Ethiopian Journal of Science and Sustainable Development

e-ISSN 2663-3205 Volume 10 (2), 2023

ASTU Journal Home Page: www.ejssd.astu.edu.et

Research Paper

Military Organization, Structure and Performance among the Karrayyu Oromo

Ginbar Negera Kumsa1, Samuel Negash (PhD)2
1
School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Adama Science and Technology University, P.O.Box 1888, Adama, Ethiopia
2
Department of History, College of Social Sciences, Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

Article Info Abstract

Article History: The Karrayyuu have been varyingly portrayed as people wandering to confront others or who
Received 30 April 2023 lived in conflict hotspots and were sympathetic to military violence. Other scholars who have
Received in revised shown positive compassion to the Karrayyuu have not dared to tell us how their military
form 28 August 2023 performance scaffolds their exit strategy from violent conflict and for maintaining them
Accepted 29 August resilient. The Karrayyuu maintain their views that the conflict in the valley land largely
2023 emanated from the Karrayyuu’s opposition against repressive multilayered actors, who are
assaulting them, confiscating their lands, and raiding their livestock. Among other issues, this
study aims to reveal the Karrayyuu military organization, structure, and performance
Keywords: succumbing to the gadaa system and what this will contribute to understanding them in
Military, humanity. The study was conducted by undertaking a historical research approach of
Conflict, analytical narrative and descriptive protocols. The study findings indicate that Karrayyuu has
Karrayyuu, formulated that their military systems are shaped by their local contexts and martial principles,
Pastoralists codes, and taboos observed for all humans embedded in the egalitarian Gadaa system. Results
of the study also indicate that, beyond the pastoralists’ stereotypic imaginary representations,
the Karrayyuu practice of military performance is an agency for mitigating circumstances and
intermediating their resiliencies for maintaining survival. The researchers recommend such a
study on the Karrayyuu vantage point will contribute to bridging the existing gap and address
prevailing flaws in the area.

1. Introduction
The Karrayyuu are the predominant pastoralist group The prevailing data indicate that relations with the
of Oromo who, for many centuries, derived their center also remained complex because the state
livelihoods from livestock on the banks of the Awash conversion efforts of the Karrayyuu, who adhered to
River. Since their incorporation into the Ethiopian Waaqeffanna's belief, into Orthodox Christianity
empire state beginning in the 1890s, the Karrayyuu have religion only became feasible after the inauguration of
been put under state centralization policy as opposed to the first church in Matahaaraa town in 1970. Above all,
their decentralized Gadaa polity. Karrayyuu and the since the 1960s Karrayyuu has become the victim of
state relations are determined by several incompatible land eviction by the state for the development estates
factors embedded in the different cultures of production from the Awash Basin, and as of the 1970s the area has
(pastoral vs. agrarian modes of subsistence), a varied transformed into susceptible to drought, famine, and
belief system (Waqeeffannaa vs. Orthodox Christianity), disease. On the other hand, the Karrayyuu land is
gadaa’s power diffused vs. stratified hierarchal feudal characterized by conflict hotspots as competitions over
system, lowland mobile vs. highland sedentary life, etc. resources and feuds between their neighborhood


Corresponding author, e-mail: [email protected]
https://doi.org/10.20372/ejssdastu:v10.i2.2023.660
47
© 2023 Adama Science & Technology University. All rights reserved
Ginbar Negera Kumsa and Samuel Negash Ethiop.J.Sci.Sustain.Dev., Vol. 10 (2), 2023
agrarians and pastoralist groups were rampant (Ayalew, the causes, scales, and effects of the conflicting parties
2001; Buli, 2006). and their consequences on a peaceful existence. They
The Karrayyuu Oromo have also had conflicting also argued that the state's negligent policy and its
relations with their neighborhood people of the Amhara, evictions of pastoralists from their land providing
Argoba, and Afar for a long period. Drivers of the sufficient pasture for their main production system since
conflicts with Amhara and Argoba have mainly arisen the 1960s aggravated the conditions. Their works are
from their longtime ambitions and interests at least since thematically, conceptually, and methodologically
the 18th century to displace the Karrayyuu and loot their relevant varied from history to anthropology and
livestock. The Shawan Amhara kings raided the developmental studies. The conflicting pieces of
Karrayyuu for land and cattle to meet their agricultural literature have suffered from duplication of data and
labor draughts. The Karrayyuu and the Afar are both information. However, they do not dare to tell us about
pastoralists competing over natural resources and the Karrayyuu military unit and its organization under
raiding each other’s cattle. Conflicting actors, deriving their Gadaa system.
motives, and time extent made the subject complex The military is a performance through which fighting
(Assefa, 1997). skills, capacities, technologies, and memory of victory,
Middle Awash Valley is a converging place of vanquish and suffer by the groups and individuals told
different actors from varied historical, ethnic and and celebrated. In this regard, there are indications as to
development practices. This valley land is increasingly how that military character is directly linked to lowland
known for pastoralist violent conflicts that have physical and natural ecology. Lowland ecology is open
embedded within other forms of social interactions and plain land that exposes the dwellers to an easy attack by
mainly manifest themselves in the form of cattle raiding an enemy as compared with highland. Pastoralists share
or homicide (Asnake, 2011). The first report on the characteristics of high mobility, efficient logistical
Karrayyuu’s military performance is the work of Abba organization, praxis of the outdoors, and cultural
Bahrey, the 16th-century Ethiopian author, who incentives that value courage and manliness. They
described the Karrayyuu as the most powerful and largely preferred expansive plain lands and zones to
aggressive group (Mohammed, 2012; Getachew, 2022). graze on their herds of livestock and plausibly relied on
His description regarding Karrayyuu was their military military protection and mobility to secure their precious
performance before their enemy. We have no such animal resources and sustain their livelihoods. The
discretion made on other branches and groups of Oromo pastoral practice was also an easy way out of a conflict
made by the author at that time. that the herders could take a retreat to the mountains and
The bulks of works in different disciplines focusing defensive areas with them (Isenberg and Krapf, 1843:
on Karrayyuu have concentrated on conflict (Markakis, Harris, 1884). This shows that the mode of subsistence
1994; Ayalew, 2001; Asnake, 2011; Buli, 2006; Ayele, for livelihoods and the strategy of defense influenced
2016) associating with the scarcity of resources, aridity each other. Efforts for survival have relied on the
of their ecology, and associated environmental factors. military capacities required to wage war and defend
This literature narrates Karrayyuu's military activities, opponents. On the other hand, different modes of
victories, and achievements in different ways and subsistence and cultural perceptions among the varied
perspectives. Few of these authors (Ayele, 2016; occupational groups and livelihood practitioners along
Asnake, 2011) treated the Karrayyuu varyingly as with environmental change affected relations with other
people wandering to confront others or who lived in groups (Assefa, 1997; Mulgeta, 2016). These factors are
conflict hotspots and were sympathetic to military the source of discrepancies in perspectives and focus on
violence. Other scholars (Ayalew, 2001; Buli, 2006; the conflict between Karrayyuu and their encounters
Assefa, 2000; Assefa, 1997; Mulgeta, 2016) have shown (i.e. state, development estates, and individuals of state
positive compassion for the Karrayyuu’s endurance actors) in the past. From their encounter perspective,
under multilayered suppressive actors’ pressures. All of warfare in the pastoral area is directly linked to
the authors have commonly agreed on and illuminated pastoralists' "warmonger" characters (Assefa, 2000;
48
Ginbar Negera Kumsa and Samuel Negash Ethiop.J.Sci.Sustain.Dev., Vol. 10 (2), 2023
Buli, 2006). They also depicted the Karrayyuu are address the weaknesses, this research probed into what
"undiscerning creatures and irrational murderers" who particular forms of military performance achieved them
do not identify between enemies, friends, and non- durable stamina to stand against and resist longtime
involving parties. The criticizers have also considered precarious attacks and counterattacks. The study
them a “merciless”, unstructured, and disorganized approach is dedicated to exploring the Karrayyuu military
group. However, the Karrayyuu elders rejected such a performance in their way rights and novel findings
view as a cheap allegation used to undermine and regarding Karrayyuu and to contributing to the fields of
blacken their names. The elders also explain that "we military discipline and indigenous martial in the Gadaa
were born in and into a war lifespan” and wish to breathe system. The discussion will also help to understand the
peaceful air. Pursuing further they maintain since we military unit organization under the Gadaa system
knew ourselves, the Karrayyuu have been held in among the Karrayyuu and related to the broader pan-
prolonged feuds and fighting with the neighboring Oromo Gadaa wisdom.
people, the Ethiopian state, and later since the 1960s with
2. Methodology
Awash Valley Development Estates administrators. A
This study was conducted by undertaking historical
prolonged adversary relationship has also culminated in
methodology. The research, like most studies in social
an escalation of drought, hunger, famine, and conflict
sciences, has dealt with a culture that involved claims of
since the 1960s (Assefa, 1997). Elders underscored
values, and it is inclined towards employing a
particularly in the pre-1990s Karrayyuu had “no friends”
qualitative research approach of analytical narrative and
except themselves that in the faces of many opponents
descriptive protocols. The data were largely generated
who sometimes allied to attack them, self-dependence
from primary, secondary, and oral sources, mainly
was compulsory to mitigate the circumstances.
through data collection techniques such as interviews,
As indicated in the aforementioned, military stout has
observation, document analysis, and internet browsing.
direct connections with pastoral livelihoods, and that
Reconstructing the history of one of the least studied
served as a way out of conflict. Information at disposal
themes demands a diligent and systematic collection and
also supported this premise. The stamina to stand in
analysis of the available data. The approaches to getting
lowland ecology, and the protection for precious
sources depended on systematic empirical data
livestock from humans, beasts, and other predators
collection and the information gathered from all sources
qualify a stout defense system for mitigating the
has been cross-checked to overcome and reduce
circumstances. This must be understood as a core element
possible mistakes of interpretation. The information on
of their local adaptations and dynamics. This hypothesis
the topic under study was also tested and analyzed in
is corroborated by study findings that the military system
light of the research approach. Attempts were made to
in Karrayyuu is bound to self-defense, confront the
catch the changes and continuities in synchronic
enemy, raid for the economy, and test of manhood.
(occurring at the same time) and diachronic (change
Campaigns of both offensive and defensive activities
over time) approaches.
have aligned with Gadaa’s military mottos and codes.
The Karrayyuu Oromo are only slightly covered in
The Gadaa system's human rights dimensions,
studies including Oromo historiography. As a result, the
particularly on females, children, and aged individuals
literature on the Karrayyuu is very scanty, so the
are its integral part (Ginbar and Amenu, 2023).
dominant sources for the present study were oral
The stereotypic imaginative representations of
accounts and traditions collected from key informants.
“warmonger” characters have abused their military
Ample data were generated through interviews and
system and moralities for self-defense to mitigate the
focus group discussions on oral tradition and oral
circumstances. Thus, the roles and purposes of the
history of the Karrayyuu. The Karrayyuu elders have a
military as a performance for resistance against invasion
high level of attachment, dedication, compliance, and
and oppression, protecting human solidarity, valuable
relationship to the Gadaa system. Their memory
social and natural assets, as associates of ecological
regarding past encounters with the state actor and
resilience, etc. have been molested (Waday, 2015). To
neighborhood people are still fresh. The Karrayyuu
49
Ginbar Negera Kumsa and Samuel Negash Ethiop.J.Sci.Sustain.Dev., Vol. 10 (2), 2023
elders and informants are good at telling encounters and Mulgeta, 2016). The Gadaa system is made from or
happenstances counting along the gadaa timetable. The constitutes several structures, organs, offices, and
Karrayyuu establish accounts of their experiences bodies, which brought it into a complete scheme of its
within revolving five tuutas (parties) of the gadaa. They own. Some of these structures are governance/
like to narrate issues fixed within 8 years reigning time administration, military, justice, economy, religion, etc.
for every tuuta since they are the living witness of their The military is one of its major component structures
history (Ginbar and Amenu, 2023). Thirteen (13) commonly headed by Abbaa Duulaa (commander-in-
informants for interviews were organized at Olancitii, chief of the army) which is led under the Abbaa Gadaa
Adaamaa, Finfinnee, and Matahaaraa held with Warra or Abbaa Bokkuu. Military is a performance to fight the
Bokkuu, Qaalluu, Qondaalaa, women and lubaa enemy, defend against aggressions, and maintain peace
(retired class). The historical study approach of thematic and security. In the Karrayyuu Gadaa system, the
narration must overcome the problem of scarcity of Abbaa Bokkuu (father of the scepter) spearheads all
written sources on the Karrayyuu & their Gadaa system. existing structures and coordinates organs working and
Data were also obtained from research works/books functioning on various issues (sociocultural, economic,
by various national (Addis Ababa University and religious, etc.) and bringing to reinforces the laws, rules,
Institute of Ethiopian Studies) and international scholars customs, and norms of the gadaa system on the people
and from electronic records on various websites. (Mulgeta, 2016; Buli, 2006).
Written documents from books, journal articles, In Karrayyuu, the military system is directly led by
graduate theses and dissertations, and other sources Abbaa Waraanaa, who is in charge of coordinating and
browsed from the internet were used for this particular leading the fighting affairs with accountability to the
study. The observation was also used to derive meanings Abbaa Bokkuu (Mulgeta, 2016). In Karrayyuu, fighting
and cross cheeks information obtained through other is the role of all males varying from young to mature
tools on the past scenarios. This technique was used to men as far as he is not much aged, physically disabled,
cover the roles of gadaa officeholders on peace and and mentally impaired. All males have the social and
security issues, qondaalaas military spectacles, the moral duty to be engaged in fighting led under Abbaa
general historical-cultural landscape, etc. Data collected Waraanaa. Abbaa Waraanaa has the role of mobilizing
from these sources were identified, organized, the fighting force named Lolee as to requirements and
examined, and corroborated for analysis. The analyzed when and where self-defense or attack was required.
data were presented in descriptive and analytical styles. The Lolee constitutes the backbone of the Gadaa
military system, for maintaining peace and security of
3. Results and Discussion the people. From all physically able men, the Abbaa
3.1. Karrayyuu Military Organization & Structure Bokkuu and the Qaalluu (religious head) are prohibited
The Karrayyu military performance was first from directly partaking in any feuds that they are only
mentioned in the work of Abba Bahrey, a document believed to fight through rites and spiritual taboos that
written in the sixteenth century on the Oromo prohibited deploying them to the war front. They fight
population movement, in which he described them as by providing rituals, prayers and spiritual blesses for
“the most aggressive and powerful group” of Oromo. victory and success over an enemy. Besides, children,
The Karrayyuu's aggressive nature and powerful females, and the very old male classes remain in herding
character were because of their military courage before roles (Ginbar and Amenu, 2023).
their enemy (Mohammed, 2012). The author mentioned The Karrayyuu Gadaa structure under the Abbaa
the name “Karrayyuu” several times for their very Bokkuu comprises three important organs operating on
“ferocious military characters” uniquely different from military and peace and security issues, which
other branches/groups of Oromo at that time. encompass Abbaa Waraanaa, Warra Jajjabii, and Warra
An institution among the Oromo must have Toomaa. Abbaa Waraanaa leads the general military
succumbed to the Gadaa system which is an all- division, the Jajjabii maintains peace and security while
encompassing system of the people (Ayalew, 2001; Warra Toomaa guards Abbaa Bokkuu and the
50
Ginbar Negera Kumsa and Samuel Negash Ethiop.J.Sci.Sustain.Dev., Vol. 10 (2), 2023
seat/center of political administration. Abba Waraanaa rites with encampment centers elected by members of
is equivalent to Abbaa Duulaa in the Tulamaa Oromo every party from within the group depending on their
Gadaa system (Mulgeta, 2016). A person leading all best performing experiences. They are analogs to the
three offices would be chosen for the role based on his police force and are responsible for the task of
past good experiences as a fighter. If the angafas exist maintaining peace and security matters. The Karrayyu
among the group they will be most likely elected for the Abbaa Bokkuus vary for the five parties and might have
post. However, if the senior men are not qualified for established their period of governance administration
such a position they might be chosen as good fighters center at different places. Every Abbaa Bokkuu
and blessed and leave the position for them. The recruited his personal and office guards (Warra
individuals leading these offices vary with changes in Toomaa) from the bravest men of Karrayyuu.
tuutas every eight years (Ginbar and Amenu, 2023). Particularly, the competition for the post of Warra
The Jajjabiis are accountable for ensuring peace and Tomaa is so tough and carried out publically that only
order during the various Gadaa celebrations, festivities, the braves could fit in the position (Mulgeta, 2016).
and ceremonies. They play their roles at various Gadaa

Abbaa Bokkuu

Abbaa Waraanaa
Warra Jajjabii Warra Toomaa
Lolee

Figure 1: Military organization and structure in the Karrayyuu Gadaa system: Own interpretation

3.2. Military Descriptions and Technologies in Oromo used to wear shields made from cowhide, buffalo
Karrayyuu hide, and wildlife skins and armed with them. The Oromo
The military is the roles and duties of men that are treated their horses like their children (Bairu, 1987). C.
represented with masculinity and manhood. Huntingford Harris described his observation of the Karrayyuu
expressed the Oromo young warriors were hot-blooded military performance during his visit in the 1840s as
and hardened by their military apprentices' expedition “dismounted men and a large body of their cavalry
experience and they were emotionally set aflame with the grazing while prepared for fighting”. He also stated that
burning desire to qualify as brave warriors. He also the fighting men of Karrayyuu had scouts running eagerly
argued every young male took fighting as a duty as well with intelligence (Harris, 1844). Karrayyuu used fighting
as pride in society to establish himself in a worthwhile horses at least until the 1970s. The evictions of Karrayyuu
social standing (Huntingford, 1969). Harris also from Awash Valley and subsequent ecological change
described that the Karrayyuu fighting squadron caused brought about their owning and use of horses for fighting.
dire alarm for their enemy (Harris, 1844). Particularly, the Jillee Oromo were raising horses chosen
The Karrayyuu fighters are known for wearing and for fighting from whom the Karrayyuu themselves got
using their cultural weapons such as spears, shields, through an exchange in cattle (Ayalew, 2001).
blades, knives, arrows, clothes, etc. which are the Thesiger (1935) described that the Awash Valley
characteristics of masculinity. Abba Bahrey described pastoralists’ warriors’ military decorations &
that the Oromo warriors adopted cavalry and ox-hide technologies that they "wear a tinted loincloth, a feather
shields to protect themselves against the dangerous in their hair and decorate their knife and rifle with brass
enemy arrows (Mohammed, 2012; Getachew; 2002). The or silver” distinguished them from the rest of the
51
Ginbar Negera Kumsa and Samuel Negash Ethiop.J.Sci.Sustain.Dev., Vol. 10 (2), 2023
society. This military dress was used until each killed at starts at an early age sets of the gadaa system and
least twice and then entitled to slit one's ears. He also includes around residence and then to nearby sites. It
said that when “a fighter counts ten trophies he would be commences with impersonates and the use of arrowed
celebrated as a hero by wearing an iron bracelet”. The sticks and then eventually to the manipulation of spears,
people provided animals for the feast organized in honor knives, shields, and horses. The Karrayyuu youngster
of the killer. Men who have not killed are subjected to the uses pieces of sharpened and pointed wood to imitate
scorn of womenfolk on their return home from a raid and wild animals before handling iron metal-made weapons.
their clothes soiled and cow-dung rubbed in their hair. Young boys learn from older men about fighting and in
According to L. Nesbitt (1935), the traditional enmity had their conversations, they acquire how to attack and hide
given rise to the emergence of cultural values in which in dealing with an enemy (Waday, 2015).
honor and respect were accorded to individuals, who The military preparation incorporated apprentices at
killed enemies. A killer often brought his trophies to herding, hunting fields, and marveling in the lowland and
members of his group and the tradition of killing potential disease-infected areas for acquiring the necessary
enemies entitled the wearer to take a feather stake in his knowledge, skills, and experiences and developing
hair. stamina. Hard military training and discipline such as
These Karrayyuu cultural weapons have, however, raiding are received as the test of manhood. From what is
been transformed over time into guns and machine guns written on the subject, the East African Cushitic linguistic
since the 1920s. Nesbitt (1935) described when he groups had age-set fighting methods and fertilized
visited the valley land in the 1920s rifles were only strategies for producing effective guerilla and
recently introduced to the area and became the most conventional war tactics (Asmarom, 1973). By custom,
valued weapons carried by Karrayyuu and Afar pastoralism pursues transhumant life activities for the
pastoralists. The Italian administration (i.e. in the economic mainstay, adaptation strategy, and test of
middle of the 1930s) had brought too many firearms and manhood for livelihood and survival. Transhumance
bullets to the Fantallee area (Jacobs and Schloeder, reflected the mobility feature of predominant pastoralists
1993). The introduction of modern guns and the use of such as the Karrayyuu Oromo who are still generating
firearms changed the nature of taking trophies into the their livelihoods from livestock herding. The concept of
enemy gun itself. As the military is part of the gadaa a "wanderer” conveys who moves from place to place
system, the training of cavalry, spears, shields, and knife sticking to the noble tradition of pastoral life. Expeditions
constituted their indigenous wisdom. Today, they start are mentioned with different names such as fora in
learning at around ten years and when they turn sixteen Boranaa, darabaa in Maccaa, and godaansa in
or older the family buys them a gun (Mulgeta, 2016). Karrayyuu. While on expeditions, the young men had to
Nowadays, it is almost a common practice for every protect themselves and their cattle from enemy raiders
family to buy a gun for their young male. The new and wild animals (Asmarom, 1973). The young men on
weapons lately integrated into the Karrayyuu cultural the expedition spent several months in the jungle with the
expression have brought new symbolism of manhood cattle and on hunting.
and bravery. The uses of guns and machine guns have According to Oromo's belief, a brave warrior was
supplanted spears, knives, and shields (Ayalew, 2001). expected to spend some time in his youth roaming at a
distance place and for several days living on game,
3.3. Military Training and Apprentices
milking and dressing in the skins of the hunted wild
With all its risks, fighting is the source of fame and
beasts. In the Oromo tradition, this aspect was known as
the construction of masculinity. Manliness is manifested
"practical schooling" that the trainees learned offensive
in the ability and capacity of males to hold and use
and defensive tactics to use in any situation. The hardship
weapons including the gun. In the Gadaa system, the
and endurance in long-distance walking and the practice
fighting section consists of young men who are above the
on expeditions enabled a person to acquire the qualities
third age grade (24 ages). The informants mention when
of a warrior. Through the expedition, young men
a son reached a youngster, he began to imitate what his
established their image in the eyes of society by killing
elders taught them to become a good fighter. The training
52
Ginbar Negera Kumsa and Samuel Negash Ethiop.J.Sci.Sustain.Dev., Vol. 10 (2), 2023
either an enemy or a dangerous animal. This was an the Oromo tradition in general female is prohibited from
essential quality for success in the society (Dereje, 2012). wearing military weapons such as spears, knives, shields,
Karrayyuu tradition underlies that bravery has the and guns, and engaging in any fighting or feuds (Mulgeta,
characteristics of inheritance. It expresses that superman 2016). This is bound to the Oromo worldview which
is said to have been naturally born and heroically died he asserts women are life-giving (reproducing and caring)
is also buried at a special place and particular site. In their beings who are never involved and partake in any life-
belief, his burial site has grown grass that their cattle taking (fighting and killing humans, hunting and
graze and gives milk which is being drunk and grown slaughtering beasts) roles. It is rather believed that the
another hero of his kind. In Karrayyuu's wider belief, a life-giving being always makes peace standing between
hero is inherited through a recycling cultural pattern feuding classes using and through their siinqee (stick of
(Waday, 2015). female emblem used to fight injustice, violations of rights
and maintaining peace), ateetee (rite and spiritual
3.4. Military Principles, Codes, and Ethos
prayers), etc. As such military is gendered and gendering
The Karrayyuu military system is said to have adopted
feuds means positioning females and males to separate
certain principles, ethos, and values upon which it has
but balanced opposite social spaces, occupations, and
laid and established itself. One of the first governing
tasks rather than partiality (Ginbar and Amenu, 2023).
principles is that “Karrayyicha never withdraws from an
Fighting is thus the exclusive prerogative of the male
enemy and subdues his position to rival” (Karrayyichi
class (Yacob, 2000). Sturdy muscular aptness is believed
ori’arraa hin dheessu). This ethos is said to have been
to control the outcome of continuous military practice,
installed in every Karrayyuu fighter and defined degrees
physical exercises, and hardships experienced at herding
of his devotion and commitment to defending the
and mobility. According to the existing custom, the
Karrayyuu land. Karrayyicha is an exquisite term the
masculine could stand resilient to fighting and fitting in
Karrayyuu used to name another Karrayyuu (Ginbar and
life-taking as opposed to the feminine. The Karrayyuu
Amenu, 2023).
custom associates the male's resilience in fighting with
The military motto also further indoctrinates every man
one of the tree species strongly surviving in dry ecology
as "madaa qomaan du’uu’” (fights enemy anterior and dies
called dhaddachaa (acacia). The Karrayyuu tie a
straightforward) (Waday, 2015). Every fighter must be
removed white color string of this tree's fresh leaf
bound and affirmed to always battle to eliminate his enemy
rounding on their head as an expression of masculinity.
if not preferring to die in fighting and retreating enemy is
They say that Dhaddachaafi dhiirri tokko (the male and
a sign of cowardice and insane. If he retreats and attacks
dhaddachaa tree are the same. They also added saying
his back, he becomes matchless insane, causing his family
Dhaddacha gaafa kora dhiira gaafa lolaa (Dhaddachaa
and clan insulted because of his cowardice, and has no girl
during the assembly male for fighting). The Dhaddacha
to marry from Karrayyuu (ibid).
tree is much more resilient to dry ecology (Waday, 2015).
Above all, it is said that “the Karrayyicha never
In Karrayyuu, male and masculine also represented
retreats an enemy from Tarree assembly unless to die on
the custom of slaughtering animals and touching one's
it” (“Tarreerraa diina hinbaqatan irratti du’an malee”).
forefront with blood. The one who has conducted the
This character is said to have been encoded in everyone
slaughtering is identified by making blood on his front
as a motto because the Karrayyuu often encountered and
and wearing medhicha on his hands. The one who has
faced an enemy attack when celebrating and
medhicha from his hands never shakes another person
congregating for Gadaa rites and rituals. For Karrayyuu
that is a sign of protecting one's position, land, and
several attacks have targeted them at Gadaa gathering
country from the enemy. As a sign of protection, they also
deliberately to scatter and break the backbone of their
smear their children's foreheads with the hot blood of the
unity and stamina (ibid).
bull. Touching one’s forehead with blood is known as
The other military code is the custom that as
biillachuu/jilfachuu and it is a way of pleading for
elsewhere among the Oromo and in several traditional
unyielding stamina, standing firm before one’s enemy,
practices fighting and feuding are exclusive roles of
and victory in life career. The Oromo prayer in the area
males and that symbolizes the idioms of masculinity. In
53
Ginbar Negera Kumsa and Samuel Negash Ethiop.J.Sci.Sustain.Dev., Vol. 10 (2), 2023
goes “Adda jabaadhu, addikee adda Leencaa haa ta’u” feuding group could never be targeted. Their military
(May you have a strong forehead; may your forehead be tradition forbids women to wear war weapons and
like that of the lion) (Ginbar and Amenu, 2023) slaughter animals because of the belief that life-giving
Masculinity is the dominant subject in Karrayyuu’s could never take life. The wider belief that if women are
notion of protection, resistance and resilience. The involved in life-taking tasks it will result in the
Karrayyuu wear their long blade fighting equipment on termination of normalcy and a healthy order of life-giving
their waist (gillee), spear, small knife, and shields worn and sustaining generation. Thus, Karrayyuu applied the
in the long past as a sign of masculinity. For the philosophy of keeping females from and behind the war
Karrayyuu the blade is used for defending their enemy zone to save them aware of the devastating and
and animal’s predator. However, a fearsome perception destructive consequences of battle (Ginbar and Amenu,
of the Karrayyuu’s blade (gille) and their fastening reason 2023).
the strangers related to slaying "the outsiders or civilized
highlanders". Particularly, the Karrayyuu are seen among 3.5. Military Hierarchy
its close neighbors in the stereotyped imagery given by Fighting is the prerogative of all males’ ranging from
the reputation of “ruthless warriors”. For example, the young to old ages and this common fighting regiment is
Karrayyuu cut off the testicles of their enemies once they named Lolee/Lituu. The Lolees are those who confronted
killed them as a war trophy to show among their peers. their enemy as a fighter. The Lolee/Lituus have no
This was a practice sometimes in the past and before the distinctions but they might contain individuals of
introduction of guns to the valley land pastoralists’ in the superheroes. They are deployed and mobilized to warfare
1920s (Waday, 2015). organized under Abbaa Waraanaa (commander-in-chief)
In the olden days, the killing of an enemy or a big and who is accountable to the Abbaa Bokkuu (head of the
dangerous animal was considered to be an act of great Gadaa assembly). During the battlefront, the Abbaa
courage, which qualified the killer to shave his head like Waraanaa is assisted by Jajjabii, who is acting as deputy
a hero. However, the killing of women children, or chief of the army. Their military structure has four
animals, which were not considered as strong and hierarchies such as Lolee/Lituu (common fighting),
dangerous, was a cowardly act that disqualifies the killer Leenca/ota Karrayyuu (the Lion/s of Karrayyuu),
from "making his head" (Mohammed, 2012). Even Qondaalaa and Abbaa Bitawoo (Figure 2).
someone who is not recognized to be a member of the

Abbaa Bitawoo
(Superhero)
Qondaalaa
(Troophy Owner)
Leencaa/oota
(Special Classs/es)
Lolee
(Common Fighting Class)
Figure 2. The Karrayyuu Military Hierarchy

Traditionally, Lolee is a name given to honor bravery named Leenca/ota Karrayyuu (the Lion/s of
in facing his foe. Opposed of the heroes’ men is Karrayyuu). They are young warriors led by senior
dabeessa, a man who ran away from the enemy and was officials among themselves and from their group; whose
ridiculously recalled for his cowardice. The military stamina and bravery tested powerful. The lions always
ladder starts with a special class of warriors and braves make surprise attacks on enemy camps without the

54
Ginbar Negera Kumsa and Samuel Negash Ethiop.J.Sci.Sustain.Dev., Vol. 10 (2), 2023
necessities and presence of the common fighting class. before the 1970s, Karrayyuu land was dried up in wild
The term Leenca designates bravery, fearlessness, and animal resources as one that killed strong beasts such as
the power to make an easy attack, subdue, and kill one's lions, buffalo, giraffes, etc. used to get a right to be
contender. The Karrayyuu expressed in the analogy of named a Qondaalaa. Yet, the status as qondaalaa for
the lions that they are always 'thirsty for their enemies' lion and buffalo was higher than the latter. The other
blood’ and kept them always in fear, tension, and dread. means for this nomination was killing an enemy. If one
The name of “the Karrayyuu Lion" is mentioned in the kills an enemy and cuts the genital organ of the dead he
work of Atsme as “Negasi being appointed by Atse gets a better status in the group of qondaalaa. Being a
Iyasu [r. 1687-1706 cut the lion of Karrayyuu into two: fighter and warrior alone can never grant the title unless
half of them to the north and the other to the south” the person has rightly killed and brought the enemy's
(Bairu, 1987). On the other hand, Ayalew mentioned weapons back home as evidence (mirga). This is
Leencota Karrayyuu constituted scouting men and expressed as kan ajjeesee irra ga’eefi meeshaa irraa
special fighting forces, which opened up the present hiikkatetu qondaalaa jedhama (only the one who killed
historical pastoral landscape of Mt. Fantallee following and seized enemy’s spear or guns could become
the 16th-century Oromo population movement (Ayalew, qondaalaa) (Ginbar and Amenu, 2023).
2001). They are almost analogs to modern state The highest rank in the military entitlement is Abbaa
commandos. Bitawoo (the owner of a bracelet known as bitawoo).
The third military ladder contains Qondaalaa, a Abbaa Bitawooo is distinguished by his bracelet which
status and entitlement attributed to the best warriors who could be deserved when the hero person counted ten
killed an enemy in fighting and brought their trophies. Abbaa Bitawoo is the last title next to
possessions mainly weapons and guns as trophies. The Qondaalaa in Karrayyuu’s military ladder and he is
term qondaalaa has the meaning of a strong young man considered as the superhero of all fighters. He is always
full of energy and a well-built soldier. The historic term senior to all fighters and heroes. He is much respected
and role of Qondaalaa were first mentioned by Abba by the people and is the symbol of resistance and
Bahrey, in the 16th century, as a daring class of warriors resilience. Qondaalaa and Abbaa Bitawoo are the two
and fighters. In the conventional Gadaa age grade, highest military titles assumed through one's bravery
Qondaalaa represents the fourth class (age range of 24- performances (Figure, 2). Persons of such the highest
32 years) of age sets which Astme (Bairu, 1987) himself titles have dress codes that distinguish them from other
agreed. It has also analogously manifested in the age members especially males among the people.
grade of the Tulamaa Gadaa system. In Karrayyuu, the
3.6. Military for Test of Manhood & Source of Bravery
term stands for a class formed by a warrior and brave
The military is an activity of defending and fighting
section among the people (Ginbar & Amenu, 2023).
against the enemy. Among the large fighting class, few
According to Abba Bahrey, the Qondaalaa grade
could achieve much bravery performance which is
made strong engagement in warfare (Mohammed, 2012;
demonstrated by killing a "conspicuous enemy" and
Getachew, 2002). Atsme has made a vivid description
killing dangerous wild beast. C. Harris had recorded the
of the Oromo sons’ socio-biological development a
killing of wild animals for bravery in some parts of the
small child Mucaa, the young old Gurbaa, and the third
eastern Shawa including Karrayyuu at the beginning of
Qondaalaa, who used to be engaged in fighting (Bairu,
the 1840s. He remarked that the hunters dance and howl
1987). Qondaalaa were the young men who were not
around the carcass of the dead beast to affirm their
yet circumcised, unmarried, and dressed their hair like
action was the deed of genius, supernatural, and
soldiers. They are warriors who killed a man, an
supreme braver (Harris, 1844). Hunting games, cattle
elephant, a lion, a rhinoceros, or a buffalo and shaved
raiding and fighting were/are the major requisites for
their heads leaving a patch of hair on the top. The class
military apprentices and testing manhood. The major
was different from those who have killed neither man
sources and grounds for fighting are to test manhood and
nor animal and do not shave their heads in the same way
masculinity, raid for the economy and above all, foster
(Mohammed, 2012; Getachew, 2002). Historically,
55
Ginbar Negera Kumsa and Samuel Negash Ethiop.J.Sci.Sustain.Dev., Vol. 10 (2), 2023
bravery. These characters have complementary relations carried out carefully with intensive excitement and
and are reciprocal to each other (Ayalew, 2001). morale. Young men were given proper education on
Having and developing demonstrable specific how best to defend their cattle and carry out raids. The
military character and fighting skills in the field is the raiders were named in their role as Manjoolaa, a man
most rewarding for Braves. Bravery is the ultimate who goes straight to the cattle camp of the enemy and
character of a warrior and a fighting regiment finally all raids cattle after killing the enemies who defend them
men desire to attain and practically acquire in life. There (Waday, 2015). The title was earned only if the
are two types of braves in the Karrayyuu which are individual engaged in repeated cattle raiding and
called Qondaalaa and Manjoolaa. Qondaalaa and succeeded at launching an attack on the enemy camp or
Manjoolaa are the men of champions who "come back leaving fearsome on them. Raiding is a practice bringing
with the spoils of war” after fighting and raiding into the raider to the status of hero and the one who raided
enemy territory. These deeds of bravery could be into enemy camp is regarded as brave and upon which
achieved, scored, and attained through continuous the group builds confidence in the future for securing
testing of one’s power and by raiding into a group them against threats. Raiding practice could also amount
defined as their enemy. Yet, the two are different in the to killing those who are defined as enemies for testing
categories of reward. While Qondaalaa refers to one’s power. The group also tested the power of their
someone who brought property from the fighter on the men to build self-confidence through successful raiding
battlefield, manjoolaa is one who raided enemy practice. This has been evident among the Karrayyuu,
livestock camps and drove their animals back to his where local warfare with neighboring groups was not
residence. A man, who spends and stays around home; separated from cattle raiding. Raiding practices declined
never goes raiding and to grazing areas or borders with since 1980s as it has become much more costly (ibid).
other neighboring groups is called dabeessa. He is According to the Karrayyuu informants, long in the
ridiculed for spending his time watching his concubines past, there was an element of Gadaa practice named
(Ginbar and Amenu, 2023). korma didha (wild bull) obtained through raiding. It is a
Raiding into enemy territory was carried out for bull that someone slaughters bringing it from an enemy
economic, as retaliation, and as a test of manhood for camp in the form of booty. Elders say that, in the past,
Gadaa practice. Raiding was the major source of when one completed active class power and was ready
conflict between the Karrayyuu and their neighborhood to hand it over to the next person, he had to bring a bull
people who have records of such relations. For instance, from the enemy’s camp for slaughtering at the Gadaa
the Karrayyuu had been raided by the Amhara and celebration. This enemy’s bull was called korma didhaa
Argoba. Harris reported King Sahle Selassie’s (r. 1813- (wild bull) and its possession denotes the courage
1847) two different campaigns against the Karrayyuu determination, and toughness of the plunderer. Its
collecting immense booty of 43, 000 and 37,042 cattle appropriation was an obligation for the person and he
(Harris, 1984). On the other hand, the Karrayyuu raided could bring this bull using whatever means at his
each with the Afar. The Karrayyuu is used to refer to an disposal. By the Gadaa custom, when the Karrayyicha
organized form of invading neighboring groups of celebrates an event at the tarree center, he ropes the bull
people's cattle for taking the cattle forcefully as oriisa/ before his son to show his completion of Gadaa power
ori’u (Ayalew, 2001; Buli, 2006). Organizationally, the and to honor his replacement by the new generation. The
raiding group elects its leader to direct the invasion. process of tying Korma diidhaa which was named
Men in the group assume different roles, such as korma gara hidhuu (tying the abdomen of the bull) had
scouting and leadership, to maximize their efficiency. been a test of bravery and courage before the public. It
Scouting (gaaduu/ abuuruu) has been a main strategy to is a contest shown before the public as a test of manhood
facilitate cattle raiding of rivals (duttuu). The group that and a championship of one's bravery for gadaa power
quickly launches the raid could comprise four to eight (Ginbar and Amenu, 2023).
men. The other men guard the Gaaddu (spying) to Among the Karrayyuu, one of the most difficult
ensure their victory over their enemies planned and cultural tasks is to bind the belly of a bull, and the
56
Ginbar Negera Kumsa and Samuel Negash Ethiop.J.Sci.Sustain.Dev., Vol. 10 (2), 2023
strongest and bravest Karrayyuu male can perform this of his clan will put butter on his head and the warrior’s
difficult task. Tying bull was the major requirement for friends’ clan members and in-laws will give him
individuals' bravery to compete for important posts in animals (cattle or camels) as a reward (Waday, 2015). It
the Gadaa system to be held by bravery. The bull would is made to enjoy some major rewards and prerogatives
be tied and sacrificed before the public by someone of as distinguishing features of this class.
the bravest person who competed by his courage for the For this reason, the ways through which boys
office of Abbaa Tooma. Such an individual was socialized to heroism and the role that men-as-men play
supposed to be blameless and the finest among all males in Karrayyuu society show the significance of preparing
in the community. This requirement should be young males to be fierce and aggressive so they will risk
confirmed by the agreement of the members and should their lives fighting for their people (Mulgeta, 2016).
receive their acceptance. Whenever this evaluation of From a Karrayyuu point of view, in everyday life, social
performance and paramount qualities is undertaken, interaction and ideological constructs are closely
people would start roaring (bookkisu) to express and associated with the waging of war. This principle is
appreciate the person’s extraordinary achievement in along which the definition of what it means to be a man
front of the mass. However, those who withdrew from (in contradiction to a woman) is socially constructed.
fighting or failed to protect property from being looted The physical and spiritual characteristics make a man a
are blemished as unfit (ibid). After the final test, the warrior whether he engages in combat or not (Ginbar
person who is identified as unblemished is made to tie and Amenu, 2023).
the bull. This person has much respect and he should Narratives about bravery in the villages often
maintain such statuesque by avoiding retreating describe them as taking place at night. Bravery is
whatever adversary encounters him. Such a person expressed and encouraged through praising (faarsaa
always fights face-to-face and he will not back down and geerarsa) songs, rewards, and gifts organizing
from any fight. A person who is identified with such grand feasts. During the feats songs' stirring heroes set
excelling bravery and determination is also recruited as aflame with pride in the members of their groups. The
a guardian of Abbaa Bokkuu (Warra Toomaa)(ibid). If powerful songs reincarnated the dead and elevated the
he is found retreating from the enemy, it will be a living heroes of the nation to a higher plane. The
disgrace to the entire party members and particularly to geerarsa of individual warriors won their lovers' hearts
Gadaa's class in power. The Karrayyuu have now and the respect and admiration of the participants
dropped korma didha practice for its laboriousness, costs (Waday, 2015). The praising of heroes through songs is
and risks. commonly carried out in public and encouraged for
According to the informant, one of the commonly another round and others to carry out the same task. A
known sayings in Amharic እባክህ ቡራ ከረዩ አታብዛ (sir, do song describes a joyous welcome to a valiant warrior
not over recap yours enchant) is used by their after his return from a successful raid. The meat eating
neighborhood Amhara and that depicted the Karrayyuu and milk drinking, the dances, love songs, and above all
bravery in the past. He said that while Karrayyuu boasting war songs intoxicated the joyous participants.
combated their enemy, they uttered the word Burra Successful hero’s achievements are recited and move
(enchant term) three times which was used to sign both young and old with tears of joy. The feast and
having a trophy. emotionally charged war songs prepared the ground for
an immediate offensive. High virtue bravery was ritual
3.7. Bravery Reinforcing Agencies
in form, economic in content & almost worshipped
For the reason that a good warrior is adorned with
(ibid).
several rewards, every man's dream is to become a
In the Karrayyuu except for loss by death, wounds
renowned fighter. The rewards offer the son to become
were extensive, and curing fared through indigenous
aggressive, fearless, virile, and dominant males as
medical healing and therapy. In Karrayyuu, scares are
important. Men and women also publicly praise good
the source of pride for someone stabbed and wounded
fighters in their songs and prayers. Above all, when he
on the battlefield. Most fighting men have scars of
returns from a fight after having been killed, a woman
57
Ginbar Negera Kumsa and Samuel Negash Ethiop.J.Sci.Sustain.Dev., Vol. 10 (2), 2023
usually knife or spear cuts but sometimes traces of bullet and maintaining peace and security deem the instruments
wounds. Scars are praised when they belong to a famous like law, rules, and orders. Maintaining one’s territory
warrior because in this case, people know exactly how and precious livestock from predators must be established
the wounds were caused and for what reasons happened. on defense and military power. The military is a
For medication and healing, he was given to drink performance for restoring peace, order, and justice.
animals' blood and made to finish slaughtered bull leg Survival became possible through the reliance on
meat. Having wounded and counting many scars on the Gadaa’s strong institutional support and stout
body is also part of military pride. It is the indication of determination, their adherence to Waaqeffannaa and
how severely and sundry the person fought for the consciousness for Oromummaa, and strong internal
people, and the land and enabled them to respect before solidarity, drawing on proven military organizations and
one's opponent (Ginbar and Amenu, 2023). strategies. However, the Karrayyuu’s stamina has faced a
challenge since very recently because of increasing state
4. Conclusion annihilation, drought, and change in the agency. One
The Middle Awash Valley is a converging place of could capture that the yielding conditions must have
different actors such as the state, several ethnic groups, shaped the Karrayyuu military structure and organization
and development agencies. Since the Karrayyuu Oromo which is quite different from what we knew in the Gadaa
were first brought under the Ethiopian State with the system and presumably in other branches of Oromo in the
conquest of Menelik around the 1890s, they have been past. A hierarchical system and line of communication
struggling to survive through the state and its allies’ are not as familiar in the Gadaa system and it must be
persistent repression. The Karrayyuu experienced the driven by the yielding situation. The title like Abbaa
state and its allies’ victimization, land confiscation, Bitawoo seems to be analogous to modern highest
looting of livestock, and slaying of their great fighters. military rank.
They are also struggling to survive the dry ecology of the In the Oromo history of resistance against prejudices
Fantaallee following their evictions from Awash Valley and discriminations, the Karrayyuu would come in the
in the 1960s. In the faces of multiple actors’ pressures and first line firmly sustaining Oromummaa, unyielding to
challenges, it must not be underestimated that their alien influences that must be due to their military
resilience has heavily relied on their military performance organization.
succumbing to their gadaa system. The need for ensuring

References
Assefa Kuru (1997). “Fate of Conquered Peoples and Marginal Lands under Imperial Rule: The Case of the Awash
River Basin.” The Journal of Oromo Studies. V. 4 (1& 2). Pp.179-203.
Assefa Tolera (2000). "Problems of Sustainable Resource Use among Pastoralist Societies: The Influence of State
Intervention on the Pastoral Life of the Karrayu." Proceeding of the Regional Workshops on Africa Dry
Lands. Addis Ababa: OSSREA.
Asnake Menbere (2011). Inter-Group Conflicts in the Awash Valley of Ethiopia: The Case of Afar and Karrayu
Oromo. An Anthology of Peace and Security Research. Institute for Peace and Security Studies, Addis Ababa.
pp 1-58.
Ayalew Gebre (2001). Pastoralism under Pressure: Land Alienation and Pastoral Transformation among the
Karrayu of Eastern Ethiopia, 1941 to Present. The Netherlands: Shaker Pub.
Ayele Tariku (2016). “Marginalization of Pastoralists in Ethiopia: A Case Study of the Karrayu People,” International
Journal of Social Science and Humanities Research. V. 4 (1). pp: 306-311.
Bairu Tefla (ed.) (1987). Asma Giyorgis and His Work: History of the [Oromo] and the Kingdom of Shawa. Stuttgart:
Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden
Buli Edjeta (2006). The Socioeconomic Dimensions of Development–Induced Impoverishment: The Case of the
Karrayu Oromo of the Upper Awash Valley. Social Anthology Dissertation Series, No. 12. United Printers.

58
Ginbar Negera Kumsa and Samuel Negash Ethiop.J.Sci.Sustain.Dev., Vol. 10 (2), 2023
Dereje Hinew. (2012). “Historical Significances of Odaa with Special Reference to Walaabuu,” Science Technology
& Arts Research, 1(2). Pp: 81-90.
Getachew Haile (2002). ‘Ye Abba Bahrey Dirsatoch Oromon Kamimalakatu Leloch Senedoch Gar.’ Avon,
Minnesota).
Ginbar Negera and Amenu Oljira (2023). The Karrayyuu Oromo Gadaa Syatem: Ethnographic History. Rapid
Printing Press. Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
Harris, W.C. (1844). The Highlands of Ethiopia Vol.3. London: Longman.
Huntingford, WB (1969). The Galla of Ethiopia. The Kingdom of Kaffa and Janjera, London, International African
Institute 1969), p.28.
Isenberg, C.W and Krapf, J.L. (1843). Detailing their proceeding in the Kingdom of Shoa and Journey in other Parts
of Abyssinia in the years 1839, 1840 and 1842. London.
Jacobs, M J and Schloeder, C A. (1993). The Awash National Park Management Plan, 1993–1997. Ministry of
Natural Resources Development and Environmental Protection, Addis Ababa.
Markakis, John, ed. (1994). Conflict and the Decline of Pastoralism in the Horn of Africa. London: Macmillan Press.
Mohammed Hassen. (2012). Review Essay: Revisiting Abba Bahrey’s “The News of the Galla,” International
Journal of African Historical Studies, V. 45 (2). pp. 273-295.
Mulgeta Negassa. (2016). Documentation and Analysis of ‘Sera Gada’ Among Karrayyu Oromo. Academic
Publishing Germany: Lambert.
Nesbitt, L. M. (1935). Hell-Hole of the Creation: The Exploration of Abyssinian Danakil. New York, pp 54-5.
Thesiger, Wilfred (1935). The Awash River and the Aussa Sultanate. London: Royal Geographical Society.
Waday Xaasoo (2015). “Aadaa Ganamaa”. Dhaabbata Labata Fantaallee. Finfinne: WOSEN Print.
Yacob Arsano (2000). "Pastoralism in Ethiopia: The Issue of Viability." In Proceeding with the National
Conference on Pastoral Development in Ethiopia, Yonas Admas (ed.) Addis Ababa: Pastoralist Forum.

59