Introduction:
Family and kinship have always been recognized as a fundamental and vital
component of anthropological research, forming an intricate web of social
relationships and contributing micro perspectives to other areas of anthropology.
However, in both temporal and spatial dimensions, they have demonstrated their
diversity to researchers. The concepts, nature, forms, and meanings of family and
kinship not only have evolved over time and with social changes, but have also
played different roles in various regions and cultures. This response paper reviews,
analyzes, summarizes and reflects on Goldstein’s “Polyandry: When brothers take a
wife” and McCurdy’s “Family and Kinship in Village India.” The purpose of this paper
is to address and interpret the composition and significance of unconventional
families and marriages in the cultures.
Summary of Main Arguments:
Goldstein mainly observes and studies polyandry, i.e., marriage of one wife to
multiple husbands, as practiced in Tibet. He showed that by marrying a single wife, a
group of brothers could protect the family’s resources, whereas monogamy or
polygyny usually cost a man his property and required him to make a fresh start
(Goldstein, 2012). Fraternal polyandry represents the traditional ideal of marriage
and family. Traditionally, arranged marriages are practiced in Tibet. In polyandry, the
age of the brothers plays a decisive role, for example, the oldest brothers are usually
the dominant ones in terms of power, that is, management of the household. But all
brothers share the workload and are involved in sexual activities. Tibetan males and
females do not find it unusual, humiliating, or scandalous to share a spouse sexually,
and the norm for wives is to treat all brothers equally. Brothers regard all children
equally, independent of biological affiliation; accordingly, children also regard all
brothers as fathers, without favoritism. Additionally, divorce is traditionally relatively
simple - a brother simply leaves the main household and sets up his own business.
In this case, all the children stay in the household with the remaining brothers, even if
the departing brother is the biological father of one or more children.
In fact, tibetan society allows a variety of marriage forms, including monogamy,
polygyny, and polyandry, their own explanation for choosing fraternal polyandry is
materialistic: the men can improve their standard of living by avoiding having their
farms and livestock divided up; the woman can be better off economically, by having
multiple husbands and children working for her. For younger ones, polyandry allows
for the realization and maintenance of a good life, less work pressure and greater
security. They believed that fraternal polyandry diminished the risk of family
disintegration, and monogamy, on the contrary, is destabilizing, given that children
born to different wives in the same generation become competing heirs. Therefore,
the decision for males is whether to trade the greater personal freedom inherent in
monogamy for the real or potential economic security, affluence, and social prestige
associated with life in a labor-abundant, large, multi-child family.
Goldstein also points out several problems with this system. Due to the absolute
dominance of the eldest brother, it is easy to centralize power and dictatorship, so
the other brothers can hardly change their status within the family. Besides, equal
treatment is not as easy as it sounds, and it is not realistic for a wife to pour out an
equal and balanced amount of affection and sexuality to all her husbands.
While McCurdy focuses on family and kinship relations in the Indian village. He
claims that kinship ties form the core social groups and organizations in rural Indian
society, a system well adapted to family-centered land ownership and small-scale
agriculture. He concludes by pointing out that Indians have used close family bonds
to adapt to the cash-labor-oriented life of modernization trends (McCurdy, 2012).
He begins by noting that rural Indians spend considerable effort in building and
maintaining their kinship system to make it more resilient and strong. Arranged
marriages are common and supportive in India. The most prominent of which is that
marriage builds alliances between families, lineages, and clans, thereby creating a
network of kinship that is the key structure of Indian society, which confers social
strength and security. People's personal reputation depends on the quality and
quantity of their allies and relatives.
The approval of the marriage from lineages is necessary. Indians attach great
importance to their relatives. The most crucial evaluation criteria for a spouse is
whether they come from the right clan, i.e., a circle of people who all consider
themselves to be descended from a common ancestor. Patrilineal descent is
dominant in India, which means that it not only defines the qualifications of
inheritance rights while reinforcing a man's authority over his wife and children. Since
clans imply that spouses are close relatives, even though they may be strangers, the
prohibition of marriage is affirmed, so as to ensure that incest does not occur.
Another important element that makes up a marriage - the bride price, an exchange
back locally seen as compensation for the bride's dedication and loyalty to the family.
Marriage means the transfer of a woman from her family and clan of origin to her
husband's family and clan, including her body, loyalty, labor and responsibility for her
children. She is now part of his husband's family, and she will face double the
pressure from her husband's family as well as her father's family. The bride price is
both a way to alleviate her pressure and a means of protecting the potential benefits
of her original family members.
After marriage, husbands would seek higher wages to support the family through
contractors who recruited them as day laborers at low wages to work in the cities. But
even so, kinship ties across India remain close and strong. This stems from the fact
that they have never given up teaching their children to respect their elders and to
place their own interests under those of the family. Family loyalty remains the most
important value.
Comparison of Positions:
While focusing on studies of family and kinship in different regions and cultures, there
is no lack of similarities between these two studies. First, both studies underscore the
fact that kinship is essential in shaping the family structure and social order in their
respective cultures. Secondly, arranged marriages are practiced in both regions,
presumably due to poverty, wealth and inheritance issues, etc. Even though they
may sound puzzling and repulsive to people in other regions, they are even seen as
traditional and the norm in the local context. Economic factors also play a key role in
influencing marriage. Goldstein emphasizes the economic advantages of polyandry,
such as avoiding resource distribution, while McCurdy points to the bride price that
Indian families pay for the economic benefit of both parties. Moreover, cultural values
and norms have a great influence on marriage practices in both cultures.
Methodologically, both Goldstein and McCurdy took the position of an observer
conducting fieldwork rather than going native. Such an approach allows the
researcher to maintain an outsider's identity, minimize observer effect, record and
understand what is seen from a more rational and objective perspective, and
simultaneously mitigate biases based on personal experience or cultural
circumstances. Since the subject of marriage in the study is a more sensitive
component of the culture, the method of observation may be a more ethical one that
helps to respect cultural boundaries and privacy.
There are certainly plenty of discrepancies between them. First, McCurdy's study, set
in an Indian village, examines the family-centered model of arranged marriage and
the role of kinship in the context of small-scale agricultural land ownership, while
Goldstein's study, based in Tibet, analyzes the cultural and economic factors
affecting monogamy in the context of a harsh natural environment. Plus, the principal
reasons for the formation of local marriages are varied. In Tibet, Goldstein identified
economic advantage, resource management and risk reduction as contributing
factors to polyandry. McCurdy highlights the significance of arranged marriages in
building alliances, creating social networks, and maintaining family fertility in India.
Finally, Goldstein discusses external factors such as power, dominance, and tourism
as threats to the continuity of polyandry; McCurdy observes that men going to work in
distant places strengthens the bonds between kin. He misses the actual external
factors that threaten the existence of arranged marriages.
Personal Reactions and Reflections:
On first reading Goldstein's study I had reservations about the existing polyandry in
Tibet, given that his article was first published in 1987, 37 years ago. However, the
freedom of marriage and monogamy were clearly stated in the Marriage Law
promulgated as early as 1950 in China, yet it has to be admitted that polyandry still
exists in Tibet to this day. (Tenzin Tsom, 2023) And until 2019, the judicial authorities
in the Tibet Autonomous Region are still hearing disputes arising from polyandry
families. In accordance with article 1041 of Chapter 1, General Provisions, of Title V,
Marriage and Family, of the Civil Code of the People's Republic of China, the
marriage system of freedom of marriage, monogamy and equality of women is
practiced. Obviously, polyandry is a violation of the law and should be sanctioned.
However, there may be situations where it is a de facto marriage rather than a de
jure marriage, without corresponding provisions to address it. According to article
1126 of Chapter 2 of Title VI of the Civil Code of the People's Republic of China,
Legal Succession, inheritance is equal for both men and women, and article 1127 of
the Civil Code stipulates that inheritance is in the first order of inheritance: spouse,
children and parents…… However, in Tibetan marriage customs, daughters who are
married off are usually deprived of their legal first-order heir status. Besides, women
have almost no rights when it comes to property in their husband's family, and
simultaneously they are not allocated any property. Owing to their low level of
education, ignorance of laws and regulations, and lack of awareness of their rights,
they do not realize that their legal rights have been infringed upon, let alone protect
their rights and interests through legal channels. All of the above not only reflects the
conflict between actual social life and legal provisions, but also the lack of legal
regulation of such relationships. Tibet because of its national culture, life differences
and other habits, prompting the state in the formulation of relevant laws and
regulations are required to fully reflect the national autonomy, but due to the large
differences in economic levels, the region within the uneven level of education, it is
difficult to carry out the popularization of the law, justice and law enforcement
activities. I believe it is necessary to take into full consideration the level of economic
development in each region of Tibet, folk customs, as well as the enactment of the
law in Tibet in the concrete implementation of the effectiveness of the predicted
factors to try to resolve disputes. For example, a diversified dispute mediation
mechanism should be established; the legislature should supplement the relevant
provisions on disputes over polyandry in Tibet; and judicial guidance should be
provided in Tibet.
The theory of cultural relativity tells us that there are neither superior nor inferior cultures, including marriage. Eac
What McCurdy studied about arranged marriages in rural India struck a chord with
me, which is very similar to the situation in China before the 1950s. "Parents' orders
and matchmakers' words determine a woman's destiny for the rest of her life, the
bride price and dowry as the bride's explicit exchange, and values that prioritize
family bonds over personal happiness, etc. Even with the benefits of aligning
families, consolidating wealth and status, and expanding family networks, it is worth
noting that arranged marriages are inherently a violation of human rights, especially
women's rights (Articles 15 and 16 of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms
of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) specifically address the prohibition of
such marriages and family law), and it is doubtful that their existence is beneficial for
future marriages and the upbringing of children. Moreover, today, arranged
marriages are suspected of being abused in the international migration system.
Some have to enter into sham arranged marriages in order to obtain permanent
residency in a country and become immigrants. As for the stability of arranged
marriages, it cannot be considered as an advantage, but only as a feature. The
lowest divorce rates in the world are found in cultures with extremely high rates of
arranged marriages, such as the Amish culture, with only 1% (Winnerman, 2010),
Hindus, with 3% (Lee, 2013) and Ultra-Orthodox Jews in Israel, with 7% (Waxman).
Today, about 55% of marriages worldwide are arranged (Zuckerman, 2020). The
global divorce rate for arranged marriages is 6.3%, which should be considered as a
beneficial fact (Zuckerman, 2020). Yet, the opposite may in fact be true. Having been
in an arranged marriage for a long time, even if something awful and unhealthy
happens to them in the marriage, they don't think about divorce because those
around them tend to blame the idea and see it as a shame for the individual as well
as for the family. This reflects the difficulty of obtaining a divorce and the social
rejection of it. It inadvertently furnishes women with a passive position in the family
and prevents them from seeking more autonomous life choices. Arranged marriages
also have the potential to limit women's rights in child-rearing. Mothers are usually
forced to sacrifice their own well-being in order to preserve the integrity of the family
and ensure that their children will not grow up in a single-parent household. However,
this in turn often leads to more serious mental health problems for the children and
negative impacts on family relationships. In the future, we undoubtedly need to pay
more attention to the potential impact of arranged marriages on the rights of
individuals and women's rights, to make society more accepting of a wide range of
marriage options, and to provide more guarantees of the right of individuals to
divorce. Such changes will not only help women gain more autonomy in the family,
but also create a healthier and more equal family environment for the next
generation.
Critical Analysis and Evaluation:
Goldstein's study has contributed greatly to Western society's insights into Tibetan
culture. However, due to the vastness of Tibet, it is possible that some aspects of
polyandry marriages differed among the people living in different districts within it.
For example, because the children regard all the brothers as their fathers, the
children will refer to them as 'father'. However, in fact, in the same area, they would
only refer to the eldest brother as 'father' and to the other brothers as 'uncle'.
Therefore, it can be seen that the results of this study are not generalizable, and the
examples of families in a particular region do not represent all the correct cultural
practices in that region. Secondly, there is the issue of the timeliness of the
information, which I mentioned earlier. In the 37 years since this article was originally
published, both compulsory and liberalized education in Tibet has progressed
considerably, and polyandry is gradually being replaced by monogamy. Moreover, an
intersectional analysis that considers how gender interacts with other social
categories, such as age and socio-economic status, can enhance the understanding
of power dynamics and the way in which this institution of marriage becomes
traditional.
McCurdy's exploration of kinship in rural India, while insightful about arranged
marriages, is constrained by its narrow focus on a specific rural context and time
frame. This limits its ability to capture the diverse family structures and kinship
dynamics prevalent throughout the country. A broader examination of temporal
changes and consideration of contemporary factors like urbanization and education
could enhance the study's relevance and provide a more comprehensive
understanding of evolving familial structures in rural Indian society.
Conclusion:
Goldstein's study on Tibetan polyandry illuminates a unique marriage system shaped
by economic and environmental factors. While providing valuable cultural insights, its
limited generalizability and potential outdatedness raise considerations for
contemporary relevance. McCurdy's exploration of arranged marriages in rural India
highlights the significance of kinship ties within small-scale agriculture. However, the
study's specificity limits broader applicability, urging future research to address
evolving socio-cultural landscapes. Both studies contribute to anthropological
discourse, emphasizing the delicate balance between an outsider's perspective and
cultural sensitivity. As we navigate these complexities, ongoing research should
capture the dynamic nature of familial structures and their adaptation to changing
global influences.
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