Ancient Mesoamerica, 29 (2018), 157–170

Copyright © Cambridge University Press, 2018

doi:10.1017/S0956536117000232

SOULS OF THE ANCESTORS: POSTCLASSIC MAYA

ARCHITECTURE, INCENSARIOS, AND MANA

Leslie G. Cecila and Timothy W. Pughb

a
Department of Anthropology, Geography, and Sociology, Stephen F. Austin State University, Nacogdoches, Texas 75962
b
Department of Anthropology, Queens College, Flushing, New York 11367

Abstract
In this article, we consider how the Postclassic Kowoj Maya of the central Peten lakes region of El Petén, Guatemala utilized mana in
conjunction with their ritual objects and spolia to mediate between the natural and supernatural worlds. In many cultures worldwide and
throughout time, mana (magical or spiritual powers that provide people and objects with a living force) transforms the ordinary into the
spiritually powerful. The Kowojs imbued incense burners and buildings with mana, thus facilitating a connection with their ancestors. We
examine the manufacturing recipe of a group of incense burners and the civic-ceremonial buildings at Zacpeten to argue that the Kowoj
used these objects to mediate among the living, the dead, and the supernatural realms. Ultimately, by empowering these objects with mana,
the Kowoj constructed a universe where they regularly communicated with their ancestors and built structures that ensouled their historical
consciousness.

INTRODUCTION between the natural and supernatural worlds. Mana is transmitted

to an object by such specialists and operated by gods and spirits,
Many world cultures maintain contact with their ancestors through
making that object powerful and awesome with regard to admira-
material objects employed in rituals such as dances, venerations,
tion, respect, and fear (Keesing 1984:149–151; Marett 1909:13;
and magical acts, as well as through the architectural settings of
Mauss 1972:134–135; Walker 1995; Walker and Schiffer 2006).
such activities. Objects do not exist in a vacuum; they are part of
Some objects may possess more animating spirit than others, and
multifaceted social, political, and religious networks in which
in some cases, it can be so potent that the object is believed to exer-
their social power and quotidian utility may be manipulated to
cise agency:
accommodate collective needs. Material culture from the past,
which may be animated with supernatural forces and thus spiritually
connected to ancestors or even gods, stimulates memory and iden- [S]ome objects are experienced as having intentions, awareness,
tity, and its efficacy can be heightened by non-material means. and the power to influence people’s lives. Whether these abilities
dwell in the objects themselves or are bestowed upon them by
The Postclassic (a.d. 900–1525) Kowoj Maya of the Peten lakes
other invisible forces (including people’s minds), object anima-
region of northern Guatemala (Figure 1) illustrate the use of
tion allows entities from the (mythic or historic) past—gods,
spirit-infused ancient objects to stay connected to their ancestors. ancestors, or ghosts—to continue participating in current social
Two examples are discussed here: use of spolia, repurposed build- practice (Nielsen 2008:209).
ing components or monuments, and the manufacture of pottery
incense burners (incensarios, censers) with attached anthropomor-
phic effigies. Many things seem to be “possessed” or to have agency because
objects can “outlive” their owners (Miller 2001:107). The older the
object, the more likely it is to possess active power that can affect
ANIMISM, MANA, AND RITUAL change (Zedeño 2008:368). Like objects given as gifts (Mauss
1966), old things may be inalienably bound to their original
Animism is the belief that animals and objects possess an inherent owners. Heirlooms, for example, are special as they are linked to
force or spirit (Tylor 1871). Many cultures, including the ancient ancestors and group memories (Lillios 1999:243). Their seeming
and current Maya, believe that objects defined by Western standards permanence can contribute to the notion that they embody spiritual
as inanimate (buildings, pottery vessels), are actually animate and power and are associated with origins, “outside beings,” and, conse-
powerful, with a life history or cultural biography (Brown and quently, liminality (Helms 1998:165–173). As objects from another
Emery 2008; Brown and Walker 2008; Gosden and Marshall time or “out of time,” they could be considered both dangerous and
1999; Lucero 2008). This invisible animating spirit or power is powerful (Hamann 2008:808). Although an object may be created to
mana: a magical or religious essence that can be possessed by fulfill one need at one time and place, how it is used may change
someone, such as a ritual specialist or shaman, who can mediate during the object’s life span, thus creating its life history. To fully
understand an object’s place in society, one cannot assume that its
E-mail correspondence to: [email protected] final use yields all possible information about it.

157

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 158 Cecil and Pugh

Figure 1. Map of the Postclassic archaeological sites in Peten, Guatemala.

Many cultures hold the belief that objects used in rituals, ch’ulel (inner soul), such as stelae, in the new construction or man-
whether it be contacting ancient ancestors or ensouling a structure, ufacture of others in order to transmit the ancestral power that
are active agents mediating between the living and the dead. This “enlivened and sacralized them” from one object to another.
mediation brings inanimate objects to life, thus (re)creating the con- In addition to transferring mana or ch’ulel, humans can instill
nections between the natural and supernatural worlds (Gosden animating essences in objects through ritual consecration, manufac-
2005; Zedeño 2008). The past becomes the present and the ture, or use, accompanied by chants and invocations. These mech-
present the past. This juxtaposition allows for collective memories anisms vary cross-culturally. During rituals, the ritual specialist
that establish mind and body connections to cultural objects brings the spirits into the present realm and directs the property of
(Neilsen 2008), making inanimate objects animate social agents mana into animate or inanimate objects. Found things discarded
associated with “remembering, memorializing, and forgetting” by past people can also gain a new life. In some cases, they may
(Walker 2008:14). For example, current Maya in Santiago Atitlán, be connected with malevolent forces and avoided (Villa Rojas
Guatemala, who perform a deer and jaguar dance, believe that 1945:104). In others, they can be associated with ancestral power.
they are embodying the saints and deities of the mythical past, That a person was “chosen” to find the object might add to the
that their ancestors continue to live in their blood (Christenson power of a ritual practitioner or signal a divine calling (Brown
2016:153, 164), and that the spirits of the ancestors continue to 2000:328–328). Although the receiving object may look ordinary,
influence Maya social and political realms through empowering it is now “mana: it works by virtue of its potentiation by spirit
ancestral memory (Stuart 1988:193). beings, complementary to human skill and knowledge” (Keesing
Maya ancestral memory also is reflected in the concept of ch’ulel 1984:148). Something with mana, be it a person or an object, has
that is part of modern Maya belief systems (Blaffer 1972; Pitarch a force and quality that has been transformed and can be transforma-
Ramon 1993; Vogt 1965, among others) as well as ancient Maya tive. As a transformative object, it possesses magical qualities
society (Houston and Stuart 1996:292; O’Neil 2009). Ch’ulel is because it has been “mana-ized” by the ancestors and deities
an everlasting and recyclable spirit or essence that is extra-somatic, (Keesing 1984:138,149) and can be instructed by humans to
but resides in the heart, and energizes people as well as ritual objects affect their lives and activities (e.g., ancestor worship; Walker
(Blaffer 1972:101; Pitarch Ramon 1993:45). This spirit/essence, 1995; Zedeño 2008). Many magical acts that transfer mana from
like mana, has power and agency and can inhabit people and inan- the supernatural to the natural realm involve objects of material
imate objects connecting the natural and supernatural realms. culture. “The objects manipulated are chosen analogically on the
According to the Tzeltal Maya, ch’ulel has to be “implanted or basis of similarity and difference to convey meaning. From the per-
fixed” to a person or thing through a ritual specialist and is essential formative perspective, the action [the transfer of mana] consists of
for life (sickness results when parts of the ch’ulel are missing), an operation done on an object-symbol to make an imperative and
emotion, and memory (Pitarch Ramon 1993:58–61). Maya archae- realistic transfer of its properties to the recipient” (Tambiah 1973:
ologists also believe that the ancient Maya’s concept of ch’ulel 222). The resulting symbol acts as a potent magical symbol
encompassed an indispensable force/power/essence that existed (Gravel 1995:66) that functions in conjunction with humans with
in ritual objects (such as spolia and incensarios), connecting their mana.
ancestors to the present. For example, O’Neil (2009:122; 132) The ritual specialist, as a result of having and being able to evoke
describes that the Late Classic Maya used various objects with a and direct mana, is thereby legitimized, thus deepening the belief in

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 Souls of the Ancestors 159

magic and its powers, as many rituals of this nature are part of the (Figure 1). One of their communities, Zacpeten, on a peninsula in
collective conscious. “We cannot conceive of any magical judgment Lake Salpeten, was occupied from the Middle Preclassic to the
which is not the object of collective confirmation… More usually, Historic period (Pugh 2001, 2004; Rice and Rice 2009; Rice
however, magic has the support of more extensive groups, whole et al. 1996, 1998). Mapping and excavations identified two large
societies and cultures” (Mauss 1972:125). Because of the needs temple-assemblage ceremonial groups (Groups A and C), domestic
of the community, their sense of place and belonging (Mondragon structures clustered around the ceremonial groups, and a defensive
2004:289), and their belief in the transformative effect of mana, wall at the neck of the peninsula.
the belief in mana becomes rationalized and perpetuated within From 1995 to 1997, Proyecto Maya Colonial conducted archae-
the culture. ological investigations at the site of Zacpeten. The work included
The means by which ancestors are contacted or acknowledged in both horizontal and vertical excavations with an emphasis on the
such rituals differs widely across space and through time, but the former. Horizontal excavations investigated activity areas and asso-
belief in the ability of a person (e.g., ritual specialist) or material ciations with architectural features in the latest occupations of the
object to mediate between the natural and supernatural worlds pre- site, which ranged from the Late Postclassic (a.d. 1400–1525)
vails throughout history. Such mediation also can take place through through the Contact (a.d. 1525–1697) periods. A test unit to
the process of manufacture of objects. The person who is creating bedrock was excavated in all buildings in which it was safe to do
the piece is ensouling it through the collective memory of creation, so to investigate construction histories. Structures were gridded
the traditional processes, and the materials used. Two forms of such into one-by-one meter units (total n = 4685) and each was exca-
creation-mediation are of interest here and discussed below: spolia vated according to stratigraphic and cultural levels. Soil was
and effigy incensarios. The practice of contacting ancestors screened through one-eighth-inch hardware cloth. Intact cultural
through such means is “grounded in pragmatism that drew power surfaces were generally identified 10 to 25 centimeters below the
from the past, legitimized the current state of affairs… and modern ground surface. In some cases, the entire building was exca-
charted a course for the future” (McAnany 1995:1). The past need vated, but most excavations focused upon the superstructure, the
not be the local past; objects such as relics and spolia can be central stairway, the plaza in front of buildings, and the back and
brought from long distances to tie, politically and/or spiritually, a sides of the substructures.
settlement with a distant powerful place (Brenk 1987). These excavations investigated two public temples, a domestic
temple, two public oratorios, four open halls, two statue shrines,
two raised shrines, a ceremonial sakbe (causeway), five residences
POSTCLASSIC MAYA IN CENTRAL PETEN,
or compounds, an ossuary, large areas of plaza, and the defensive
GUATEMALA
walls. Several buildings incorporated stelae or altar fragments in
The Maya are best known for their magnificent temple construc- the construction, as well as Classic dressed construction stones.
tions, hieroglyphic inscriptions, and polychrome-painted pottery Ceramics recovered in and around these loci included nearly
of the Classic period (a.d. 250–900) in the lowlands of southern 7,000 incense burner fragments alone: 4,448 effigy, 1,606 non-
Mexico, Belize, and northern Guatemala (Department of El effigy, and 890 unidentifiable. The vast majority was recovered as
Petén). Classic Maya civilization declined and “collapsed” at the de facto refuse in the three temples. One temple included multiple
end of the Classic period, issuing in an era of war, population paired censers that appeared to have been complete prior to the col-
decline at the large centers, social and political reorganization, lapse of the temple ceiling and walls. The other temples held censers
and migrations of populations. Current research on the that had been smashed and their pieces intermingled, most likely to
Postclassic region of central Peten conjoins ethnohistory and “terminate” them (Pugh et al. 2009:159). Censers were also found in
archaeology (Cecil 2001, 2009; Jones 1998; Pugh 2001, 2004; other contexts such as ceremonial refuse deposits or in households.
Rice and Rice 2009, 2018a, 2018b, among others), revealing a
time of dynamic sociopolitical alliances and dominance relations,
changing religious cults, long-distance exchange, and migrations
ARCHITECTURE AND SPOLIA
of sociopolitical groups from northern Yucatan to central Peten
and vice versa. Spolia can refer to both reused weapons captured in war and old
In the lakes region, this ethnohistoric and archaeological blocks reused in new buildings. A pertinent question is whether
research indicates the presence of multiple socio-political groups such stone is reused because it is a convenient quality stone or
during the Postclassic to Colonial periods, two of which are the because it is associated with the past: is the selection based on mate-
Itza and the Kowoj. The Itza controlled the southern and western rial or memory or a combination (Greenhalgh 2011:78–79)? Spolia
basin of Lake Peten Itza, a large area stretching from Lake Quexil in Medieval Europe was so prominent and widespread that it
west to Lake Sacpuy, with their capital, Nojpeten, on modern became a sort of unwritten ideology (Brenk 1987:103), a way of
Flores Island (Figure 1; Jones 1998; Jones et al. 1981; Rice and bringing the past into the present and, in the process, adding
Rice 2018b). Hernán Cortés encountered the Itza in 1525, when some sort of value to the present. For example, the Ostrogothic
he traveled through Peten on his way from Mexico to Honduras ruler, Theodoric, used stones from Rome to build a palace and
(Cortés 1976:219–285). Itza architecture is characterized by other structures in his capital, Ravenna, to draw parallels with
formal open halls, raised shrines, and architectural sculpture that Roman emperors. Subsequently, the Frankish king Charlemagne
includes raptorial birds, possible coyotes, serpents, small phalli, imported building stones from both Rome and Ravenna to link
and turtles (Pugh 1996:206–211; Rice et al. 1998, 1996; for a thor- himself to Rome and Theodoric (Brenk 1987:108–109). Medieval
ough perspective see Rice and Rice 2018b). Islamic architecture incorporated spolia for political reasons, but
The Kowoj occupied the northeastern area of Lake Peten Itza also as magical items that were believed to protect and heal
and the east-central Peten lakes (Lakes Salpeten, Macanche, and (Gonnella 2010:104). Spoliation did not end with the Middle
Yaxha) in central Peten by the time of Spanish conquest in 1697 Ages and was brought by the Europeans to the Americas, where

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 160 Cecil and Pugh

the practice can be discerned in colonial churches in Latin America buildings at Zacpeten was reclaimed stone. Some stones reused from
(Wren et al. 2015:178–184). Preclassic and Classic period constructions were likely selected for
Yet spoliation existed in the Maya region before the arrival of their material. Yet, it also seems likely that the Maya were dressing
Europeans. Like Medieval Europeans, the Postclassic Maya estab- the buildings in the stones of the past. The monuments likely evoked
lished and maintained relations with the past though an active dia- awe, fear, and wonder, but they certainly brought the past into the
logue with ancient architecture. They dug into buildings, moved present.
stelae, placed caches in temples, and reused other artifacts Stelae used as spolia did not always include inscriptions. Some
(Adams and Trik 1958; Andrews and Andrews 1980:109–118; Postclassic shrines at Ixlú included uncarved stelae in their walls.
Hammond and Bobo 1994; Satterthwaite 1958). Carved monuments were distinguished from uncarved monuments
In Peten, Postclassic architecture appropriated the past (and at both Tayasal and Zacpeten, however, because special objects
perhaps its mana) in varied ways. Postclassic structures were built were placed in front of them. At Tayasal, quantities of large incen-
on top of Classic buildings—at least one at Zacpeten following sario sherds, including an in situ base, were scattered in front of
the same wall lines—and it seems likely that the goal was more carved Stela 4, as were numerous side-notched points of chert and
than just to take advantage of building mass. Moreover, almost all obsidian (Pugh et al. 2012:9). At Zacpeten, ceremonial refuse
civic-ceremonial buildings and many elite residences excavated at including censer and other ceramic sherds, a stingray spine, and a
Zacpeten and other Postclassic sites in the lakes area incorporated human tooth were deposited in front of Stela 4, which had been
spolia. Generally, the stones were soft cut limestone blocks reset set into the east platform wall of a raised shrine. Across the plaza
into building facades, bench faces, or central features such as in the south wall of the platform of an open hall were embedded
altars and shrines. The same buildings almost always included the two halves of Altar 1, separated by a blank stela. Half of an
back walls composed of hard limestone rubble, which also could eroded human mandible, likely removed from an earlier burial by
have been borrowed from earlier constructions, and the same can Postclassic people, had been cached in front of one half of the
be said of earthen fill. In the open front room of one elite residence, altar. In front of these monuments was ceremonial refuse with
Structure 719 of Zacpeten, numerous soft cut limestones were set as effigy and composite incensario sherds, miscellaneous ceramics,
seat dividers in a bench (Pugh et al. 2009:194–195). obsidian and chert flakes, and miscellaneous shell. One refuse
The incorporation of Classic stelae and altars into buildings is deposit included fragments of Classic period censer stands that typ-
the most salient example of reuse of earlier masonry by the ically depict the Jaguar Sun God of the Underworld (JGU or GIII).
Postclassic Maya. Carved stelae and other sculptures were reset These fragments must have been encountered by the Postclassic
into Postclassic buildings in many sites throughout the lowlands, occupants and placed in veneration with their own ritual refuse in
including Mayapan to the north in Yucatan, one of the most influ- front of the altar (Pugh and Rice 2009a:154).
ential centers of that time (Milbrath and Peraza Lope 2003:9–10).
The use of spolia had some precedence, as the Classic Maya
cached monuments in order to appropriate their ch’ulel (O’Neil INCENSARIOS
2009:123–133). The Postclassic Maya also buried caches that intro- Incense burners were used in the Maya region (and elsewhere in
duced ch’ulel into buildings, but their reuse of monuments was an Mesoamerica) from the Preclassic period through Colonial times
overt relationship with the past. The items were put on display (Table 1). The most basic vessel is a vase (often on a pedestal),
rather than cached. small cup, or bowl that served as a receptacle for burning resins,
In the Peten lakes region, carved monuments were reset into gums, copal, or other fragrant organics as offerings. Postclassic
Postclassic architecture at Topoxte, Zacpeten, and Tayasal. In all composite censers may be decorated with buttons, spikes
cases, they were placed with the carving outward and were meant (perhaps symbolizing the young Ceiba pentandra tree, the Maya
to be seen. In Kowoj territory (Zacpeten and Topoxte), they were tree of life), or flanges; effigy censers feature a modeled deity
placed in walls, whereas in the Itza region (Tayasal) they were face or a full figure of a deity or ancestor. Both types may be stucc-
reset as standing stelae, revealing some ethnospecific variations. oed and/or painted. Incensarios range from 10 cm to more than 50
At Zacpeten, a carved altar had been split in half and a stela centimeters in height (Figure 3). Regardless of size or decoration,
rested upon its side suggesting some sort of desecration their primary ritual function was to link the living Maya to their
(Figure 2). In fact, most (ca. 60 percent) of the facing of ceremonial gods and ancestors.
At Postclassic sites, incensarios are typically associated with
ritual contexts, such as altars, shrines, and temples, and some high-
status residential structures (Chase 1985:116–118, 127; Smith
1971:vol. I). At Zacpeten, many censers were smashed on temple

Table 1. Time periods in Maya history in central Peten, Guatemala.

Time Period Date Range

Preclassic 2000 b.c.–a.d. 250

Early Classic a.d. 250– 600
Late Classic a.d. 600–900
Terminal Classic a.d. 900–1000
Postclassic a.d. 1000–1525
Contact a.d. 1525–1697
Figure 2. Stela 4 incorporated into east wall of lower terrace of Structure
601, Zacpeten.

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 Souls of the Ancestors 161

have its brazier in which they would burn their incense to it”
(Tozzer 1941:161). He also recorded rituals related to calendrical
cycling that involved replacing old idols with new ones during
Wayeb’ days (the five dangerous days at the end of the 365-day cal-
endar), New Year ceremonies, and K’atun (periods of 20 years)
endings. The cycling of year-bearer idols (most likely effigy incen-
sarios) for the Wayeb’ days resulted in the Maya lord hosting the
previous year’s idol and the upcoming year’s idol in his house (or
temple; Morley and Brainerd 1983). After the ritual feeding and
incensing of the two idols for the Wayeb’ period, the idol for the
past year was taken to its assigned town entrance (north, south,
east, or west) and smashed. During New Year ceremonies all house-
hold goods (e.g., plates, bowls, and perhaps incensarios) were
destroyed and later replaced with newly manufactured items
(Elson and Smith 2001). Even everyday objects and dirt discarded
during yearly cleaning rites in Colonial Yucatan were placed in
special locations and considered dangerous (Tozzer 1941:
151–152). During K’atun rituals, an idol had a 30-year period in
the temple. The first 10 years were served as a guest to the existing
idol, the second 10 years were seen as a joint rule with the existing
idol, and the last 10 years were spent hosting the new idol (Chase
1985; Morley and Brainerd 1983; Tozzer 1941:166–269). Chase
(1985) has documented this pattern at Santa Rita Corozal in Belize.
The destruction of the idols associated with Wayeb’, New Year,
and K’atun rituals released any residue of ritual power that may have
Figure 3. Nearly complete effigy incensario from Zacpeten (Patojo
remained after the ceremonies (Chase 1985:118–120). At Palenque,
Modeled: Patojo Variety, sample PCD611). Approximate height is 44 centi-
the ending of a K’atun cycle is indicated by broken incensario ped-
meters. Photograph courtesy of Don S. Rice.
estal bases that were smashed and buried “en la mismo espacio
arquitectónico que los había visto nacer” (Cuevas García and
floors (sometimes in pairs) and were excavated from refuse associ- Bernal Romero 2002:30). Similarly, the Northern Lacandon of
ated with the temples (Pugh 2001; Pugh and Rice 2009a). Chiapas placed terminated censers into caves and considered
Composite censers with spikes and buttons also are depicted in the these objects to be “the bones of our Lords” (McGee 1998:45).
Maya codices and on murals (Graff 1997; Graff and Vail 2001; Among the Aztecs, sherds of terminated censers were sometimes
Miller 1982; Paxton 1991; Vail 1996; Villacorta and Villacorta used as construction fill to enhance the spiritual power of ceremo-
1930). In the Dresden Codex, they occur on the pages associated nial buildings (Hamann 2008:808).
with New Year ceremonies. The Northern Lacandon have origins in the Colonial period as
Effigy incense burners are of particular interest. Made to resem- refugees from Yucatan and/or Peten (Pugh 2009). They made
ble either deities or important figures (perhaps ancestors) for the effigy incensarios until recently and believed that the censers
culture calling upon their powers, effigy censers highlight that allowed them to communicate with deities or the spirit of the
ritual specialists, rulers, and/or elites invoked the powers of deity that possessed the incensario. They cyclically replaced the
deities/ancestors to help achieve some goal. During this process, censers, which were believed to live and die. To place the spirit
the person calling ancestral spirits into being may have been of a deity into a new ceramic censer, a rite was conducted in
imbued with mana and/or was able to imbue the objects in the which cacao beans, “copal residue” from the bowl of the old
form of various deities with mana. Effigy incensarios are rarely censer, and a stone from the god’s home (ruins or a cave) were
seen in the codices, but the Madrid Codex (ff. 63c and 64c; Vail placed in the new censer’s bowl (Davis 1978:73; McGee 1998:
and Hernández 2013) may depict them with deities sitting with 46). The stone in the censer can also be considered spolia,
their backs to the vase (Graff 1997:162). On the murals, non-effigy another vehicle through which the Postclassic Maya may have medi-
incense burners are associated with the rain god Chaak and icono- ated between the natural and supernatural worlds. In addition to the
graphic clusters depicting the cosmological “themes of rebirth and Lacandon, many modern Maya still use incensing (censers, copal,
the passage from the Underworld to the Middleworld” (Miller and animal blood) as a way to communicate with and ask assistance
1982:59). These censers occur with a seated deity and different from the gods to help gather maize, with the communities mayordo-
kinds of incense (Graff 1997:147). Effigy censers also may be mo’s duties, and purification rituals and curing of the sick (Villa
depicted on Tulum Mural 16 (Miller 1982:Plate 37) and the west Rojas 1945; Wagley 1941; Wantanabe 1992).
half of the north wall in Mound 1 at Santa Rita (Gann 1900:Plate
30). In each, human figures are depicted holding smaller figures,
Analyses
and at Santa Rita the smaller figure is associated with a bowl with
a braid motif (Ball 1982; Robicsek 1975). Cecil (2014) carried out a study of Postclassic incensarios (and also
In early colonial Yucatan, Bishop Diego de Landa (Tozzer 1941) red-slipped wares) from nine lowland Maya sites to explore the
recorded many facets of Maya religion, life, and language. He noted transmission of technological and ideological concepts, as
that the Maya made “idols” of clay for braziers (probably effigy opposed to physical exchange of vessels. Of the 455 censer
incensarios) during the Maya month of Yax and “each idol should sherds sampled, 218 were from excavations in ritual contexts

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https://doi.org/10.1017/S0956536117000232
 162 Cecil and Pugh

(ceremonial refuse deposits directly associated with temples and Rands 1982; Bishop et al. 1982; Blackman and Bishop 2007;
elite structures) at Peten lakes area sites (Zacpeten, Cecil 2001; Fry 1979; Little et al. 2004; Neff 2003, among
Nixtun-Ch’ich’, Tayasal, Macanche Island) and Tipu (western others). Because different manufacturing patterns result from
Belize). The ceremonial refuse contexts, especially at Zacpeten, various technological choices of clay and temper, variability in
suggest ritual activities associated with sweeping events of the chemical signatures will indicate differences in clay resources
New Year’s ceremonies because the deposits contained plates and and/or recipes. All 218 censer samples were analyzed by INAA.
bowls with year bearer glyphs (Ak’b’al), bones, shells, human Finally, INAA data were combined with the typological and petro-
teeth, obsidian, and chert and other materials that would have graphic data previously attained to explain the differences in
been destroyed and swept out of the structures (Pugh 2001; Rice Postclassic Maya incensario manufacturing.
and Cecil 2009:262–263). The incensario sherds from these con-
texts were selected for three levels of analyses: low-tech, mineralog-
Results
ical, and chemical.
The first level of analysis included ceramic type (Smith et al. Completion of all three levels of analysis of the censer samples
1960) and form (vase form, effigy or non-effigy) identifications revealed a small, distinct technological group of effigy incensarios.
for all samples. The second level of analysis was an examination Sherds in this group (Group 9, Figure 4) had higher sodium (also
of petrographic thin sections of 138 censer fragments to identify hafnium, cerium, and chromium) concentrations, which usually
minerals present in the clay pastes. Petrography permits simultane- suggests the presence of igneous rocks and especially volcanic ash
ous analysis of many clay materials and inclusions: “the clay itself, tempering. Ash temper is typical of pottery manufactured during
natural inclusions in the clay, purposefully added inclusions, and the Late Classic period, rather than the Postclassic period. In thin-
glazes or slips on the clay surface” (Childs 1989:24). Each section analysis, the 15 effigy censer sherds of chemical Group 9
mineral has a specific wavelength under polarized light and, with were characterized by grog temper produced from pottery fragments
the use of a polarizing microscope with polarized light, the incorporating volcanic ash in the clay matrix (Figure 5).
analyst can determine which minerals and other inclusions are All samples in chemical Group 9 with volcanic ash-tempered
present, which are natural to the clay, and which are added by the grog represent the Patojo Modeled ceramic type of effigy censers.
potter (temper). A coarse, calcite-rich ceramic paste that fires to a dark brown or
The third level of analysis, chemical, was conducted through light orange-red color on the exterior surface characterizes this
instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA). INAA is a bulk type (Rice 2009:307–308). These incensarios are large (height =
method examining the ceramic paste (clay, natural inclusions, and 40–46 cm) and heavy, and consist of a pedestal vase with an
temper) to identify the geochemical constituents and demonstrate attached effigy figure (Figure 6; see Rice 2009:308 for a complete
behavioral practices that are represented in the paste (Bishop and type-variety description). All but one of the sherds in this group

Figure 4. Peten Postclassic incensario compositional groups with unassigned samples labeled with sample identification numbers. The
compositional group of interest for this paper is chemical Group 9 (far right). Ellipses represent a 90 percent confidence interval for
group membership.

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 Souls of the Ancestors 163

DISCUSSION
Many cultures use material remains created by their ancestors to
actively display and invoke spirits and mana of the past into the
present. Spolia and incensarios excavated from Zacpeten in
central Peten demonstrate that the Postclassic Maya, much like the
modern Maya of the Guatemala highlands, actively moved
between the supernatural and natural worlds because the Maya
believed, and still do, that humans maintained social relationships
with the spirits of objects (Brown and Emery 2008; Christenson
2016; Houston 2014:29).
Although figurines and amulets are typically discussed as having
been part of magical acts or protection from such acts, objects func-
tioning as containers (such as buildings and incensarios) appear to
be the most common category of material culture in which mana
is imbued or transferred, resulting in people and objects with
power and agency (Gosselain 1999; Mondragon 2004; Pendergast
1998; Smith 1989; Sterner 1989; Stross 1998). The construction
of buildings reflects not only a building event, but a consecration
of space that “activates” and cleanses places, establishing a connec-
tion with the larger sacred landscape as well as gods and ancestors,
and may protect its occupants from malevolent forces (Stross 1998:
32). The cyclical renovation of buildings, particularly ceremonial
buildings, using spolia and their associated mana ties constructions
to the past, but most importantly prepares the buildings for the future
(Pendergast 1998:62). Similar to architecture, the manufacture of
incensarios, as well as other vessel forms, also ties the potter (the
builder) to the sacred as making pottery is a transformational (raw
material to fired vessel) process ensouling vessels by their mere cre-
ation. During the manufacturing process, intentional choices are
made by potters with specialized knowledge. One of those
choices, crushing older vessels and incorporating them into newer
ones, reflects the Maya’s intent to make the supernatural active in
the natural world.
Figure 5. Petrographic thin section photographs (plane polarized light, 5×
magnification) of samples from chemical composition Group 9: (a) Patojo
Modeled: Patojo Variety from Zacpeten (PCD611); (b) Patojo Modeled:
Patojo Variety from Zacpeten (PCD648); and (c) Patojo Modeled: Moza Buildings and Spolia
Variety from Zacpeten (PCD677). Grog with volcanic ash temper is indi-
The reuse of building elements exists throughout history and
cated with black arrow.
includes individual stones, monuments (including stelae and
altars), and decorative elements. The Maya had a custom of building
new traditions on top of old structures (Abrams 1998:124), and also
were excavated from Zacpeten (the exception being from Tipu): practiced cyclical construction. Cyclical construction, as opposed to
four from Structure 602 and one from Structure 607 (associated monocyclic construction, involves continued community involve-
with Structure 602) in the Group A temple assemblage (Figure 7, ment, thus blurring the boundary between past and present. It is
Table 2); six sherds from Structure 764 of the Group C assemblage one means by which groups connected the community with monu-
(Figure 8, Table 2); one sherd from the Structure 719 council ments and also tied community permanence to monuments (Blake
house, and two from the adjacent temple Structure 721. The one and Smith 2000). In the case of the Maya, it also connected the
sherd from Tipu was excavated from Structure H12-8, which may living to the dead (Chase and Chase 1998:326). While many struc-
have served as a residence during the Late Postclassic/Contact tures were covered and terminated or “killed,” creating what many
era. All of the structures are associated with elite and/or ritual would think to be a definitive boundary, the covered building was
activities. contained within the newer structure, appropriating the power
The samples from Structures 602 and 764 were recovered in the (soul/ch’ulel) of the former (Hamann 2008:807). Just as cyclical
inner room of the temple. Those from Structure 602 represent two construction differentiates and connects sequential construction,
effigy censers (one full-figure and one face) and two large vases cosmic time connects, yet distinguishes similar events together in
to which the effigies were attached. Samples from Structure 764 rep- “cyclical rhythm” and time (Farriss 1987:581).
resent two matching legs (right and left) of an effigy, the face of Cyclical construction also could have been a means of human
another, a woven breastplate, and two pieces of large vases. The control of time, particularly memory. Because stone buildings
sherds from Structure 721 are large vase fragments and that from outlast their human occupants, places may be granted agency
Structure 719 is a composite censer with spike adornos. The through the belief that they are haunted (Miller 2001). The Maya
sample from Tipu is an effigy face and eye. All these fragments seem to have avoided such uncontrolled hauntings through
show evidence of stucco coating. various rituals that activated spaces and also killed and renewed

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 164 Cecil and Pugh

Figure 6. The 15 effigy incensario fragments that are the focus of this paper. See Table 2 for contextual information.

them (Stross 1998:33–35); the ensouling was under human control. Walker and Schiffer 2006:83–84). As such, their designated loca-
Ritual objects (such as incensarios) were also killed and replaced tion of disposal that occurs outside of an ordinary midden suggests
during cyclical rituals and construction (Coe 1965:100; Tozzer that they had some continuing life/spirit force. The resetting of Late
1941:151–152) and construction may have been timed by the calen- Classic period stelae and an altar into the building facades of Group
dar as well. A was an appeal “to tradition, as they cloaked the faces of buildings
The incorporation of Classic stelae and altars into Postclassic in the masks of the past” (Pugh and Rice 2009a:169). This also may
construction is particularly telling. The artist carving a stela represent an intentional act by rulers to imbue their civic-ceremonial
knows the motifs to be carved, and is intentionally creating architecture with mana of spolia to aid with the future.
images of power and bringing ancestors into the realm of the Late Postclassic buildings also include more pragmatic use of
living. The act of dedicating a stela establishes a collective ancient stone. Soft cut limestones were removed from ancient build-
memory that brings together the present, past, living, and dead. ings and placed in facades because they are decorative. This practice
When these items break or are no longer needed, they are not was not rigidly followed at Zacpeten, as most nicely dressed stones
simply thrown away but, instead, have a prescribed method of dis- were buried by later constructions. The fact that many later construc-
posal as they have an animate spirit (Lucero 2008; Walker 1995; tions matched footprints of past buildings may have evoked

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 Souls of the Ancestors 165

Figure 7. Location of censers used in this study from Zacpeten Group A.

continuity with the past. Postclassic temple assemblages may also to honor the deities and/or ancestors (Pugh et al. 2009:209; Rice
reflect ties to earlier architectural plans (e.g., E-groups, Plaza Plan 2). 2009:301; Rice and Cecil 2009:247–250). Effigy incensarios are
Postclassic Maya who reoccupied lakes region sites that had been the most ritually laden category of Postclassic Maya pottery.
abandoned in the Terminal Classic period often built directly upon During the production of these vessels, the potter knows the
ruined structures, sometimes even Preclassic buildings. They appro-
priated them as their own and seem to have done so seamlessly. In
Table 2. Contextual information for the incensarios with mana.
some cases, such as at Zacpeten (Pugh and Rice 2009b:Figure 5.3),
Postclassic walls were built directly above Terminal Classic walls,
Sample Identification
suggesting the “construction” of continuity. Perhaps the placement Number Site Structure Ceramic Type
of a dedicatory cache activating and ensouling the space linked the
social lives of the ancients to those of the present. We have no doc- PCD393 Zacpeten 764 Patojo Modeled
uments attesting to the justifications of the appropriations, but Maya PCD601 Zacpeten 764 Patojo Modeled
mythohistory is replete with migrating ancestors and it is possible PCD603 Zacpeten 764 Patojo Modeled
that they simply imagined the abandoned sites as the spaces of PCD609 Zacpeten 721 Patojo Modeled
PCD611 Zacpeten 602 Patojo Modeled
ancestors.
PCD618 Zacpeten 764 Patojo Modeled
PCD619 Zacpeten 764 Patojo Modeled
Censers and Grog Temper PCD633 Zacpeten 721 Patojo Modeled
PCD645 Zacpeten 602 Patojo Modeled
Continuous use and ensouling of space is mirrored by the effigy PCD647 Zacpeten 607 Patojo Modeled
incense burners at Zacpeten excavated from many different PCD648 Zacpeten 764 Patojo Modeled
primary ritual contexts (inside temples as well as other civic- PCD650 Zacpeten 719 La Justa Composite
ceremonial structures) that exhibit spolia. The fact that they were PCD676 Zacpeten 602 Patojo Modeled
smashed in place in pairs suggests that they were associated with PCD677 Zacpeten 602 Patojo Modeled
ritual ceremonies that employed paired incensarios (Wayeb’, New PCD1446 Tipuj H12-8 Patojo Modeled
Year’s, and/or K’atun, described above) in the temples and also

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 166 Cecil and Pugh

Figure 8. Location of censers used in this study from Zacpeten Group C.

power of the deities and ancestors on which the effigy is modeled. from older idols (effigies) to make new ones (and he threw the
While many different deities have been identified outside of the broken idols into a cenote to stop their manufacture; Chuchiak
central Peten lakes region (Itzamna, Chaak, Ek Chuah, Ah 2009:146). The incorporation of dust from earlier ceramics to
Muzencab, whiskered gods, the Maize God, Venus, the Death form new censers suggests the “killed” objects had a measure of
god, Xipe Totec, Tlazoteotl, and Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli; Milbrath “afterlife” in their life cycles (after Hamann 2008:808).
and Peraza Lope 2012; Sidrys 1983; Smith 1971), we have only The 15 Peten censers in technological Group 9 Peten differ from
been able to provisionally identify two deities: Itzamna (PCD611) their northern counterparts not only because their grog temper is a
and God M, perhaps Tlaloc (Pugh and Rice 2009a:Figure 7.2). different ceramic paste, but also because the grog paste is heavily
That alone may lead to the conclusion that these incensarios were tempered with volcanic ash. It is highly likely that these effigy
important for rituals, which may have included those associated incensarios (and one spiked incensario) were tempered with Late
with calendrical cycling. The use of clay from a known source Classic pottery, suggesting intentional choice rather than conve-
may have special meaning beyond tradition and costumbre nience. Where did this Late Classic ash-tempered pottery come
(Arnold 1971; Cecil 2009), but incorporation of grog, fragments from? It could, of course, have been scavenged from fragments
of ancient pottery, temper confers additional power through the from Classic construction fills or refuse deposits at Zacpeten. Two
spirit or mana of ancient ancestors/deities. other possibilities suggest themselves, however. One is the refuse
Grog is an uncommon, though not unheard of, tempering agent in front of the altar fragment embedded in the face of Structure
in Postclassic pottery in the Peten lakes region. Postclassic effigy 606 in Group A. This refuse included fragments of Late Classic ash-
incensarios in north-central Yucatan and northern Belize have tempered censer stands that were apparently encountered by the
grog temper, typically crushed from pottery of the same time Postclassic occupants and placed with their own ritual refuse. The
period, similar to the original vessel, or pastes of local redware deity most commonly represented on these earlier ritual objects
vessels (Cecil 2014). A late sixteenth century Spanish writer was the Jaguar Sun God of the Underworld (Rice 1999:36).
reported that the Postclassic Maya in Yucatan used the “dust” Effigy censer or censer stands depicting JGU may be linked to

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 Souls of the Ancestors 167

“kinship, with state and/or dynastic cults and belief systems, and these ritual vessels with volcanic ash-tempered grog from an earlier
with rituals invoking the sanctity of the king (especially the king era. It is possible that the incorporation of this grog in and of itself
as manifestation of the Sun god) and supernatural patrons of the was an act of imbuing the Postclassic vessels with the spirit and
royal lineage” (Rice 1999:42). The relationship of JGU and the power of past ancestors because the grog had mana as a result of pre-
sanctity of the king can be seen at Palenque as many of the JGU vious ritual actions. Cuevas García and Bernal Romero (2002:24)
incensarios, and other incensarios, were found broken and buried suggest that during the final stage of incensario manufacture
in the Temple of the Cross and the Temple of the Foliated Cross. (firing), the fire united the clay object with the mana/power/
Cuevas García and Bernal Romero (2002:20–24) suggest that the ch’ulel of the deity represented on the front of the vessel, thus
location of the incensarios and their associated offerings (blood making it come alive and able to function in the natural and super-
and incense) final interment indicates that the two temples were natural worlds. If the grog came from a JGU effigy incensario, it
places where deities and men (the supernatural and the natural) may carry the spirit/power of JGU and/or the dynastic cult or
passed between death and resurrection on a daily basis thus allowing past ruler who had mana and/or used the vessel and gave it
communication between the two realms. Ferree (1972:147–149) mana. Additionally, it could represent a very powerful ritual
examined Late Classic to Terminal Classic censers from Tikal and vessel that combined the ancient mana (Late Classic deity/ruler)
compared them to those from Palenque, and determined that volca- with the current ritual specialist’s mana and the mana of the
nic ash was used as a tempering agent in effigy incensarios (repre- Postclassic deity attached to the front of the vases. Thus, the
senting deities) such as those that represented JGU. Thus, grog Postclassic Maya of Zacpeten appropriated these spaces and ritual
made from these Classic censers may transfer the mana of the vessels and incorporated them into their constructed universe and
JGU into the Postclassic vessels. their historical consciousness of their Late Classic ancestors and
A second possibility is that the grog was made by crushing Late places, transforming newcomers into homecomers.
and Terminal Classic figurines, mostly anthropomorphic, which
were ash tempered. These earlier objects were found among Late
Postclassic ceramics on living surfaces at Zacpeten: in fact, only
CONCLUSION
three of the 35 figurines recovered from excavations at the site
were Postclassic in date (Christina Halperin, personal communica- Postclassic civic-ceremonial buildings in the central Peten lakes
tion 2017). Although named deities are rarely identified in these fig- region, especially at the archaeological site of Zacpeten, were
urines (Halperin 2014:130–131), they depict elderly individuals and often constructed with monuments from earlier (Classic-period,
human and animal supernaturals. a.d. 200–900) Maya constructions. They also were built atop
By manufacturing effigy incensarios with crushed pieces of earlier structures and installed with ritual caches (sometimes incor-
pottery (grog) from an earlier time period (Late Classic), the porating curated objects) to re-animate the older buildings.
Postclassic Maya may have been evoking not only the spirit of Postclassic Kowoj effigy incensarios used in calendric rituals and
the modeled deity/ancestor effigy or figurine, but also calling the ceremonies to honor their ancestors/deities were manufactured
spirit or mana of those earlier deities and/or ancestors into action. with crushed fragments of earlier-dating pottery (grog) incorporated
Notably, although the Lacandon did not use grog in their censers, into the clay. This grog is thought to have been made from Classic
the residue and stone moved from the old to the new “god pots” ash-tempered ritual pottery such as censer stands, or possibly figu-
are functionally analogous in bringing the past to the present. rines. These architectural and pottery-making practices suggest that
Although it cannot be proven that the Postclassic Maya at the Kowojs actively mediated between the natural and the supernat-
Zacpeten were specifically incorporating the JGU censer stands ural worlds. They animated their material reality by injecting super-
into their effigy incensarios, the fact remains that they manufactured natural power (mana) into the natural realm.

RESUMEN
En este artículo se presenta la investigación realizada al grupo maya del análisis de los materiales utilizados en la mezcla de la cerámica de incensar-
postclásico llamado kowoj, el cual se ubicó en la región de los lagos del ios quemados (desgrasante), como también el de los edificios cívico-ceremo-
Peten central en el departamento de Petén, Guatemala. Los mayas antiguos niales del sitio Zacpeten con la finalidad de argumentar que el grupo kowoj
hacían un enlace entre el maná (poder ritual) y los objetos ceremoniales, utilizaba estos objetos para mediar entre los vivos, los muertos y el mundo
deduciendo que estos hacen una mediación entre el mundo natural y el sobrenatural. Por ultimo, se puede decir que los kowoj daban a estos
mundo sobrenatural. En muchas culturas alrededor del mundo y en diferentes objetos el maná, proveyéndolos de un poder espiritual y sobrenatural. Por
épocas, el maná (poder mágico y sobrenatural que provee a las personas u lo que, el grupo kowoj construyó un universo donde regularmente se comu-
objetos de una fuerza viviente) tiene la facultad de transformar lo ordinario nicaba con sus ancestros y construían edificios con la finalidad de conme-
en el poder espiritual. morar la historia de su pueblo.
El grupo kowoj usaba la cerámica de incensarios de efigie y los edificios
quemados para hacer una conexión con sus antepasados. Presentamos un

This research was supported by the National Science Foundation commenting on earlier versions of this paper and the Instituto de
(BCS-0741535, 9515443). We would like to thank Evelyn Chan, Romulo Anthropología e Historia, Guatemala for their help. Of course, any errors,
Sánchez Polo, Don and Prudence Rice, and the community of Ixlú. We omissions, or oversights are the authors’ alone.
are grateful to our three anonymous reviewers and Prudence Rice for

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 168 Cecil and Pugh

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