Chapter 3

Images ofMoctezuma
and his symbols of power
Guilhem Olivier and Leonardo López Luján

NUMEROUS DIRECT and indirect historical accounts agree that by the time ofhis death
in 1520, Moctezuma was a grown man, but it is still not clear whether he was fifty-two
years old, as some believe, or whether he was still in his forties. He is repeatedly described
as being a person of medium height, of slender build and with a long, thin beard,' which
coincides with European-style images of him in the Mendoza and Florentine codices
(figs 19 and 71).2 The soldier Bernal Díaz del Castillo recalls him as being:

... of good height and well proportioned, slender and spare of flesh, not very
swarthy, but of the natural colour and shade of an Indian. He did not wear his
hair long, but so as just to cover his ears, his scanty black beard was well
shaped and thin. His face was somewhat long, but cheerful, and he had good
eyes and showed in his appearance and manner both tenderness and when
necessary, gravity.'

Friar Francisco de Aguilar completes the picture by describing Moctezuma's char-

acter as well as his physical appearance: Fig.23
Detail of the Hackmack Box,
showing Moctezuma 11performing
The king and lord was of medium height and slender build, with a large head self-sacrifice by drawing blood
from his earlobe with abone
and somewhat flat nostrils. He was very astute, discerning and prudent,
perforator (see cat. 58). Museum
learned and capable, but also harsh and irascible, and very firm in his speech.' für Volkerkunde Hamburg.

79
 j tu o~xxl tÚ csm»[ rv-m~y~~.IZ/l¡~nÍt21-,ñtz'.1w.m;J(/lt.alU~,u.~t:n
h.'fmta. ¡(1fc.,. OClltjIC. m vna;l(f1(f,'1t =:>~cm.r/'.~a:t.,M'.fac?-'t<-
C(1.n

None of these traits are apparent in the indigenous-style images of Moctezuma, Fig. 24 above left
Moctezuma 1supervising the
simply because the Mexica did not practise the art of portraiture before the arrival of the sculpting of his own image at
Europeans. In indigenous sculptures and paintings it is easy to recognize the rulers of Chapultepec Hill, Mexico City.
From the Codex Durán, fol. 91 v.
Tenochtitlan by their costume, regalía and context; however it is impossible for us to dis- Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid.

tinguish between them based on their faces or gestures, as they were all portrayed
conventionally and in a stereotyped manner. The Mexica artists obviously made each one Fig. 25 above
Surviving details of Moctezuma
different, but they did this through the use of onomastic or name-glyph complexes that II's image carved in reliefin the
gave expression to the heads of the characters represented.' bedrock at the foot of Chapultepec
Hill, Mexico City.
In the case of Moctezuma 11,the xiuhuitzolli - a royal diadem in gold covered
with turquoise mosaic - was used as the main glyphic element, as his name meant 'He
Who Grows Angry [líke al Lord'. The xiuhuitzolli was shown in profile, with its charac-
teristic blue triangular silhouette, as well as two red thongs used to knot the diadem to
the nape of the neck. When it was part of an onomastic complex it was usually accompa-
nied by one or more complementary glyphic elements, including a straight and well-cut
head ofhair; a nose piece (yacaxihuitl), an ear-spool (xiuhnacochtli) andjor a stepped pec-
toral (a pendant worn by warriors) also in turquoise; a double speech scroll, sometimes
in the form of a teoatl-tlachinolli war glyph ('divine water and bonfire']: feathers or paral-
lel strips, associated with penitence and fasting, known as 'fasting cords'. However, the
xiuhuitzolli glyphic complex is problematic as it is also used (although not on their heads)
to identify Moctezuma I (reigned 1440-69), Tenochtitlan's main milítary leaders, and
also royal judges.
In Mexica sculptural art there is a small group of monuments and another of rit-
ual objects with the xiuhuitzoUi glyph complex. Given the problems of identification, it
is still being debated whether the former were commissioned during Moctezuma l I's
reign (1502-20), and whether the latter group were part of the sovereign's prized

80 MOCTEZUMA
 Fig.26
Hypothetical reconstruction of the
sculpted relief at Chapultepec Hill
showing Moctezuma 11dressed as
Xipe Totec. This reconstruction is
based on careful examination of
surviving details of the sculpture
and also draws on representations
ofXipe Totec in codices.

' ..
. ' ..

~ ..... ~

",' ."

possessions. The most interesting monument, and that whieh offers fewest doubts as
to its origin, is the half-relief found at Chapultepee Hill in modern-day Mexieo City."
Deseriptions in the historie sourees of the sixteenth eentury tell us that the Mexiea sov-
ereigns had their effigies seulpted in the andesite outerops at the base of this hill. The
custom seems to date baek to the era of Moetezuma r. Although the reliefs were badly
damaged in the eighteenth eentury on the orders of the vieeregal government, enough
remains for us to be able to see that the best-eonserved figure, at 1.35 metres high, shows
Moetezuma Ir. He is shown at full-length, standing ereet and faeing forwards, and has
insignia of Xipe Totec,' a Mesoameriean god of war. As well as the aforementioned

IMAGES OF MOCTEZUMA AND HIS SYMBOLS OF POWER 81

 Fig.27
The figure of Moctezuma 11,
identified by his name glyph.
A detail from the Teocafli of
Sacred Warfare (see cat. 78).
Museo Nacional de Antropología,
Mexico City.

onomastic glyph complex, calendrical signs that specialists have linked to the most impor-
tant events in his life accompany the portrait: 1 Reed (1467, the possible year ofhis birth),
1 Crocodile (the day ofhis coronation, see cato 14) and 2 Reed with a knotted rope (the
last New Fire ceremony, held in 1507; see p. 140).
A similar effigy, though much smaller in size, is the so-called Teocalli of Sacred
Warfare (fig. 27).8 This is also of indisputable origino Here, Moctezuma and Huitzilopochtli,
the patron god of the Mexica, did penance before the sun and the earth. The ruler appears
in full-length and in profile, attired in the typical priest's garb and carrying his auto-sac-
rifice bloodletting instruments. He is wearing a feline skin, as well as the feather headdress
known as a cozoyahualollí, a Chichimeca emblem that connects him to the first rulers of
the dynasty. The image of Moctezuma, again wearing his priestly attire, was also sculpted
on the famous box in the Hackmack collection (cat. 58). This is a tiny two-piece quadran-
guIar receptacle that may have be en used to hold his blood and instruments of penitence."
On one side of the box we see him seated, perforating an earIobe and turning his back
on his onomastic gIyph. The presence of symbols and dates relating to the creator-god

82 MOCTEZUMA
 Quetzalcoatl underline Moctezuma's power and devotion, whilst the date 1 Crocodile,
carved on the back of the box, refers back yet again to his coronation ceremony.

Other sculptures linked to Moctezuma

Although they do not bear the standardized effigy of a tlatoani, other stone ritual objects
have the glyph complex of the xiuhuitzolli accompanied by calendrical dates that fall within
the reign of Moctezuma. Two of these are quadrangular basalt boxes: one has the date 6
Reed (1511) (cat. 16)10 and the other 11 Flint Knife (1516) (cat. 15).11 A further sculpture,
although in green stone and free standing, shows a beautiful fire serpent; again, on the
base is a relief with the royal diadem and the 2 Reed with a knotted rope that probably
Fig.28 corresponds to the final celebration ofthe New Fire ceremony (cat. 76).12 The Sun Stone
The Sun Stone, a monument
commissioned by Moctezuma 11.
(fig. 28) could also be included within this small group of sculpture s as it bears the xiuhuit-
At its centre is the frontal face of a zolii:" According to some researchers this monument was sculpted in 1512.14
deity with clawed limbs embedded
within the al/in symbol that Other images that appear to recall crucial moments in Moctezurna's life also sur-
represents the present era or Sun.
vive, although they lack the sovereign's onomastic glyph complex. On the so-called 'Metro
(see also fig. 1). Museo Nacional
de Antropología, Mexico City. Block' (cat. 56), a seated figure in priest's garments and set against a background ofhuman
 hearts draws blood fram his chest, arms and legs in an act of penitence. 15 There are three
revealing dates on the different faces ofthis block: 10 Rabbit (1502), the year - according
to many sources - when Moctezuma II was enthroned; 2 Reed, the year of the last New
Fire ceremony; and 1 Deer, the day on which new-born noble children were believed des-
tined to become rulers. Another interesting example is the monument in Amecameca,
carvedon a large rock in the foothills of the Iztaccihuatl volcano to the south-east ofMexico
City." This shows a scene where an individual burns an incense ladle alongside a large
brazier, as well as the aforementioned year of 10 Rabbit and the trecena of 1 Crocodile.
The final example is the Stone ofthe Five Suns (cat. 14),17 a basalt coronation stone that
was named after the presence on its main face of the calendrical names of the five Mexica
cosmic ages (4 Jaguar, 4 Wind, 4 Rain, 4 Water and 4 Movement). To these dates were
added the day 1 Crocodile and the year 11 Reed (1503), the latter being mentioned by cer-
tain sources as the year Moctezuma was enthroned. In this case it is clear how official
Mexicaart combined mythological and historical dates, placing dynastic events within
the legitimizing frame of reference of the cosmic ages.

The priestly insignia

From the moment they were chosen, Mexica rulers were expected to prave their faith by
offering the gods their own blood and the aramatic smoke of copal resin. This involved
a process of separation and withdrawal that started at the bottom of the Templo Mayor
ofTenochtitlan." The ruler-elect, wearing nothing but a maxtlatl (loincloth), was conducted
to the summit of the pyramid by the allied kings ofTetzcoco and Tlacopan and two ofhis
officers. On arrival at the Huitzilopochtli sanctuary he paid reverence to the image of the
godoThe supreme priest then dyed his body black to indicate his temporary status as a
penitent, sprinkled him with sacred water in the same manner in which he would scat-
ter the ashes of the rulers and his family members during their funerals, and clothed him
in a mantle adorned with skulls and cross-bones symbolizing his ritual death.
The supreme priest then handed over the insignia of penitence. These consisted
ofaxicolli, a short, fringed and sleeveless jacket tied in the front; a veitecomotl, a gourd
that hung down the back on red thongs and contained powdered tobacco that was chewed
for its energizing and narcotic qualities; a copalxiquipilli bag to hold the copal resin; a
tlemaitl or ceramic incense ladle in the form of a fire serpent; a pair of bone auto-
sacrifice bloodletters; and blue sandals known as xiuhcactli. Once the ruler had burnt
incense before the image of Huitzilopochtli, he listened to an exhortation in which his
position was reaffirmed and recommendations made on his future roleo When this fin-
ished, he descended to the foot of the pyramid where the dignitaries awaited him to pay
him reverence and present him with gifts as a sign of obedience. The ruler then made
his way to the building known as Tlacatecco, which has been identified with the archaeo-
logical site known as the House of the Eagles." Here he carried out his ablutions, fasting
and physical mortification for four days and four nights. Finally, he retired to his palace
to prepare for his investiture and coronation ceremony.
This ritual sequence symbolized the initiation death of the recently elected

84 MOCTEZUMA
 tlatoani in its entirety, marking the radical modification ofhis religious and social status.
The ruler was attired similarly on the occasion of other important events in his life dur-
ing which he also made offerings of copal resin and blood. Such events included the death
of his first captive; before setting out to war; after a military victory; as an act of submis-
sion to the god of a conquering city; and in festivities such as that of the day 4 Movement,
devoted to the solar culto

The symbols of political power

The aim of the coronation ceremony was to install the new sovereign so that he could
begin his duties. The most important Mesoamerican symbols of royal power, the mat and
throne ('in petlatl, in icpalli'), played an essential part in the proceedings as they embod-
ied the material expression of the concepts of dignity and authority." The mat was usually
used as the base of the throne. In the case of the first three rulers ofTenochtitlan, the lat-
ter was a simple tolicpalli or bundle of reeds, which identified them as lords of Chichimeca
origin who were still subordinate to Azcapotzalco's reign. By contrast, when succeeding
rulers became independent they gained the right to be seated on a tepotzo-
icpalli, a high-backed throne made from woven reeds and adorned with jaguar skins.
Images of Acamapichtli, Huitzilihuitl and Chimalpopoca, rulers of Tenochtitlan
before the war of independence of 1428-30, show them wearing on their heads a cozoy-
ahualolli - a feather headdress connected to the Chichimeca past." In contrast, their
successors boasted the royal diadem or xiunuiizoúi;" a word that can be translated as a
Fig.29 'pointed turquoise thing' and which appears to represent schematically the tail of the xiuh-
Moctezuma 11dressed as
the fire god Xiuhtecuhtli during coatl or fire serpent. The xiuhuitzolli has its most ancient roots in the Olmec era, during
the Izcalli festival. From the
the so-called Middle Preclassic periodo Many authors have studied the iconographic sequence
Codex Borbonicus, fol. 23.
Palais Bourbon, Paris. that takes the sign of the diadem as its starting point and moves on to the sign of the year,
as well as the symbolic link where the diadem, turquoise, time and
rain are strongly associated with political power. We know that the
xiuhuitzolli was used by the rulers ofTenochtitlan, Tlatelolco, Tetzcoco
and many provinces in the empire, but never by the enemy lords of
Tlaxcala. In Tenochtitlan it was also worn by the tetecuhtin (lords},"
senior military leaders and by warriors who had died in battle. The
fire priests and gods such as Xiuhtecuhtli, Tonacatecuhtli,
Mictlantecuhtli, Tonatiuh, Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli and Chalmecatecuhtli
also used it as a symbol.
The new sovereigris septum was pierced at the investiture using
a jaguar bone, and a tubular nose ornament known as a xiuhyacamitl
was put in place. The Mixtecs performed this ritual on a sacrificialstone,
symbolizing the sovereigris death ritual." In addition, in the case of
the Mexica ruler, he was dressed in the xiuhtlalpilli tilmahtli, a blue cot-
ton tie-dyed net cape embellished with turquoise stones. This cape was
usually edged with a tenixyo border ('eyes on the edge'). This was one
of the most prestigious motifs of the iconography of power. Other

IMAGES OF MOCTEZUMA ANO HIS SYMBOLS OF POWER 85

 symbols bestowed on him for the occasion included a pair of gold sandals, a shield and a
sword-club, and a bundle of darts that symbolized his judicial power.
The xiuhuitzolli and other turquoise ornaments directly connected the sovereigns
with the ancient god of fire Xiuhtecuhtli, the mother and father of all deities that resided
in the centre of the universe. This relationship can be understood when we take into account
that this god, along with Tezcatlipoca, was the protector of royalty." The sovereign evoked
Xiuhtecuhtli in his acceptance speech after being chosen," paid him special homage dur-
ing his enthroning ceremony" and personified him in the Izcalli ceremony, which
celebrated new growth (fig. 29).28

Warrior emblems

The tlatoani embodied the Mexica ideal of bravery. His main task was to feed the sun and
earth with human blood, using arms to take captives for sacrifice. After he was chosen to
be ruler he therefore beseeched Tezcatlipoca, the god of fate and destiny, to support him
in war: 'Also, concede him, let him experience, send him to the midst of the desert, to the
centre of the desert, to the field of battle. May he know the home of the sun ...'29 In other
words, the tlatoani was expected to be present time and time again at military confronta-
tions, resulting in his definitive journey to 'the home of the sun' (in tonatiuh. ichan), the
final destination of warriors killed in battle or sacrificed on the sacrificial stone. Following
this logic, at the enthroning ceremony the ruler was compared to a fearsome beast (tecuani,
'eater of people'), armed with powerful claws and sharp teeth." The eagle and the jaguar
were the most powerful predators in ancient Mexico and these animal s were therefore
kept as pratectors of the main military order of the Mexica: the cuauhtli ocelotl.
Like any other distinguished member of the Tenochtitlan nobility, Moctezuma had
received an education that included learning the arts of war and the correct handling of
arms. A later anecdote that was probably apocryphal presents him as a boy, playing at war
in the role of a great general and punishing one ofhis young friends for being a coward."
Whether or not this happened, we know that Moctezuma took part in several military cam-
paigns during his youth, accompanying experienced warriors who showed him how to
take prisoners. Other witnesses specify that over the course of time he obtained the pres-
tigious title of cuachic (shorn one): this was granted to those who had captured several
enemies, especially brave warriors from the Valley of Puebla. Díaz del Castillo also tells us
that Moctezuma had been the victor in three different hand-to-
hand fights."
As supreme chief of the army, the tlatoani
wore special garments and rich insignia during
battles to distinguish him from the other
generals. The indigenous informants
of the sixteenth-century chronicler,
Fig.30
Friar Bernardino de Sahagún, left us Gold labret in the form of an
eagle head. Museo Civico d'Arte
with a long list of headdresses,
Antica, Palazzo Madama, Turin,
capes, emblems and exclusive arms 2.2 x 5.4 x 4.7 cm.

86 MOCTEZUMA
Fig.31
King Nezahualcoyotl from
Tetzcoco wearing a gold labret
in the form of an eagle head.
From the Codex Ixtlilxochitl, fol.
106r, Bíblíothéque Nationale
de France, Paris.

of the sovereigns. These items included the 'costly red spoonbill headdress set off with gold,
having very many quetzal feathers flaring from it': 'a red shirt, made of red spoonbill feath-
ers decorated with flint knives fashioned of gold'; 'a necklace of round, large, green stone
and fine turquoise combined'; 'the wooden sword provided with obsidian blades set in a
groove at its edges': and 'a shield covered with blue cotinga feathers with a disc of gold in
the center'. JJ Other historical documents describe or illustrate a wide variety of royal shields.
A splendid surviving example, decorated with feathers and gold leaf, depicts a feathered
blue coyote from the mouth of which emerges the Mexica glyph for war,"
Another ornament of war is the gold labret in the form of an eagle's head. Several
examples have been preserved and are now on view in museums in Europe and the United
States (fig. 30).35 The labret also appears in the Codex Ixtlilxochitl in the beautiful image of
Nezahualcoyotl (fig. 31).31 Here we see the poet-king of Tetzcoco in his dress uniform,

IMAGES OF MOCTEZUMA AND HIS SYMBOLS OF POWER 87

 brandishing an obsidian-edged sword and a shield with rich feather mosaics. On his back
he carries a small blue war drum that he used to order his army to attack the enemy with
violence or start to withdraw. Significantly, at the end of the sixteenth century, whilst stay-
ing in Tetzcoco, the Spanish protomedico Francisco de Hernández declared that the city
still had, 'with immense religious respect', the shield, flags, flutes, drum, arms and other
ornaments that the old Aculhua sovereigns used both in war and in their dances."
The warrior rulers habitually dressed like gods. For example, in the Codex
Vaticanus A, in which the Mexica conquest over Toluca and Xaltepec is depicted,
Moctezuma is dressed as Xipe Totec, as on the Chapultepec rocks mentioned previously
(pp. 80 _81).38 Traditionally, the first captive taken in the field of battle was sacrificed and
his cadaver skinned. The tlatoani put on this skin, thereby frightening away rivals. In
other images of Mexica art, the rulers are shown holding their enemies by the hair, an
ancient gesture of capture that was widespread across the whole of Mesoamerica. On the
so-called Tizoc Stone (fig. 11) and the Stone of the Oid Arzobispado /9 several scenes por-
tray the ruler in this pose and displaying insignia of Huitzilopochtli, Tezcatlipoca and
Xiuhtecuhtli. His adversaries, in a position of submission, are dressed in the trappings
of the patron gods of their respective cities. The toponymic or place glyphs of these cities
are found at the top of the scene. In other words, the Mexica rulers, like the sovereigns
of Mesopotamia or ancient Egypt, embody their whole army defeating their enemies.

The privileges of palace life

Besides his religious, political and military duties, Moctezuma was required to coordi-
nate the tasks of the central administration and impart justice in matters of state. Starting
first thing in the morning, he gave instructions of all kinds, examined lists of tributes
and spoke to provinciallords who lived in the royal palace. He also spent a good part of
the day dealing with disputes and petitions. The complainants usually presented codices
to the judges to support their arguments, a practice that would continue throughout the
colonial periodo The judges summarized the cases and expressed their opinions to the
ruler, who proclaimed the final sentences. On these occasions, everybody apart from
governors of allied kingdoms had to approach Moctezuma barefoot. By the same token,
visitors had to change their elegant cotton robes for humble maguey-fibre mantles, and
when addressing the sovereign, they had to look submissively at the floor. Many Indians
informed the Spanish that nobody had ever seen Moctezuma's face.
In their chronicles, the conquistadors marvelled at the abundance and refinement
of the dishes that made up what was later dubbed 'Montezuma's Dinner'." According to
Díaz del Castillo:

... they daily cooked more than three hundred dishes, fowls, turkeys, pheasants,
native partridges, quail, tame and wild ducks, venison, wild boar, reed birds
and pigeons and hares and rabbits, and many sorts of birds and other things
that are bred in this country, and they are so numerous that I cannot finish
naming them in a hurry."

88 MOCTEZUMA
Fig.32
A noblewoman preparing a
foaming brew of chocolate. From
the Codex Tudela, fol. 3r. Museo
de America, Madrid.

Hernán Cortés's soldier goes on to describe how 'four very beautiful women'
washed Moctezuma's hands before eating whilst he remained seated before a low table
covered with white cloths. They served him the food on polychrome ceramic plates made
in the city of Cholula, and he was accompanied by four elder chieftains who ate standing
at his side. After the meal, Moctezuma smoked tobacco with liquid amber in a painted
pipe and was entertained by singers, dancers, buffoons, dwarves and hunchbacks.
Chocolate was the royal beverage par excellence, meaning that it was offlimits for
the commoners. After toasting and milling the cacao beans, the drink was prepared by adding
water and beating it rapidly with gold, silver or wooden spoons, and then poured from a
height to produce a foamy solution (fig. 32). Served cold and sometimes mixed with milled
corn, aromatic spices or honey, the chocolate was presented to Moctezuma in fine gold cups

IMAGES OF MOCTEZUMA AND HIS SYMBOLS OF POWER 89

 at lunch and dinner. One source states that during the funeral rites of Moctezuma's father,
Axayacatl, several cups were placed before the statue of the deceased." Another exclusive
privilege ofkings and nobles was to enjoy the fragrance of flowers. We know that Moctezuma
liked to be seen holding a bouquet of flowers, which symbolized fire and its unequalled
power over the earth. Xochipilli, the 'Prince of Flowers', was another of the deities that pro-
tected the nobility. During the annual Toxcatl celebrations, a young warrior was chosen to
personify the god Tezcatlipoca for one year. This youth, selected for his physical beauty and
capacity for eloquent speech, moved freely through the streets of the city smoking tobacco
and smelling flowers, thereby impersonating both gods and sovereigns."
Moctezuma was said to be a great enthusiast of hunting. Before the arrival of the
Europeans, he often led expeditions dressed as Mixcoatl, the god ofhunting, and handed
out generous rewards to those who had captured or killed prey. Whilst in captivity under
Cortés's orders, Moctezuma was given safe conduct to go hunting outside ofTenochtitlan
accompanied by a large group of Spanish guards and three thousand Tlaxcaltec warriors.
On his return he 'gave gifts to them all and made them many concessions'," as though
continuing to play the rol e of the great distributor of wealth from his time of freedom. It
is unlikely, however, that he wore the insignia of Mixcoatl during this final excursion.
In the same vein, historical sources point out that Moctezuma was a good shot with
a blowgun, another important symbol of the nobility." The king is described hunting birds
and rabbits by the lake or in the woods, orchards and gardens of Cuauhnahuac and Huaxtepec,
towns in the modern-day state of Morelos. In the allied city of Tetzcoco, large rocks with
holes filled with water were placed in the royal gardens to attract birds, so that the kings

Fig.33
Mexica lords smoking tobacco and
smelling flowers. From the
Florentine Codex, Book 9, fol. 28v.
Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana,
Florence.

90 MOCTEZUMA
Fig.34
Mexica lords playing the ball game
tlachtli in an Hvshaped ball court.
From the Florentine Codex, Book
8, fol. 42v. Biblioteca Medicea
Laurenziana, Florence.

could entertain themselves shooting them with their blowguns from the palace windows.
In his famous letters, Cartas de relación, Cortés refers to a dozen splendid blowguns, painted
with motifs ofbirds, trees and flowers, presented by Moctezuma as gifts for the king of Spain.
Because of the blowgun's association with the sun god, one of the deities identified with the
ruler, this no doubt represented a worthy gift for an emperor of Charles V's high status.
Another royal pastime was a ball game known as tlachtli (fig. 34) in which two or
more players, protected by a wide leather belt, struck a heavy rubber ball with their hips.
Spectators bet all kinds of 'costly goods: golden necklaces, greenstone, fine turquoise,
slaves, precious capes, valuable breech clouts, cultivated fields, houses, arm bands of quet-
zal feathers, duck feather capes, bales of cacao.' Moctezuma and Nezahualpilli, the ruler
of Tetzcoco, apparently carne face to face in a game that was to have an ominous out-
come. Nezahualpilli, who was famous for being able to predict the future, announced to
the Mexica sovereign that foreigners would arrive who would lay both of their respective
kingdoms to waste. To prove it, Nezahualpilli did not hesitate in betting his kingdom in
exchange for three turkeys. Although Moctezuma started off in the lead, Nezahualpilli
ended up the winner, proving that his predictions were correct." Tellingly, sources tell us
of other games between gods or between rulers, which symbolized the passing from one
era to another and the alternating reigns of deities and ernperors.
The obsidian mirror was an instrument that was closely linked to royalty. Several
examples survive, including the mirror belonging to the famous English mathernatician,
astronomer and astrologer John Dee (1527-1608), who was an adviser to Queen Elizabeth
1. In ancient México, such mirrors had a significant divinatory role and were widely used
47

to reveal men's destiny, The mirror was also a symbol of the royal power granted by
Tezcatlipoca, 'lord of the smoking mirror'. Mexica rulers owned an obsidian mirror with
two faces: on one side it was said that the ruler saw the behaviour ofhis subjects in its sur-
face; on the other side, the subjects saw their own reflection, thus revealing a close
interdependence." However, the mirror was to reveal to Moctezuma the ill-fated destiny of
his empire. One day, some fishermen took to the palace a remarkable 'bird of ashen hue
like a crane' with a mirror on its head. In the mirror Moctezuma saw a starry sky followed
by a group of warriors riding on the backs of deer, presumably, the Spanish on horseback.
However, even as he fearfully consulted his astrologers, the vision melted away....'9

IMAGES OF MOCTEZUMA ANO HIS SYMBOLS OF POWER 91

 Notes

Introduction México, but also that he had two sons: the eldest 26 Davies 1992, pp. 58-63.
1 Authored by native, mestizo and Spanish was destined to govern the Huastecos, and the 27 Brundage 1982, pp. 106 -07. Tlacochcaleatl,
chronielers. Among these early chroniclers are: youngest, Chalehiuhtlatonac, instructed his Tlacatecatl, Ezuauacatl and Tlillancalqui (Durán
Hernando Alvarado Tezozómoc, author of the people to leave Aztlan and embark on their 1995, vol. 1, pp. 152-53).
Cronica mexicáyotl, Cristóbal del Castillo, author migration. 28 Sahagún 1977, vol. m. p. 209.
of the Historia de la venida de los mexicanos, and 9 Chimalpáhin 1998, p. 85, even affirms that the 29 London 2002, p. 51
the indigenous authors of the Codex Boturini chieftain Moctezuma who ruled in Aztlan also 30 London 2002, p. 51.
and the Codex Azcatitlan. held the position of huey tlatoani. 31 Durán 1995, vol. 1, pp. 155-63.
2 Aztlan is sometimes depicted graphically (for 10 These are described as three rnen, Cuauhcoatl, 32 Brundage 1982, p. 128.
example in the Codex Aubin in the British Apanecatl and Tezcacoatl, and a woman, 33 Prevíously, the 52-year ceremony had been held
Museum) as an 'archetypal' island or ancestral Chimalma. Chimalpáhin 1998, p. 183. in year 1 Rabbit, but since this sign was now
place in a 'world ocearí with four 'house' glyphs 11 Chimalpáhin 1998, pp. 329-31. The chronicler considered unlucky, it was moved to year 2 Reed.
marking the cardinal directions. of Chaleo-Amecamecan noted that 'on the death 34 London 2002, pp. 48-55.
3 The name Tenochca applied to the citizens of ofTozcuecuextli, who led the Mexica for forty 35 London 2002, pp. 51-52.
Tenochtitlan itself. years ... the chieftain Huehue Huitzilihuitl ruled 36 London 2002, pp. 52-53.
4 Family documents from the sixteenth and as the first tlatoani of the Mexica.' 37 London 2002, p. 53.
seventeenth centuries, located in the Archivo de 12 Chimalpáhin 1998, p. 161. Chimalpáhin claims 38 Brundage 1982, p. 190.
Indias in Seville, spell the name either as that he was the first tlatoani of the Mexica, even 39 Chavero 1958, pp. 774-76.
'Motecuma' or 'Motezuma'. Nahuatl scholars though officially, in the sequence of governors 40 Chavero 1958, pp. 774-76.
prefer 'Motecuhzoma' or 'Moteuczoma' and it is ofTenochtitlan, he links this investiture with 41 Davies 1980, p. 158.
perhaps most correctly pronounced in Nahuatl Acamapichtli. 42 London 2002, p. 455, no. 223.
phonemes as mo - teuc - tzo(n) - ma. They 13 Chimalpáhin 1998, p. 361. 43 London 2002, pp. 53-54.
note that much of the early confusion stems 14 Códice Boturini 1964. In the lower section of
frorn the inability in Spanish to capture some of plate 20, sexual union is expressed graphically Chapter 2 The coronation of Moctezuma 11
the sounds of Nahuatl, as well as other with the image of the couple guiding a final Central and southern Mexico including the Gulf
difficulties of translation and comprehension. journey through their footprints. Coast and Yuca tan Península, Guatemala and
Prablems occur in the orthographic 15 Durán 1995, pp. 84-87. This episode describes parts of El Salvador and Honduras.
transcription ofhis name into Spanish the confrontation between the Culhua under the 2 Durán 1951, pp. 411-12.
phonemes, especially crossovers between 'ti leadership of Achitometl and the Mexica, 3 The term TIacochcalcatl corresponds to a high-
and 'd, and the spirant consonant-vowel following the sacrifice of Achitometl's daughter level officer of the Mexica army.
combination that appears in the middle part of by the Mexica. 4 Alvarado Tezozómoc 1980, pp. 572-73.
his name, yielding both - teuhc - and - tecuh - 16 In the pictographs of this symbolic scene, a bird 5 Durán 1951.
in the sources. sometimes replaces the snake; see fol. 25v of 6 Durán 1951, p. 430.
Other variations inelude Motecuma, the Codex Aubin. Lehmann and Kutscher 1981, 7 Casas Nuevas de Moctezuma.
Moctecuzoma or Motecucoma (Motecuhzoma). p.240. 8 Cortés (undated), pp. 207-08.
6 Following Moctezurna's death Cuitlahuac 17 Anales de TIatelolco 1948, p. 51. According to the 9 Díaz del Castillo 1944, vol. 1, p. 279.
governed for 80 days only to die of smallpox and Tlatelolca, this happened the other way round; 10 Díaz del Castillo 1944, vol. 1, pp. 276-77.
Cuauhtemoc, who relinquished independence after the foundation of this city, Tenoch founded 11 Códice Mendoza 1980.
on 13 August 1521,was later killed in Hibueras. Tenochtitlan on an adjacent island. 12 Sahagún 1956, vol. I1, p. 312.
18 Durán 1995, vol. 1, p. 99. '...fearing his kingdom
Chapter l Family histories would be left without an heir, the councillors Chapter 3 Images of Moctezuma and his
1 In the native Mexica Nahuatllanguage this term took his advice and determined that each of symbols of power
defines the highest political authority. 'Speaker them should give him one of their daughters, 1 Alvarado Tezozómoc 1944, pp. 408-09; Fernández
or great lord' (Molina 1970, p. 140v); 'He who for him to have as his wives, to bear him heirs de Oviedo 1946, p. 23; López de Gómara 1943,
speaks well; hence, great lord, prince, ruler' to his kingdom and successors.' vol. 1, p. 213; Alva Ixtlilxóchitl1985, vol. I1,
(Siméon 1977, p. 674). 19 A crown, mitre or diadem adorned with p.230.
2 Muriá 1973, pp. 141-43. precious stones. Siméon 1997, p. 770. 2 Codex Mendoza 1992, vol. 3, fol. 69r; Codex
3 The versions of events that is most widely 20 A crown, similar to a mitre, used for Florentino 1979, Book 12, 26r-26v, 36r-36v, 40v.
accepted among historians specializing in the coronations. It was tall and ended in a point in 3 Díaz del Castillo 1983, p. 248.
history of the Mexica people, and that on which the middle of the forehead; the back section 4 Aguilar 1977, p. 81.
the present account is based, is that by hung down the neck. Siméon 1997, p. 126. 5 Marcus 1992, pp. 191-96. A glyph is a sign or
Francisco Javier Clavijero in his Ancient History 21 Sahagún 1993, fols 53r-52r. Significantly, after figure used in the Central Mexican writing
ofMexico published in 1781-82. Cuauhtemoc, the last tlatoani, the five governors system.
4 Alvarado Tezozómoc 1949, p. 25. ' who ruled over the conquered Mexica were 6 Nicholson 1961; Umberger 1981, pp. 147-51.
5 Brotherston 1995, pp. 46-47. depicted without a headdress, crown or nose-plug 7 See Alvarado Tezozómoc 1944, pp. 408-09.
6 Códice Boturini 1964; Barlow 1949. and with only a simple mantle, although they 8 Museo Nacional de Antropología, inv. 10-
7 Caso 1927, p. 10. In fig. 3, as in the Codex were still represented on the icpalli. 0081548. See Caso 1927, p. 42; Graulich 1994,
Boturini, a rectangular block can be se en in the 22 Washington 1983, p. 23. pp. 196-98; Olko 2005, pp. 361-62.
upper section, which we assume corresponds to 23 Xaltocan, Tultitlan, Cuauhtitlan, Chalco, 9 Hamburgisches Museum für Volkerkunde und
the location of the deity. Tulantzingo, Otompan and Acolman. Vorgeschichte, inv. B.3763. See Gutiérrez Solana
8 Alvarado Tezozómoc 1949, pp. 15-16, took his 24 Brundage 1982, pp. 61-64. 1983, pp. 41-45; Washington 1983, pp. 64-66.
account from Alonso Franco, a mestizo who 25 London 2002, p. 51. Eduardo Matos Moctezuma, 10 Museum für Volkerkunde, Berlin, cat. IV Ca
died in 1602. Franco not only elaimed that the director of the Templo Mayor excavations, 26921a-b. See Gutiérrez Solana 1983, pp. 54-55.
Moctezuma ruled as king in Aztlan New associates the calendar date with the year 1390. 11 Museo Nacional de Antropología, cat. 11-3132.

304 MOCTEZU MA
 See Gutiérrez Solana 1983, pp. 51-54. 4 Sahagún 1950-82, Book 1, pp. 13-38. pp. 267-72, 282-85; on Tetzcoco, vol. 1, pp.
12 Dumbarton Oaks, cat. B.69.AS. See Gutiérrez 5 Sahagún 1950-82, Book 6, pp. 44-45. 164-68,230-40; on Cortés, vol. I1, pp. 9-10,
Solana 1983, pp. 53-54. 6 Townsend 1992 and icholson 2003. 39,326-40.
13 Museo acional de Antropología, inv. 10- 7 Durán 1971, p. 156. 12 [bid., vol. Il, pp. 202-17.
0001123. See Umberger 1981, p. 199. 8 Durán 1971, pp. 157-58. 13 Ibui., pp. 408-21.
14 See Beyer 1965. 9 Durán 1971, pp. 160-65. 14 Solís y Rivadeneira 1838, pp. 171-75, 307-08,
15 Museo Nacional de Antropología, inv. 10- 10 EIson and Smith 2001. 457.
0116583. See Klein 1987, pp. 324-31. 11 Sahagún 1950-82, Book 7, p. 4. 15 Sigüenza y Góngora 1960, pp. 230, 341-46,
16 López Luján 2009. 12 Sahagún 1950-82, Book 7, p. 6. 350-53.
17 Art Institute of Chicago, cat. 1990.21. See 16 On Kircher see Evans 1979, pp. 433-42.
Washington 1983, pp. 41-42. Chapter S Moctezuma's military and 17 See Gerbi 1973, passim; Pauw 1771, vol. 1, p.
18 Broda 1978, pp. 226-33, 251-54; Townsend economic rule xii; vol. 11, pp. 183-205.
1987, pp. 390-405; Graulich 1994, pp. 68-96; 1 Durán 1992, pp. 405. 18 Buffon 1747, vol. VII, pp. 27, 39.
López Luján 2006, vol. 1, pp. 281-86; Olivier 2 Berdan et al. 1996, pp. 127, 148. 19 Rayna11798, see vol. 11, p. 381, where
2008, pp. 78-81. 3 Durán 1992, pp. 477-81. Moctezuma is described as 'sunk in a state of
19 See López Luján 2006. 4 Hernández 1959, vol. 1, p. 304; Coe and Coe effeminacy and indolence'; on Mexico City
20 See Obregón and Concepción 1985, pp. 32-39; 1996, p. 81. see vol. 11, p. 398.
Olko 2005, pp. 320-23. 5 Sahagún 1950-82, Book 10, p. 65. 20 Robertson 1788, vol. 111,pp. 176-77, 198,
21 These leaders also wore a jaguar, coyote or wolf 6 Coe and Coe 1996, p. 22. 386-88.
skin, or a coffee-coloured mantle. 7 Anderson et al. 1976, pp. 208-13. 21 Clavijero 1964, pp. xviii, xxi, xxx. See al so
22 Noguez 1975; Obregón Rodriguez 1985, pp. 8 Berdan and Anawalt 1992, vol. 3, fol. 64r and Ronan 1977, passim.
40-49; Olko 2005, pp. 113-36. passim. 22 Clavijero 1964, pp. 86,152-53,426-31.
23 The glyph of the diadem is read phonetically 23 tbul., see his Third, Fourth and Fifth
as teeuhtli or lord. Chapter 6 The overthrow of Moctezuma Dissertations, pp. 454-524.
24 See Olivier 2008b. and his empire 24 León y Gama 1978, unpaginated introduction.
25 Heyden 1972; Sullivan 1980. 1 León-Portilla 1962, p. 13. 25 Lemoine Villacaña 1965, pp. 368-69.
26 Sahagún 1950-82, vol. 6, p. 41. 2 Lockhart 1993, pp. 6, 18-19. 26 Tena Rarnirez 1967, pp. 31-35.
27 Durán 1984, vol. 2, p. 400. 3 Fernández-Armesto 1992. 27 Prescott n.d., pp. 21, 33, 52, 91, 103, 223.
28 On plate 23 of the Codex Borbonicus, 1991, 4 Gillespie 2008; Magaloni-Kerpel 2008. 28 Prescott 1970, pp. 657-99.
we see a figure dressed as Xiuhtecuhtli 5 Lockhart 1993, pp. 76-78. 29 Ramírez 2001. On Ramírez see Krauze 2005,
accompanied by the footnote: 'Moeteyurna q' 6 See Carrasco 2000. For the evolution of the pp. 63-74.
salia ea los ornamentos de el dios mayor.' Quetzalcoatl myth, see Gillespie 1989, 30 Orozco y Berra 1960, vol. 1, p. 86; vol. 11,pp.
29 Sahagún 1950-82, vol. 6, pp. 19-20. pp. 226-30. 426-30; vol. IV, pp. 366-82.
30 Sahagún 1950-82, vol. 6, p. 53. 8 Lockhart 1993, pp. 19-20; Clendinnen 1990, 31 Martínez Assad 2005, pp. 33-39; Tenorio-Trillo
31 Suárez de Peralta 1949, pp. 57-58. p.93. 1996.
32 Díaz del Castillo 1983, p. 377. 9 Todorov 1984. 32 Riva Palacio 1884-89. Chavero asserted
33 Sahagún 1950-82, vol. 8, pp. 33-35. 10 Clendinnen 1990, p. 95. that the Nahuas descended from Basques
34 Museum für Volkerkunde, Vienna, cat. 43-380. 11 Hassig 1994, p. 77. who had migrated from Europe via Atlantis,
35 Museum für Volkerkunde, Vienna, cat. 59.989; 12 León-Portilla 1962, p. 61. whereas the Mayas and Otomis derived
Museo Civico di Arte Antica, Turin, cat. 732; 13 Thomas 1993, p. 278. from Chinese migration. See vol. 1, pp. 62-73.
The Saint Louis Art Museum, 1978, cat. 275. 14 López de Gómara 1964, p. 142. 33 Gamio 1916, pp. 6-8, 12. Gamio 1922, vol. 1,
36 Codex Ixtlilxóchitl 1996, fol. 106r. 15 Elliott 1989; Cortés 1986, pp. 467- 69. pp. xvii-ix.
37 Hernández 1986, p. 133. 16 Thomas 1993, p. 307. 34 Gamio 1922, vol. 1, pp. 546-48; vol. 11,pp.
38 Codex Vaticanus A.3738. 1996, fol. 85v. 17 López de Gómara 1964, p. 143. 448-70. See al so Brading 1988.
39 These are two very similar cylindrical 18 Cortés 1986, p. 48. 35 Gamio 1916, pp. 40-47, 50; Fernández 1972,
monoliths which were used during the 19 Gillespie 2008, p. 51. pp. 495-526.
gladiator sacrifices in the Tlacaxipehualiztli 20 Díaz del Castillo 1963, p. 294. 36 Paz 1970, pp. 140-48.
festival, an annual rite signifying renewal. Both 21 Durán 1964, p. 305.
stones were found in the centre of Mexico City. 22 See Chipman 2005. Chapter 8 Rethinking Moctezuma
40 Morgan 1876. 1 Frías 1900, 1st series, nos 12, 17 and 28.
41 Díaz del Castillo 1983, p. 249. Chapter 7 The rebirth of andent Mexico 2 Frías and Martínez 1925.
42 See Durand-Forest 1967. 1 Paz 1990, p. 4. 3 See further Martínez 1988 and Rueda Smithers
43 Sahagún 1950-82, vol. 2, pp. 66-77; Olivier 2 Paz 1970, pp. 110-18. 1993.
2008, pp. 193-230. 3 The indispensable so urce remains IcazbaJceta 4 Ce Acatl was the sacred calendar name of
44 Cervantes de Salazar 1985, p. 334. 1954, passim. Quetzalcoatl.
45 See Lesbre 2008. 4 Benavente 1971, p. 31; see also León-Portilla 5 Uchmany 1972, p. 12.
46 Torquemada 1975-83, vol. 1, pp. 291-92; Alva 2003, pp. 117-43. 6 León-Portilla 1961, pp. 122ff.
Ixtlilxóchitl 1985, vol. 2, pp. 181-82. 5 Gruzinski 1992, pp. 141-69; Martínez 1982, 7 López Austin 1973, pp. 178-81.
47 See Tait 1967. British Museum, London, passim. 8 López Austin 1973, pp. 178-81.
M&ME 1966,10-1,1. 6 López de Gómara 1979, pp. 361-67. For a 9 Carpentier 1975, p. 11.
48 Olivier 2008, pp. 240-68. succinct discussion of Las Casas see Brading 10 Noguez 1996.
49 Sahagún 1950-82, vol. 8, pp. 18-19. 1991, pp. 59-101.
8 Acosta 1962, pp. 215-17, 230-35, 324-30, Epilogue
Chapter 4 Moctezuma and the renewal 373-77. 1 López Luján, 2005, 2006; Chávez Balderas,
of nature 9 Torquemada 1975-83. Vol. 7 consists of 2007.
1 Zantwijk 1963. editorial commentary and analysis of sources. 2 Matos Moctezuma and López Luján, 2007;
2 Matos Moctezuma 1988. 10 Alva lxtlilxóchitl1975, vol. 11, p. 137. López Luján, 2009.
3 Sahagún 1950-82, Book 1, p. 9. 11 Torquemada 1975-83 on Moctezuma II, vol. 1

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Monterrey 2007 Noguera 1968 4 vols, Mexico City 1960

310 MOCTEZUMA
Ortiz Ceballos 1990 Reyero 1978 Mexico, Indian Notes and Monographs, no. 9,
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y esclarecimientos de Don José Fernando Ramírez, William T. Sanders, Jeffrey R. Parsons and Robert Michael E. Smith, The Aztecs, 2nd edition, Oxford
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José Fernando Rarnirez, 'Descripción de cuatro Saunders 1990 influence in Postclassic Mesoamerica? A Critique
lápidas monumentales conservadas en el Museo Nicholas J. Saunders, 'Tezcatlipoca: jaguar of the Mixteca- Puebla Concept', Anthropology, IV,
Nacional de México, seguida de un ensayo sobre metaphors and the Aztec mirror of nature', in vol. 2 (1980), pp. 15-50
su interpretación', in Historia de la Conquista de Signifying animals: human meaning in the natural Solís 1684
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pp. 106-24 Saunders 2001 Población y progresos de la América Septentrional,
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sus alrededores, Mexico City 1864, pp. 48-57 Saville 1920 Antonio de Solís, Istoria della conquista del Messico,
Ramírez 2001 Marshall H. Saville, The Goldsmith's Art in Ancient della popolazione, e de' progressi nell' America
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mexicana', in Obras, Ernesto de la Torre Villar Foundation, New York 1920 Spagna, Brussels 1704
(ed.), 5 vols, Mexico City 2001 Saville 1922 Solís Olguín 1976
Raynal 1798 Marshall H. Saville, Turquoise Mosaic Art in Ancient Felipe Solís Olguín, La escultura de Santa Cecilia
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1798 Marshall H. Saville , The Woodcarver's Art in Ancient de México, Madrid 1990, pp. 108, 114-15

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azteca', in Acercarse y mirar, homenaje a Beatriz de i!lustres grecz, latins, et payens, recueilliz de leurs Valle 1994
la Fuente, María Teresa U riarte and Leticia tableaux, liures, meda!les antiques, et modernes, Perla Valle (ed.), Códice de Tepetlaoztoc (Códice
Staines Cicero (eds), Mexico City 2004, pp. Paris 1584 Kingsborough). Estado de México, Toluca 1994
357-75 Thevet 1671 Valle 1994b
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Precolombino de México, Mexico City 2004 Thomas 1993 1994
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Rescate de un rescate: colección de objetos Torquemada 1975-83 Roberto Velasco Alonso, 'El Palacio de Moctezuma,
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312 MOCTEZUMA
In memary af Felipe Salís Olguín

This book is published to accompany the exhibition at the

British Museum from 24 September 2009 to 24 January 2010.

The exhibition is supported by ArcelorMittal.

Additional support for the exhibition has been given by

the airline partner Mexicana.

Text © 2009 The Trustees of the British Museum except for the chapters by Felipe Solís
Olguín, Eduardo Matos Moctezuma, Leonardo López Luján and Guilhem Olivier, [ohn H.
Elliott and David A. Brading and the entries by Eleanor Wake which are © 2009 the authors
in each case, and the chapter by Salvador Rueda Smithers and the entries by Miguel Báez,
David Morales Gómez, Carlos Javier González, Ethelia Ruiz Medrano, Felipe Solís Olguín,
Salvador Rueda Smithers and Roberto Velasco Alonso, and the epilogue by Leonardo López
Luján and Ximena Chávez Balderas, which are © 2009 Instituto Nacional de Antropología
e Historia in each case.

The partiai or total, direct or indirect reproduction of the contents of the present work is prohibited
without the prior express authorization in writing of the pubushers and the authors under the terms
of applicable nationallaw and internationai treaties. lnfringement may be liable to corresponding
legal sanctions.

First published in 2009 by The British Museum Press

A division ofThe British Museum Company Ud
38 Russell Square, London WCIB 3QQ

A catalogue record for this book is available from the

British Library

ISBN (cased) 978-0-7141-2586-2

ISBN (paperback) 978-0-7141-2585-5

Designed by Price Watkins

Copyedited by Kate Bell
Translation by First Edition and Univerba

Printed in Italy

Half title: Moctezuma's name glyph from the Codex Mendoza (detail of fig. 52)
Frontispiece: portrait of Moctezuma (detail of cat. 130)
Opposite: tripod plate (see cat. 55)
p. 9: Moctezuma travels to meet Cortés (detail of cat. 111).
Contents

Editors and contributors 6

Lenders 7
Forewords 8
Acknowledgements 12
Chronology 14
Map 16

Introduction Colirl McEwarl arld Leonardo López Lujárl 18

Family histories: the ancestors of Moctezuma 11Felipe Solís Olguírl 24

Catalogue entries 1- 13 42

2 The coronation of Moctezuma 11Eduardo Matos Moctezuma 56

Catalogue entries 14-20 68

3 Images of Moctezuma and his symbols of power Guilhem Olivier and Leonardo López Luiár: 78
Catalogue entries 21-55 92

4 Moctezuma and the renewal of nature Richard F. Towrlsmd 124

Catalogue entries 56-80 144

S Moctezuma's military and economic rule Frarlces F. Berdarl 182

Catalogue entries 81-101 196

6 The overthrow of Moctezuma and his empire [ohn. H. Elliott 218

Catalogue entries 102 - 1 1 8 236

7 The rebirth of ancient Mexico David A. Brading 256

Catalogue entries 119-131 274

8 Rethinking Moctezuma Salvador Rueda Smithers 288

Epilogue
In search of Mexica kings:
current excavations in Tenochtitlan
Leonardo López Lujárl arld Ximma Chávez Balderas 294

Glossary 300
Notes 304
Bibliography 306
IlIustration acknowledgements 313
Index 315
 Acknowledgements

This project originated in an innovative collaboration between Mexico and the British
Museum when, in January 2007, Mexican Ambassador Juan José Bremer and Director Neil
MacGregor agreed that 'Moctezuma' would make a fitting finale for the Museum's
exhibition series on renowned rulers.
From its inception the initiative enjoyed a remarkable spirit of collegial goodwill. In
[uly 2007 our three principal Mexican curatorial colleagues Eduardo Matos, Leonardo López
and Felipe Solís were invited to join John Elliott, David Brading, Hugh Thomas and Felipe
Fernández-Armesto in London. All contributed thoughtfully to a lively seminar at the British
Museum that did much to stimulate our ideas about how the life of the enigmatic and
complex figure ofMoctezuma 11might be addressed afresh. Subsequent curatorial meeting s
in Mexico City helped advance our thinking about the themes and content of the exhibition.
In particular Leonardo López Luján's deep knowledge of the subject and extraordinary
generosity have made telling contributions at every turn in the development of the
exhibition and the book. It has been a singular privilege to renew our collaboration with such
an outstandingly gifted scholar and friendo
We owe a huge debt of gratitude to our institutional partners CONACULTA-INAH in ,
Mexico, especially Consuelo Sáizar (President of CONACULTA) and Alfonso de Maria y
Campos (Director-General of INAH) and his staff: Rafael Pérez Miranda, Luis Ignacio Sáinz
Chávez, María del Perpetuo Socorro Villarreal, Miriam Kaiser (National Director of
International Exhibitions), Alejandra Barajas (Project Coordinator), Gabriela López, Patricia
Real, Leticia Pérez, Erasmo Trejo, Ileana Peña and Miguel Báez. All have generously hosted
our visits and worked tirelessly in support of the exhibition and catalogue. In addition, we
thank José Enrique Ortiz Lanz, Juan Manuel Santín, Teresa Aguirre, Jesús Álvarez, René
Castellanos, Erika Gómez, Héctor Ceja, Trinidad Rico, Diego Sapién, Itzia Villicaña, Ana
San Vicente, Ernesto Rodríguez, Alejandro Sarabia. In London, Ambassador Bremer,
Minister for Cultural Affairs Ignacio Durán and Jimena Gorráez-Belmar have given
unstinting support to pro mote the project and related events.
International exhibition projects call upon the expertise and goodwill of many
individuals and institutions. We gratefully acknowledge the support of all the lenders to the
exhibition who are listed on p. 7. We have counted time and again on museum Directors and
curatorial colleagues who have received visits, advised us on object selection and guided us
through often complex negotiations.
In Mexico, we thank the late Felipe Solís, Diana Magaloni Kerpel, Patricia Ochoa,
Roberto Velasco (Museo Nacional de Antropología); Carlos Javier González and Fernando
Carrizosa (Museo del Templo Mayor); Salvador Rueda, Juan Salvador (Museo Nacional de
Historia); Cecilia Genel, Ana San Vicente (Museo Nacional del Virreinato); Juan Contreras
(Museo Cuauhnahuac); Marco Antonio Carvajal, David Morales (Museo Baluarte de Santiago);

12
Ernesto Rodríguez (Dirección de Salvamento Arqueológico); Antonio Gasca, Victor Angel
Osorio (Instituto Mexiquense de Cultura); Mauricio Maillé (Fundación Televisa).
In Europe, we thank Ilaria Bartocci, Alexander Brust, Maria Paolo Rufino, Ana Rita
Fantoni, Ana Cassaza, Claudio Cavatrunci, Maria Antonietta Fugazzola, Maria Caída,
Christian F. Feest, Viola Koenig, Gerard van Bussel, Wolf Koepke, Paz Cabello Caro,
Concepción García Sáiz, Ana Castaño Lloris, Christophe Pallez, Thierry Delcourt, Fabienne
de Pierrebourg, Anne-Sophie Delhaye, André Delpuech, Milagros del Corral Beltrán, María
Luisa López-Vidriero and Elena García. In the UK we thank Carole Holden, Bruce Barker-
Benfield and David Weston and at the Spanish Embassy in London Ambassador Carles
Casajuana, Juan José Mazarredo Pamplo and Beatriz Mérida Balcázar.
In the United States, we thank Richard Townsend, Nancy Rosoff, Mark Dimunation,
[ames H. Billington, Miriam Doutriaux, Juan Antonio Murro, [ay and Jean Kislak, Arthur
Dunkelman, Charles Spencer and Edward Widmer.
At the British Museurn, the Moctezuma 'Core Team under Carolyn Marsden-Smith's
overall guidance ariginally comprised Emma Kelly and Susan Dymond, and we were sorry to
lose both when they moved on to other positions. In February 2008 Elisenda Vila was appointed
Assistant Curatar and, amid myriad demands, her enthusiasm and passion have shone
through all aspects of her organizational and intellectual involvement in the project. Sarah
Scott, ably supported by Neil Casey, picked up the reins as Project Manager and we have
especially appreciated her intelligent and thoughtful handling of the complexities and
pressures. Paul Goodhead has contributed graphic skills of the highest arder and Olivia Buck
continued seamlessly seeing the interpretation through to completion. The exhibition
designers Karl Abeyasekara and Bill Kerridge of Studio A have risen to the challenge and
brought their combined creativity, skills and experience to bear to produce an exceptional
outcome. The project has benefited greatly from the talents and expertise of colleagues in
different departments throughout the Museum. Limited space precludes us from thanking
everyone individually. We extend our sincere appreciation to all in International Loans;
Conservation and Scientific Research; Photography and Imaging; Infarmation Systems;
Development; Marketing; the British Museum Company; Communications; Learning and
Audiences; Human Resources; Finance; and Legal Services. In the Dept of Africa, Oceania and
the Americas, Keeper Jonathan King, the Centre for Anthropology library team and curatorial
staff Leonora Baird-Smith, Jack Davy, Julia Zumstein and Rosario (Charo) Rovira Guardiola
have all provided dedicated assistance, supported by intern Delphine Cano and volunteers
Juliana Holhauer-Conti, Margarita Luna, Andrea Kiernan, Maria Fernandes and Mariela Juarez.
An edited volume faces particular challenges of integrating very different kinds of
material and individual writing styles not to mention translation. All the contributors
(credited on p.6) have found time to deliver amid other pressing commitments and often at
very short notice. Their diverse range of expertise and distinctive approaches reflect the
interdisciplinary nature of the undertaking, interweaving archaeological, pictorial and
textual sources. A great de al of credit must go to our copyeditor Kate Bell who has worked
assiduously to help us achieve what we trust readers will find to be an accesible and coherent
outcome. Her efforts have been matched by the book designer Ray Watkins and all at British
Museum Press, in particular Rosemary Bradley, Coralie Hepburn and Melanie Morris.

13