ofthe coexistence of a mixed population within a limited urban space. True, there is no denying that Pera and Galata displayed a high level of ethnic, religious and national variety, a fact often ‘emphasized by foreign travelers who enthusiastically recounted the unique ‘experience of watching this variegated crowd on Karak6y Square or on the Galata Bridge; yet was this sufficient proof ofthe existence ofa cosmopolitan culture, especially if one agrees to define it as more than just the sum total of differences? My feeling, on the contrary, is that although this mixed population mingled and blended daily inthe urban space ofthe Ottoman capital, it also showed a remarkable capacity and propensity to establish solid ‘communal barriers that made cultural interaction extremely limited and, at best, pragmatic and superficial. The force with which western culture ~ oF its local derivatives -, on the one hand, and growing national consciousness, on the other, acted on, and transformed the life and mentalities of the population ofthe districts is cause enough to doubt that true multiculturalism and ‘cosmopolitanism should have flourished in finde sidle Istanbul.” At any rate, one should probably expect to See some serious research on the cultural history of the area before accepting wholeheartedly the often impressionistic vision of cosmopolitanism associated with it. To give only a shortlist of such lacunae, one could point out the scarcity of research on such issues as ‘education, marriage practices, linguistic skills, intra- and intereommunal networking, or even pattems in the use of residential space.” (One could go on for pages, listing the inadequacies and imperfections of recent research and studies inthe field; it would be unjust, however, considering that much ofthis work constitutes a genuine contribution to our ‘knowledge of the recent past ofthe city. That this knowledge should still be tainted with biases and imprecision is probably inevitable, and very much linked to the immaturity of both historical sensitivity and democratic culture in Turkey. Afterall, we should probably not forget that the present-day liberal historical discourse presents the notion of tolerance asa (lost virtue that supposedly describes a situation of pluralism and social harmony, generally identified as cosmopolitanism, Recent events and debates surrounding the fiftieth anniversary ofthe 1955 riots or the organization ofa conference on 2 & ELEM, Buulagna, Moderlesme ve Kozmopoiizn, 15-17. iis rather telling ha the few works daling with cate and edcation in Istanbul and more particularly in era and Galata during the period tend to concentrate on singe «thn eigious community, especially the Greek Orthodox one. This situation would end to confirm my impression thatthe inmate cultural Hf of te local communities was of rather autre nate 28 ‘Otiomin Galata and Pera between myth and reality the Armenian community during the last century ofthe Empire have shown, the resilience of certain historical taboos and the limits ofthe public's willingness totaly revisit the past. Tobe fair, one should also note that most ofthe non-Turkish perceptions ofthe area are likewise slanted by a tendency to emphasize the role played by local non-Mustim communities, often presented through the strange combination ofan almost ludicrous desire to ape the West, noble quest for national pride and autonomy, and a tragic sense of oppression atthe hands of a population and political system defined by arbitrariness. ‘Whats really interesting tothe historian, though, i that much ofthis reinvention of Galata and Pera isin fact nsribed in a broader historical proces that canbe traced back othe conquest of Constantinople. Ina "nutshell, this process can be summarized as a systematic exotcization ofthe sazea by the Ottomans themselves, stating from the very early point at which the Genoese city of Galata was integrated ito the recently conquered capital city ofthe Empire. Mehmed I himself, the conqueror of the ety, seems to have actively taken part inthis exercise which consisted in identifying the Genoese suburb ofthe city with Christianity and Frankish culture, In an ode he [Mehmed 11] composed under the pen-name of Avi, the Ottoman sultan ‘went on praising the beauty ofa young person ~ of undetermined sx ~ ‘defined trough all the topo of exoicism embedded in Christianity: a resemblance with Jesus, wine drinking, churches, Frankish beauty, and a crucifix around the neck.” True, Galata was a resent acquisition, and itis ‘more than likely that much of the former structure of Genoese times was still solidly in place inthe years and decades that followed the conguest, but so 2 -Baplamar fidevseaoalng Kalan’: goren’Servi anne anda ol ser diliiyn _gren/Bir Feng! sve Is'y grim and kinyLelet dni deri Toy grenvAKI ‘ehmin din in nee zabteyesn/Kafir lar mu Maslimsnar o ters gben/Kevser naz ol gigi mei nbs igen Meseidevarmaz o vada Kiley gen Bir Freng dilbee ‘oldagun blinds Avniya/Belde ztnnrin boyaunda clipiy geen)" [Nobody would bind his soul to heaven afer secing Galata Nobody would think ofa eypees afer seeing tht ‘beautiful grace/There I saw a Jesus of Frankish manners whom’/Anybody having seen (Christ would have sad to be his living image/How could one contol hit mind and understanding, his religion and fath/ Would Muslims bcome infidels fer eng that (Chistian Nobody would think ofthe river of parnis fer drikng the pre wine that he rider, 154, ‘8 FangoisRené de CHATEAUBRIAND, igri de Paris &JKruslem, Paris 1968, 204-205, * aL. plart des ces Franes, ges dune origin assez douteuse,tiennet au chapea pat ‘convenance ete répdiernt sls ouvent une ps grande convenans le fie Si lato de France les vets et es mune, invoguerot la loi turgue» Archives ofthe Marsilles (Chamber of Commerce, 168: Corespoadence of Ambassador Vergennes, Vergcanes 0 ‘he Chamber, 2 January, 1768 * ede ne veux ps avoir ecours&ces Gre, ces Améniens,& ces Jus opulent qui "Wochétent un barat que pour avoir e doit de porte la chasse des Musans, de ne u ‘Otioman Galata ad Pera beoween mth and reality ‘of all, pale imitators ofthe West, whose aping of European manners was simply a disgrace.* The image ofthe Levantine was born. ‘This negative image of Galata and Pera as a backwater of Europe would ‘never wane from western narratives and descriptions. Interestingly, however, ‘twas on the Muslim side that the image started to change radically. Under the influence and impact ofthe transformations undergone by the Empire during the Tanzimat reforms, what had previously been perceived as a vague ‘nation of exoticism was now being transformed into an image of modernity, tainted with envy. The foreign nature of these suburbs was still there, infact stronger than ever, with the increasing feas of seeing the Empire's unity crumble under secessionist and nationalist pressures. Yet, atthe same time, the rapid development ofthe area attracted the attention of the modernizing elites who turned their gaze atthe West asa source inspiration and emulation, Particularly telling isa short report drafted by a bureaucrat in 1879, where he ‘compared Istanbul with Galata and Pera: Je shone ie Spee rpelrin sel niet Silent eiare encima en Seatac, reer ee Setepaecaaeneseeneente pee ene eee reaena feat en reer create cat ne pre nce tan sstmaetrte cotta er ipearen pctcr ce cee ‘maliimdur (...)* tent pari eur vie et eur frtne sous quel pour ent de done, Saxveptde die 'A- OLR, Voyage dans Epis oom, mires fac pam erpean (eager Pare 10110 33 1 tr et eee i pa eft conus tpn atts} conden des Epcos Tre ‘nce, Voges Sy de Arce! TH de Co 1,112, 1813 [pit ne mc ar edt een da mc dS Pat 1 ert rence weno an one os hand nd Gn nd Pn fea cs of teed eri ot eng Fr erm on cold com a tsanbusb thes hed sone se iad sol nd ry pe aly ee tsb snr buns fh beng Gla nd Perm eo eat “hen ete And ent of gm of elo at ne mol enue ‘Rtccnor sun tw frp se als beeen Perm bl ce trent ele wy el he ems wos esd Scan omeeny ea i ow tga psa ar pec va 35them Elem ‘A pathetic imitation of western metropolises to Europeans, a reassuring, haven of freedom and power to their inhabitants, an appealing but alien showcase of modemity to Muslims, Galata and Pera had, by the tum of the twentieth century, become a multifaceted cliché and a multilayered satire of a ‘woubled period. Our present-day efforts to reconstruct this complex urban and ‘social structure are sil strongly contaminated by one or the other ofthe Stereotypes and myths that have clung to it for centuries. Lost paradise of ‘cosmopolitanism? Modem ghetto of elites caught between empire and nation? ‘Spearhead of imperialism? Laboratory ofan alternative modernity? All of these labels may well be accurate from one point of view or another, yet they ‘will never make up forthe most pressing need, that of thorough, ‘comprehensive and in-depth research that may transcend the still {impressionistic level of our knowledge ofthese mythical districts ofthe (Ottoman capital oS See ‘oubles or officials from Rumelin o Anatolia come tothe capita city on business, they te forced to stay at some ofthe hotels in Pera. And in such civilized epoch, while the ‘frets of atanbl ae drowned in darkness and the inhabitants walk bout with lanterns as ifthey were in Chins, one needs ot remind ow striking the contrast is with the gs it street of Galata and Pera [1 rane Ministry Archives, Otoman State Archives (BOA), ‘YEE. 44/121, $ Moharem 1297/19 Deceniber 1879. 6