Hamas’s Growing Front in Lebanon – Infrastructure and Activity–

Special Report
Tal Beeri
OCT 2021
 Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

Table of Contents
Introduction …………………………………………………………………………………………………………3
Appendix A: The history of relations between Iran, Hezbollah, and Hamas ………….7
Appendix B: Hamas – the Lebanese headquarters - the "Aref Center" in Sidon ....12
Appendix C: Hamas – prominent political figures in Lebanon ……………………………..13
Appendix D: Hamas - Construction Bureau ………………………………………………………...16
Appendix E: Construction Bureau - Production Department / Military Intelligence
Department / Training and Instruction Department ………………………………………..….19
Appendix F: Construction Bureau" - Additional Departments ………………………….…23
Appendix G: "Al-Shimali" unit …………………………………………………………………………….25
Appendix H: "Khalid Ali" Unit ……………………………………………………………………………..29
Appendix I: IRGC – Quds Force - Palestine Branch: Support for Hamas' military
operations in Lebanon ..……………………………………………………………………………………...31
Appendix J: Reference ………………………………………………………………………………………..32

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 Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

Introduction:
The essence of this report exposes Hamas's military activity in Lebanon. The report
details the identity of senior political figures and military commanders, various
military activities and projects, work plans, the identity of prominent military
operatives, the location of some of the military sites, and so on. In the background,
we will try to analyze the complexity of Hamas's relations with the radical Shiite
axis headed by Iran, i.e., Shiites and Sunna parties– ideology and interests (see
Appendix A).
Like Hezbollah, Hamas's activity in Lebanon takes place on the
governmental/political and civilian axis on the one hand, and the military axis on
the other. Hamas's Lebanese headquarters are in the city of Sidon (see Appendix
B). As part of their political and civilian activities in Lebanon, we are aware of
several senior figures (see Appendix C). Most of their civil activity focuses on
protecting Palestinian interests in Lebanon (such as changing laws on
employment), developing, and implementing social projects for the welfare of the
Palestinian population, and more.
The military activity in Lebanon is subordinate to the headquarters of Hamas's
"Construction Bureau" (See Appendix D). Some of its members are based in
Turkey, and some in Lebanon. The headquarters, which serves as a control center,
is responsible for building their military force in various arenas through designated
departments. Two operational units carry out their activity in Lebanon, the Al-
Shimali and the Khalid Ali.
The "Construction Bureau" operates several dedicated departments: The
manufacturing department, military intelligence, instruction and training,
communications, finance, planning, logistics, security, and foreign relations. These
departments provide dedicated support for Hamas's activities in the various
arenas. The central departments that support the operational activity in Lebanon
are the manufacturing department, the military intelligence department, the
instruction and training department (see Appendix E). The additional departments
in the "Construction Bureau" also contribute to building Hamas's power and
military activity in Lebanon (See Appendix F).
The Al-Shimali (see Appendix G) and the Khalid Ali units (see Appendix H) have
hundreds of operatives in Lebanon. With the support of the "Construction Bureau"
department, they engage in recruiting operatives, conducting training, and special
courses (snipers, anti-tanks, attack drones, etc.). These units also develop and
manufacture weapons (rockets, attack drones, miniature submarines), establish
operational squads, and prepare operational programs.

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 Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

Some 200,000 Palestinians live in Lebanon. Hamas's activity in Lebanon is

concentrated in the refugee camps, which have a large Palestinian population. The
prominent and well-known Palestinian refugee camps are al-Rashadiyeh, Burj al-
Shamali and al-Buss in Tyre, ain al-Hilweh and Mieh Mieh in Sidon, Shatila (now
home to many Syrian refugees) and Burj al-Barajneh in Beirut, al-Badawi, and Nahr
al-Bared (the camp was severely damaged in the fighting against the IDF in 2007)
in Tripoli, and the al-Jalil refugee camp in the Beqaa.

In December 2018, then-Israeli Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman said Hamas

was opening new fronts against Israel, including in southern Lebanon, where it was
building a military infrastructure. The head of the Israeli Shin Bet, Nadav Argaman,
expressed a similar statement as early as 2017. Israel's former UN ambassador,
Danny Danon, revealed in 2018 that Hamas had set up rocket factories in southern
Lebanon, increasing its cooperation with Hezbollah on Lebanese soil and
establishing training camps funded by Iran and supervised by it and Hezbollah.
The statements made by the above Israeli officials were validated in recent
months. From May to August 2021, five Grad rockets were launched from
Lebanese territory into Israel. These launch events coincided with the IDF
operation "Guardian of the Walls" (May 2021) and the following period of tension
with Hamas in the Gaza Strip. Hamas's military infrastructure in Lebanon is likely
behind these. In its power building in Lebanon, Hamas is creating the ability to
generate an additional front to allow it the flexibility to operate against Israel from
both the south (the Gaza Strip) and the north (Lebanon).
Hamas's military activity in Lebanon is carried out under the assistance, initiation,
and supervision of the Palestine branch of the Quds Force in the Iranian
Revolutionary Guards (See Appendix I). However, Hamas' relations with Iran and
Hezbollah have known ups and downs, to say the least. The building of Hamas's
military force in Lebanon can create a very complex challenge for Hezbollah.

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 Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

By all appearances and despite ideological differences, Shiite Hezbollah and Sunni
Hamas show a unity of interests against Israel. This common interest allows the
radical Shiite axis led by Iran to cooperate with the Sunni Muslim Brotherhood
represented by Hamas. Instead of a different religious ideology, they created a
common ideology – "The Ideology of Palestine."
At first glance, it seems that Iranian-inspired Hezbollah is involved in Hamas
activity in Lebanon and assists it (or at least does not interfere). In some cases,
Hamas seems interested in compartmentalizing its activities from Hezbollah. In our
assessment, Hamas in conjunction with Iran, were responsible for the recent
rocket attacks from Lebanon to Israel, thus actually "forcing" Hezbollah to join the
rocket fire (August 06), and in our assessment doing so without genuinely desiring
to.
Despite the declarative unity regarding the defense of "Palestine" and "Al-Quds"
(Jerusalem), there is built-in tension between Hamas, which brands itself the
"defender of all Palestinians," and Hezbollah, which brands itself the "protector of
all Lebanese." This tension creates a conflict of interest regarding operations
against Israel from Lebanese territory. As far as Hezbollah is concerned, the
Palestinians are just guests in the Lebanese arena. Based on the intensification and
independent military operations carried out by Hamas from Lebanon, Hamas does
not appear to see itself as "just a guest" in Lebanon.
Is the Shiite axis more dependent on Hamas? Or is Hamas more dependent on the
Shiite axis? The radical Shiite axis led by Iran and Hamas have a mutual
dependence on each other. Although Hamas does not necessarily heed to Iran and
is not considered a classic proxy in this sense, Iran sees Hamas as a leader in the
Palestinian arena. Therefore, for Iran, "there is no choice" but to hug Hamas and
keep it close. Hamas, for its part, also understands that "there is no choice" and
that Iran is the only source of military and financial assistance.
In our assessment, despite the mutual dependence, Hamas, as the "protector of all
Palestinians," will act in Lebanon according to its interests, even if it harms
Hezbollah, which considers itself to be "the protector of all Lebanese." This is
based on Hamas' volatile history of relations concerning the radical Shiite axis led
by Iran in general and concerning Hezbollah in particular.
Regarding the Gaza Strip and Lebanon: Israel should "think out of the box" and act
openly against Hamas targets in Lebanon if Hamas attacks it from the Gaza Strip
and vice versa. Ironically, and based on the above, Israel directing attacks against
Hamas targets in Lebanon is consistent with our understanding of Hezbollah's
interests as well.

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 Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

This report is based on many open sources (see Appendix J). The exposure of
Hamas' military activity in Lebanon is based mainly on a unique source called
"Khalas-Hamas." This source has a website, Twitter, and Facebook account. The
source, so far, has not had much exposure, and we do not know who is behind it. It
may be either a state entity or another one opposing Hamas and wishes to expose
their activities in the framework of information warfare and/or psychological
warfare. However, one should always question such sources.
Nevertheless, after examining the source, processing, and analyzing it, we assess
that it is highly reliable and authentic. The source appears to have intimate access
to Hamas's military operations in Turkey and Lebanon and its materials are
current, from 2018 to 2021. We recently located several short publications based
on this source dealing with Hamas and Lebanon. However, in the report presented
to you, we extracted all the material relevant to Hamas's activity in Lebanon.

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 Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

Appendix A:
The history of relations between Iran, Hezbollah, and Hamas (or: radical Shiite axis
relations with the Sunni Muslim Brotherhood)
The relationship between Iran and Hamas began in the early 1990s, three years
after Hamas was founded. Over the years, Hamas enjoyed Iranian financial support
for its smuggled weapons, which intensified when Hamas came to power in the
Gaza Strip in June 2007. After Hamas took
over the Gaza Strip, Iran and even
Hezbollah began aiding Hamas to develop
its own weapons. Khaled Mashal, former
leader of Hamas' political bureau, stated
in 2007 that "Hamas is the spiritual son of
Khomeini (the founder of the Islamic
Revolution in Iran).
Despite the "honeymoon" described
above, Hamas supported the rebel camp
when the Syrian civil war broke out.
Hamas chose to support the side that Picture above: A poster hung in Gaza in 2012...

acted against the radical Shiite axis

headed by Iran. In response, the Assad regime closed all Hamas offices in Syria in
2012. Consequently, Hamas transferred its headquarters from Syria to Qatar and
Turkey. Khalid Mashal even proudly hoisted the Free Syrian Army Flag at the
entrance of his office.

Pictured above: Khalid Mashal (fourth from right) hoisting the Free Syrian Army flag (next to him, 2nd from right, Ismail
Haniya, successor to Khalid Mashal).

Hamas chose to side with its parent movement, the Muslim Brotherhood, which at
the time ruled Egypt after the overthrow of President Mubarak. In light of this,
Hamas felt confident to abandon the radical Shiite axis headed by Iran. Hamas's
assumption was that an Arab power in the form of Egypt would stand behind it.
Hamas did not know the Muslim Brotherhood would be overthrown in Egypt
shortly thereafter.

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 Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

Hamas was also physically involved in the Syrian civil war. A Palestinian faction
called Aknaf Beit al-Maqdis, headed by one of the commanders of Hamas's
military-terrorist wing, Nadal Abu al-Alaa, actively took part in the fighting against
the Syrian regime in the Al-Yarmouk refugee camp in Damascus. The faction
specialized in gathering intelligence, planting IEDs, detonating car bombs, and
even digging tunnels in the al-Ghuta al-Sharqiya area of Damascus, using the
experience gained in Gaza.
Friction between Hezbollah and Hamas became apparent both in the
civilian/political and military aspects. In May 2013, the Jerusalem Post reported
that Hezbollah had demanded that Hamas halt its political activities in Lebanon.
Hamas's members vigorously denied these remarks. Another sign of tension at the
time was the burning of Hezbollah aid sent to the ain al-Hilweh Palestinian refugee
camp in Sidon. Tensions were high at the time, when rockets launched by rebel
supporters in Syria on May 26, 2013, fell in the Dahieh (the Hezbollah stronghold
neighborhood). A Hamas operative named Alaa al-Din Mahmoud from the al-
Rashadiyeh refugee camp in Tyre was involved in the shooting.
We are familiar with Hezbollah's dissatisfaction with Hamas's military activity
against Israel since the summer of 2014. During operation "Protective Edge" in the
Gaza Strip, Grad rockets were fired from southern Lebanon into Israel by Hamas
proxies. Hezbollah requested Lebanese army intelligence, which was being
assisted by members of Fatah (Hamas' main rival in the Palestinian arena) to
gather intelligence regarding senior Hamas figures in the al-Rashadiyeh refugee
camp near Tyre. In this context, senior Hamas members’ apartments and mosques
were monitored in both al-Rashadiyeh and other Palestinian refugee camps in
Lebanon
In 2012, Osama Hamdan, Hamas' foreign portfolio holder, stated that relations
between Hamas, Iran, and Hezbollah had been frozen because of disagreements
regarding Syria. In practice, Hamas' relations with Iran were not completely frozen,
at least not in the military context. Hamas' delegations were sent to Iran, mainly in
light of Iranian military interests in maintaining the relationship from a strategic
view against Israel. A prominent opponent of the severing of relations was
Mahmoud al-Zahar, a senior Hamas figure who demanded that, besides the
integrity of the military ties, Hamas should also tighten its political relations with
Iran.
Iran and Hezbollah seemed to have agreed, after a few years in which there was
no significant progress or decisiveness in the Syrian arena, to put their differences
with Hamas on the Syrian issue aside (or in other words, put the interests before
ideology). In May 2017, under Iranian auspices, Hezbollah held a series of
meetings with senior Hamas figures. At the end of the meetings, they agreed to
increase Iran's support for Hamas. This was despite Hamas's unchanged opinion
regarding the Syrian crisis. Even then, Hezbollah tried to lead a reconciliation
between Hamas and Syria, but a complete refusal from Damascus prevented this.
Syria would not forget what Hamas had done at the beginning of the civil war in
the al-Yarmouk refugee camp.

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 Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

Saleh al-Arouri, who serves as deputy head of Hamas’s political bureau and
activities in the Palestinian Authority in Judea and Samaria (Ismail Haniya is the
head of the political bureau today. The head of the political bureau is considered
the Hamas leader), clarified: In an interview with the Iranian Shrek newspaper, al-
Arouri noted that "Hamas’s 'relations with Iran and Hezbollah have nothing to do
with Hamas' relations with Syria. He denied that Hamas took sides in the Syrian
crisis and said that Hamas did not and never will." Asked how much trust Iran has
in Hamas after Hamas took a neutral stance on the conflict, al-Arouri replied: "No
one has demanded that we take sides in any regional conflict and will not do so in
the future."
Al-Arouri headed a delegation composed of senior Hamas figures from Lebanon,
the Gaza Strip, and Turkey which met with Supreme Leader Khamenei, and during
the meeting, Khamenei noted that "the issue of Palestine is the most important
and first issue on the Islamic world's agenda... Palestine is a religious and
ideological issue."
Khamenei seems to have
found the unity between the
ideology of the radical Shiite
axis and the ideology of the
Sunni Muslim Brotherhood,
with Hamas as its
representative. Instead of
focusing on the Shiite religious
ideology that connects Iran,
Pictured above: Meeting of the Hamas delegation (July 2019)
Hezbollah, the Shiite militias, .headed by al-Arouri (second from right) with Khamenei
and the Houthis, Iran has
turned "Palestine" into an ideology itself. In this way, Iran can connect many
elements in the Middle East, including Sunni elements such as Hamas and the
Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) against Israel. Syria is not sacred. Syria is another part
of the same axis that makes opposition to Israel's existence accessible on another
front, another country with a border with Israel. In May 2021, during the
escalation in the Gaza Strip, the above "connection" was clearly expressed. All
elements of the radical Shiite axis and all Palestinian organizations united their
public statements under the issue of the protection of "Palestine" and "Al-Quds"
(Jerusalem).
With the outbreak of the civil protests in Lebanon in October 2019, additional
tensions arose between Hezbollah and Hamas and among Hamas members in
Lebanon. Hamas's silence and failure to take a stand in favor of Hezbollah
supporters provoked Nasrallah's anger as he expected Hamas to stand with
Hezbollah at least publicly. Hezbollah noted that Hamas had not learned at all from
the case with Syria and had frozen any contact and mediation attempts between
Syria and Hamas (before that, in July 2019, there were apparent informal meetings
between senior Hamas figures and senior Syrian officials mediated by Hezbollah.
Assad set an explicit condition for Hamas to normalize relations – a public apology
by the Hamas leadership in a press conference).

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It is claimed that Hezbollah leadership received proof that Hamas was not fit to be
part of the "axis of resistance" and that Nasrallah personally asked Qassem
Soleimani to take action against Hamas. PIJ tried to reconcile the rifts between
Hezbollah and Hamas, but Hezbollah requested that it not intervene at all.
In June 2020, an Iranian spy, recruited with Hezbollah's help, was exposed
apparently following Musa Abu Marzuq, one of Hamas's senior figures in the Gaza
Strip (formerly Hamas' foreign relations chief) on his various trips. Hamas was
deeply offended by Hezbollah and Iran, and Ismail Haniyeh spoke with Nasrallah
about the issue. The spy was deported to Sudan. At the time, Abu Marzuq was
considered an opponent of tightening ties with Iran. He was quoted in the Kuwaiti
Al-Jaridah as saying that "in order to deal with the "deal of the century," Hamas
should approach the Arab countries and not the internationally isolated Iran."
In early 2021, Iran and Hezbollah continued their effort to reconcile between
Hamas and the Syrian regime. In June 2021, Ismail Haniya visited Lebanon and
during the visit, he met Nasrallah. The two emphasized the depth of the ties
between Hezbollah and Hamas and their importance in the struggle against Israel.
It is possible that, among other things, the two also discussed attempts at
reconciliation with the Syrian regime. However, in July 2021, Khaled Mashal, the
former chairman of Hamas' political bureau, dampened the hope for
reconciliation. In an interview with al-Arabiya, he said that Iran was not currently
mediating between Hamas and the Syrian regime and that there was nothing new
on the subject. He also made it clear that he opposed Hezbollah's intervention in
Syria.
Recently (2021), an article was published in the Egyptian daily "al-Yume" which
spoke of concern among the residents of the Gaza Strip regarding the Shiiteization
of the Gaza Strip due to the tightening of the relationship between the radical
Shiite axis led by Iran and Hamas, especially after the events of the escalation in
May 2021 ("Guardian of the Walls").
It is our understanding that the issue above was based on several interesting
phenomena, which included hanging many posters with Soleimani's portrait after
his elimination in January 2020. The most prominent sign of Shiiteization in the
Gaza Strip is the establishment of the "al-Saberin Nasra for Palestine-Hatzen"
organization in the Gaza Strip in May 2014 by Hisham Salem. "al-Saberin" is an
independent organization with armed operatives who espouses Shiite ideology by
the distribution of charity to the poor in the Gaza Strip. "Al-Saberin" was
established and is funded under Iranian auspices on a budget of about $12 million
a year.

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 Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

Hamas, which saw "al-Saberin" as an attempt by the radical Shiite axis led by Iran
to establish a lever of influence on its territory, did not like the establishment of
the group and began harassing its activities. As a result, Iran set the ceasing of the
harassment as a condition to the continued assistance to Hamas. In February 2019,
Salem was arrested by Hamas and released a few months later with Iranian
intervention. Hamas took advantage of his detention and worked to dismantle "al-
Saberin," which was considered Iran's direct military wing in the Gaza Strip.
The common interest against Israel trumps the differences in the unlike religious

Pictured above: Salem-leader of "al-Saberin", and the "al-Saberin" flag, (the resemblance to the
Hezbollah flag is not unintentional) headed by al-Arouri (second from right) with Khamenei.

ideology. The common interest allows the radical Shiite axis led by Iran to
cooperate with the Sunni Muslim Brotherhood represented by Hamas. Instead of a
different religious doctrine, they created a common ideology – "The Ideology of
Palestine."
It seems that among Hamas's policymakers, there are disagreements regarding the
nature of relations with the Shiite axis. This may have influenced Hamas' volatile
behavior towards the Syrian regime and towards the radical Shiite axis headed by
Iran. However, at present, Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh supports strengthening
relations with the axis.
It is estimated that Hamas's military force building in the Gaza Strip and Lebanon
was not affected by the change in relations. However, the volatility in Hamas's
attitude towards the Shiite axis and Hezbollah, should serve as a warning sign
mainly for Hezbollah. Iran is able to instruct Hamas to act militarily and
independently from Lebanon, compartmentalizing Hezbollah. Moreover, Hamas
can operate militarily from Lebanon even without Iran's explicit instructions. Such
independent actions pose quite a challenge for Hezbollah.
The radical Shiite axis led by Iran and Hamas have mutually dependent on each
other. Hamas does not necessarily listen to Iran and is not considered a classic
proxy in this sense. However, Iran sees Hamas as a leader in the Palestinian arena,
and therefore, for Iran, "there is no choice" but to hug Hamas and keep it close.
Hamas, on its part, also understands that "there is no choice" and that Iran is the
only source of military and financial assistance.
In our assessment, despite the mutual dependence, Hamas, as the "protector of all
Palestinians," will act in Lebanon according to its interests, even if it harms
Hezbollah, which considers itself to be "the protector of all Lebanese."

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 Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

Appendix B:
Hamas – the Lebanese headquarters - the "Aref Center" in Sidon:
This six-story building in the northern city of Sidon, serves as Hamas' headquarters
in Lebanon. The building has offices, meeting rooms, sleeping and accommodation
areas for Hamas operatives arriving from abroad, and rooms designed to
accommodate various study courses.

In addition, the building houses the offices of the Lebanese Muslim Brotherhood
(Al-Jama'a al-Islamiyah), which serves as a political organization in Lebanon,
usually represented in parliament as part of the "al-Mustaqbal" party.

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Appendix C:
Hamas – prominent political figures in Lebanon:
Saleh al-'Arouri serves as deputy head of Hamas's political bureau and is
responsible for activities in the Palestinian Authority in Judea and Samaria (Ismail
Haniya is currently head of the political bureau).
Al-Arouri is the most senior Hamas figure living and operating in Lebanon since he
was expelled from Turkey and Qatar due to Israeli and U.S. pressure.
Al-Arouri is known for his good relations with Hezbollah. He concentrates his
efforts on two axes: the establishment of a robust Hamas infrastructure within the
Palestinian Authority, operating to overthrow Mahmoud Abbas's rule and carry
out terrorist activity against Israel, and the transfer of the center of gravity of
Hamas' political bureau from Qatar (where Ismail Haniya, head of the political
bureau, sits) to Lebanon. So far, the first axis has been unsuccessful due to the
activities of the Palestinian Authority and Israel. The second axis is unsuccessful
due to opposition from the
Lebanese government, which fears
further sanctions.
In August 2021, al-Arouri was
elected to continue as deputy head
of Hamas' political bureau (under
the leadership of Ismail Haniya) in
charge of Hamas' activities in Judea
and Samaria.

Pictured above: Saleh al-Arouri (left) with Nasrallah

Ahmed Abd al-Hadi, known as Abu Yasser, has been head of Hamas in Lebanon
since 2019. Until 2019, he served as deputy to Ali Barakeh, the former head of
Hamas in Lebanon.

Pictured above: Ahmed Abd al-Hadi

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Jihad Ta, serves as Abd al-Hadi's deputy. He

frequently attends meetings with Hezbollah
members.

Pictured above: Jihad Ta

Ali Barakeh served as head of Hamas in

Lebanon from 2011 to 2019. Considered
senior even after he finished his duties.

Pictured above: Ali Barakeh

Osama Hamdan previously served as head of

Hamas in Lebanon and is currently a member of
Hamas' political bureau. He also holds the title
"Head of the Bureau of Arab and Islamic
Relations" in Hamas ("The Foreign Affairs
Portfolio"). He had ties to Iran since the 1990s,
when he served as Hamas representative there.
In 1998 he was appointed head of Hamas in
Pictured above: Osama Hamdan
Lebanon. He stated that "Hezbollah-Hamas ties
are longstanding strategic ties and are not
affected by small disagreements..."

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Abdel-Majid 'Auth, a senior political figure of

Hamas in the Tyre area, he’s considered the
senior political figure affiliated with the
Rashidieh Palestinian refugee camp.

Pictured above: Abdel-Majid 'Auth

Dr. Ayman Shana'a serves as head of southern Hamas in

Lebanon. He was previously the political person in the
Sidon region.

Pictured above: Dr. Ayman

Shana'a

Sheikh Azzam al-Ayubi, head of the Muslim

Brotherhood in Lebanon, resides in Beirut.

Pictured above: Sheikh

Azzam al-Ayubi Shana'a

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Appendix D:
Hamas - Construction Bureau:
The "Construction Bureau" is responsible for building and developing military
capabilities for Hamas in Lebanon. The main goal is to build a secret Hamas
military force in Lebanon, concealing it from the eyes of the Lebanese authorities
and Hezbollah. The military force is based on Palestinians living in the Lebanese
refugee camps.
A message sent in March 2018 from the "al-Shamali" unit to the "Construction
Bureau" indicates the need to compartmentalize Hezbollah (codenamed "Hazem")
from the activities of the "Construction Bureau." In the notice, one can see the
financial magnitude of the various activities, tens and hundreds of thousands of
dollars and euros transferred using money changers and intended to be utilized in
training camps, conduct a sniper course, and more:

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Members of the Headquarters of the "Construction Bureau" live in both Turkey

and Lebanon. The headquarters, which serves as a control center, is in charge of
building the military force through designated departments as detailed above. The
activity in Lebanon is carried out by two operational units. The first is the "Al-
Shimali" unit, and the second is the "Khalid Ali" unit.
The activity of the "Construction Bureau" includes, among other things, the
procurement and independent production capacity of weapons. This production
includes; rockets, attack drones, and even miniature explosive submarines. In
addition, the Bureau is responsible for recruiting operatives and performing
various courses (snipers, urban warfare, intelligence gathering, anti-tank
munitions, UAV systems operator training, etc.).
Majed Qader Mahmoud Qader, born in 1966,
serves as head of the "Construction Bureau" and
lived in Istanbul. He recently moved to Lebanon,
apparently for security reasons. We also know him
by the nicknames "Abu Fadi" or "Elias" or "Radi."
Qader led the idea of acting in secrecy against
Israel from Lebanon and Syria. Qader's deputy is
Muhammad Ibrahim Wadh Salim, born in 1974.
Also known by the nicknames "Kareem" or "Sa'ir"
or "Amin." He lives in Istanbul and serves, in
addition to being deputy of the "Construction
Bureau," also as head of the manufacturing Pictured above: Majed Qader
department of the Bureau. The role of the Mahmoud Qader

manufacturing department is to provide technical

assistance in general and to develop and manufacture attacking rockets and
drones in particular.
Salim is a mechanical engineer by training and is
considered one of Hamas' medium-range rocket
development leaders. Salim is responsible for
improving the rocket, UAV, and explosive submarines
accuracy technology. Salim established manufacturing
workshops in Lebanon and leads technological
procurement around the world.

Pictured above: Muhammad

Ibrahim Wadh Salim

The office administration at the "Construction Bureau" is carried out by the

General Secretariat of the Bureau. Majed Qader's office chief is Ahmed Taleb Al-
Syed, known as "Wahl". He was born in 1984 and resides in Istanbul. Qader's
personal assistant is Hamed Abdul Kareem Ibrahim al-Tamwani, known as "Fahmy"
or "Abu Ibrahim." He was born in 1971.

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Pictured above: Muhammad Ibrahim Wadh Salim Pictured above: Hamed Abdul Kareem
Ibrahim al-Tamwani

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Appendix E:
Construction Bureau - Production Department:
As stated above, the "Construction Bureau" production department is headed by
Muhammad Ibrahim Wadh Salim. The Manufacturing Department is involved in
Lebanon in researching, developing, and producing rockets and drones. It provides
technical assistance and training to the various "Construction Bureau" units,
including Hamas units in the Gaza Strip and Hamas operatives in Judea and
Samaria.
The production system in Lebanon is deployed in manufacturing workshops,
usually in the vicinity of Palestinian refugee camps in a civilian environment. This
environment enables the workshops to be "protected" under the "human shield"
tactic and allows to keep the operation covert. The location of some of the
workshops is unknown to Hezbollah and the formal Lebanese security forces. Like
the Gaza Strip, Hamas uses mosques in Lebanon to place its military sites. For
example, a central weapons manufacturing workshop is located in the mosque of
Abi bin Ka'ab in the Burj Al-Shimali refugee camp in Tyre.
In the manufacturing department, there are technology, electronics, chemistry,
and mechanic operatives. Occasionally, some projects and procurements are
separated from the ongoing activities of the manufacturing department and are
defined as compartmentalized projects. For this purpose, a dedicated team of
production operatives will be assembled to work secretly in a compartmentalized
manner (for example- the "Saad" project - see below).
As part of the secrecy and for cover purposes, the manufacturing department
frequently opens shell companies for technological procurement. An example of
this is the "Farked Co." operating out of Turkey. The registered owners of this
company are manufacturing department operatives Mohammad Taisir and Ahmed
Shabaneh. Taisir has a Ph.D. in robotics from the University of Reading in England.
As of 2018, the Manufacturing Department's work plan till 2022 included:
research, development, and the production of 500 rockets with a range of up to 75
km, 12 drones with various capabilities (intelligence gathering, exploding,
shooting, etc.). In order to manufacture these drones, in the summer of 2017,
several operatives traveled to Malaysia (code-named in "Construction Bureau"
documents: "Mazen") to undergo a UAV piloting course. In addition, the work plan
calls for the development of an accurate 20 km short-range rocket. Currently, the
implementation status of the plan is unknown. However, it appears that the
manufacturing department is unable to implement it.

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 Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

"Construction Bureau" – The Military

Intelligence Department:
The Military Intelligence Department within the
"Construction Bureau" is responsible for
intelligence gathering aimed at creating a
"target bank" and forming an operational
infrastructure, emphasized on creating an
intelligence picture of Israeli and Jewish targets
around the world. The head of the department is
Khalid Muhammad Abdullah al-Bashiri. Al-Bashiri
was born in 1966 and now lives in Lebanon after
moving there from Istanbul.
Pictured above: Khalid Muhammad
Abdullah al-Bashiri

"Construction Bureau" - Training and Instruction Department:

The training and instruction department is in charge of establishing training
facilities and shooting- ranges to maintain Hamas operatives' operational
abilities. In addition, the department is in charge of conducting professional
courses for military strategizing, Hebrew language, explosives, and electronics.
The department is also responsible for performing special training for
commanders.
The training and instruction department is responsible for the training program
of the Al-Shimali unit and the Khalid Ali unit. This training is carried out by the
department's personnel in the department's facilities located in the Palestinian
refugee camps in Lebanon, camouflaged, in the heart of the civilian population.

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 Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

Youssef Muhammad al-Riati, born in 1979, is in

charge of the department. He lives in the al-Badawi
refugee camp in Tripoli in northern Lebanon. He is
also known as "Abu Jafar the Mexican."

Pictured above: Youssef Muhammad

Al Riati

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Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

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 Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

Appendix F:
"Construction Bureau" - Additional Departments:
Other departments supporting military activity in Lebanon are:
1. Finance Department: responsible for the general budget and the payment
of salaries to the activists.
2. Communications Department: responsible for establishing and maintaining
the communications infrastructure.
3. Operations Department: assists the operational units in implementing
their operational work plan.
4. Logistics Department: responsible for logistical support for operational
activities such as procuring and renting properties, supplying appropriate
equipment (including weapons) by executing procurement transactions,
and creating smuggling routes for sensitive equipment.
5. Planning Department: oversees the operational work plans of the units.
6. Human Resources Department: assists in recruiting operatives.
7. Defense Department: responsible for the physical guarding of various
facilities, compartmentalization procedures, and maintaining
confidentiality.

Pictured above: Saad Nabil Heza Pictured above: Ali Abd al-Halim Jahja
Muhammad ("Abu Bader") – head of ("Abu al-Hassan Ali") - Finance Officer
finance at the Construction Bureau (born in Lebanon (born 1970, lives in Deir
in 1972, lives in Istanbul). Zanon in the Beqaa).

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 Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

Pictured above: Muhammad Pictured above: Ahmad Yusef

Ahmad al-Taah ("Suleiman") – Muhammad Sala'a ("Mutazam") – head
director of the communications of the logistics department of the
department of the "Construction "Construction Bureau" (born 1984, lives
Bureau" (born 1984, lives in in Istanbul).
Lebanon).

Pictured above: Maharan Pictured above: Iman Hasan Khairalla

Moustafa Hasan Ba'agur ("Rashed Abu Abed") – director of the
("Salaam") – director of the human resources department of the
planning department of the "Construction Bureau" (born in 1976, lives
"Construction Bureau" (born 1980, in Istanbul).
lives in Lebanon/Tripoli).

Pictured above – Muhammad Ibrahim a-

Shahin ("Abu Imad") – head of the Security
Department of the "Construction Bureau"
(born in 1982), lived in Istanbul and moved
to Lebanon).

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 Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

Appendix G:
"Al-Shimali" unit:
The Al-Shimali unit operates in five main geographical areas in Lebanon: Beirut,
Tripoli, the Beqaa, Sidon, and Tyre. The unit consists of a few hundred operatives
who undergo various training and courses such as anti-tank (with an emphasis on
the Kornet missile), intelligence gathering, snipers, urban warfare, UAV piloting
training, driving, squad commanders, aeronautics, naval diving, and more.
According to the unit's 2018 work plan, the main goal is to establish two battalions
of 600 fighters, 125 of which are elite fighters ("Nuhbe"). The unit is aspiring to
achieve a rocket fire capability of 200 rockets in two confrontations (apparently
referring to escalation/combat events with Israel in the Gaza Strip). By 2021, the
unit planned to reach a total of 1,000 fighters. The work plan also details training
for 122 mm rocket fire ("Grad") and mortars, the purchase of pistols and
Kalashnikov rifles, conducting exercises, and establishing unique communication
networks:

Pictured above: The first page of the 2018 work plan of the Al-Shimali unit
In addition, the Al-Shimali unit manages projects for the development and
production of automatic 120 mm mortars, mobile launchers for Grad rockets,
development and production of suicide drones, and intelligence gathering drones
(Sacher Project 1 and "Sacher" 2) and flight simulators.
The commander of the Al-Shimali unit is William Abu Shanab, also known as
"Bilal." He previously served as an operative in the training and instruction
department and in the manufacturing department. He specialized in UAV
operations after undergoing professional training in Iran and Indonesia. The unit
commander's assistant is Bara'a Hasan Farhat (AKA: Zargham). He was born in
1988 and lives in Sidon. The unit's intelligence officer is Khalil Muhammad Azzam,
known as "Samir" or "Abu Ebrahim." Azzam lives in the al-Badawi refugee camp in
Tripoli:

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 Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

Nadim Ahmed Nasser is in charge of the Beirut area in the unit. Known as "ez-
Aladdin." He was born in 1976 and lives in the city of Baabda, east of Beirut. His
office is in the Burj Al-Barajneh refugee camp in Beirut:

The head of the Tripoli area of the unit is Arafat Marwan Azwa, known as Khabib.
Born in 1973, he lives in the Al Badawi refugee camp in Tripoli. Ahmad Sala'al-Naji,
known as "Elias", is in charge of the Beqaa area in the unit. He also serves as the
director of the Mata'a Center training facility in the al-Jalil refugee camp in the
Beqaa. He was born in 1985 and lives in the Wavel refugee camp in Baalbek.

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Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

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Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

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 Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

Appendix H:
"Khalid Ali" Unit:
The Khalid Ali unit is similar in its missions and the composition of its personnel to
the al-Shamali unit. The unit commander is Muhammad Hamed Jabara, known as
"Sami." He was born in 1973 and lives in the Bekaa.

Pictured above: Hamed Jabara

Project Sa'ad is a secret unit project that is conducted under civilian cover of
secrecy. The purpose of the project is to manufacture and assemble rockets
independently. To hide the project from the Lebanese authorities, the entire
project is carried out at civilian sites in the heart of the Palestinian civilian
population.
The person in charge of the Saad project is Muhammad Ali Mustafa Hijazi. Born in
1984, he is a chemist by profession, and beyond his overall responsibility for the
project, he is directly responsible for the chemistry workshop. As part of the
project, there are several other supervisors: the person in charge of the
mechanic's workshop is Hamza Mustafa Hijazi ("Majed"), Muhammad Mahmoud
Malek ("Nabil") is in charge of logistics, and Mohdin Ali Shams al-Din ("Zaher") is in
charge of transportation and communications.

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Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

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 Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

Appendix I:
IRGC – Quds Force - Palestine Branch: Support for Hamas' military operations in
Lebanon:
The branch of Palestine operating under the Quds Force is responsible for
maintaining the continuous connection between the Iranian Revolutionary Guards
and the terrorist organizations that are constantly fighting Israel (Hezbollah, PIJ,
and Hamas). In addition, the industry is responsible for supporting them financially
and professionally (knowledge and means).
The branch is headed by Mohammed Said Izadi, known as Haj Ramadan. Izadi is a
57-year-old Iranian who now lives in Lebanon and regularly moves on the Iran-
Syria-Lebanon axis.
Under Izadi, we know three other senior Iranian figures in the Palestinian industry
who train, perform and assist the Palestinian organizations: the first, Ali Marshad
Shirazi, known as Abu Javad, who was born in 1969, lives and works in Lebanon.
The other, Majid Zaree, known as Abu Ruqayyah, was a performer born in 1977.
The third - Mostafa Majid Khani, known as Haj Majid, born in 1961 - is involved in
training and instruction.

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 Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

Appendix J:
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https://www.wattan.net/ar/news/248353.html
https://www.mtv.com.lb/news/%D9%85%D9%80%D9%80%D8%AD%D9%80%D9%
80%D9%84%D9%80%D9%80%D9%8A%D9%80%D9%80%D8%A7%D8%AA/834520/
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D9%8A_%D8%AC%D9%86%D9%88%D8%A8_%D9%84%D8%A8%D9%86%D8%A7%
D9%86%D8%9F
https://www.alhadath.ps/article/80235/%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%B9%D8%A7%D8%
A1%D8%A7%D8%AA-
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%D8%AD%D8%B2%D8%A8-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%84%D9%87
http://english.manartv.com.lb/551894
https://www.forbes.com/sites/davidhambling/2021/05/14/hamas-throws-
kamikaze-drones-into-attacks-on-israel-claims-hit-on-chemical-
plant/?sh=3f2880ad1088
https://al-ain.com/article/hamas-shell-company-quds-force

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 Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

"Khalas-Hamas" references:
We wish to thank Uri Almakais for his assistance regarding this reference.
https://www.khalas-hamas.info/units-
%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%88%D8%AD%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8%AA/%D8%AF%D8%A7
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%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A5%D8%B9%D9%85%D8%A7%D8%B1
https://www.khalas-hamas.info/units-
%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%88%D8%AD%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8%AA/%D8%AF%D8%A7
%D8%A6%D8%B1%D8%A9-
%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A5%D8%B9%D9%85%D8%A7%D8%B1/the-shaheen-
council-%D9%85%D8%AC%D9%84%D8%B3-
%D8%B4%D8%A7%D9%87%D9%8A%D9%86
https://www.khalas-hamas.info/units-
%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%88%D8%AD%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8%AA/%D9%82%D8%B3%
D9%85-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA%D8%B5%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%B9/mohamad-
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%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%88%D8%AA%D9%84%D9%8A
https://www.khalas-hamas.info/the-new-concept-of-the-production-section-for-
2018-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA%D8%B5%D9%88%D8%B1-
%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AC%D8%AF%D9%8A%D8%AF-
%D9%84%D9%82%D8%B3%D9%85-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA
https://www.khalas-hamas.info/units-
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D9%85-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA%D8%B5%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%B9/aviation-
course-in-malaysia-%D8%AF%D9%88%D8%B1%D8%A9-
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%D9%85%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%8A%D8%B2%D9%8A%D8%A7
https://www.khalas-hamas.info/units-
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D9%85-
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https://www.khalas-hamas.info/units-
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D9%85-
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%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B3%D9%83%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%A9

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 Hamas’s growing front in Lebanon – infrastructure and activity

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https://www.khalas-hamas.info/units-
%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%88%D8%AD%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8%AA/%D8%AE%D8%A7
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%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%8A-%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%A7%D9%85-2018

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