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 Praise for Secrets and Lies

“Successful companies embrace risk, and Schneier shows how to bring

that thinking to the Internet.”
–Mary Meeker, Managing Director and Internet Analyst, Morgan
Stanley, Dean Witter

“Bruce shows that concern for security should not rest in the IT
department alone, but also in the business office . . . Secrets and Lies is the
breakthrough text we’ve been waiting for to tell both sides of the story.”
–Steve Hunt, Vice President of Research, Giga Information Group

“Good security is good business. And security is not (just) a technical

issue; it’s a people issue! Security expert Bruce Schneier tells you why
and how. If you want to be successful, you should read this book before
the competition does.”
–Esther Dyson, Chairman, EDventure Holdings

“Setting himself apart, Schneier navigates rough terrain without being

overly technical or sensational—two common pitfalls of writers who
take on cybercrime and security. All this helps to explain Schneier’s
long-standing cult-hero status, even—indeed especially—among his
esteemed hacker adversaries.”
–Industry Standard

“All in all, as a broad and readable security guide, Secrets and Lies should
be near the top of the IT required-reading list.”
–eWeek

“Secrets and Lies should begin to dispel the fog of deception and special
pleading around security, and it’s fun.”
–New Scientist

“This book should be, and can be, read by any business executive, no
specialty in security required . . . At Walker Digital, we spent millions of
dollars to understand what Bruce Schneier has deftly explained here.”
–Jay S. Walker, Founder of [Link]
“Just as Applied Cryptography was the bible for cryptographers in the 90’s,
so Secrets and Lies will be the official bible for INFOSEC in the new mil-
lennium. I didn’t think it was possible that a book on business security
could make me laugh and smile, but Schneier has made this subject very
enjoyable.”
–Jim Wallner, National Security Agency

“The news media offer examples of our chronic computer security woes
on a near-daily basis, but until now there hasn’t been a clear, compre-
hensive guide that puts the wide range of digital threats in context. The
ultimate knowledgeable insider, Schneier not only provides definitions,
explanations, stories, and strategies, but a measure of hope that we can
get through it all.”
–Steven Levy, author of Hackers and Crypto

“In his newest book, Secrets and Lies: Digital Security in a Networked World,
Schneier emphasizes the limitations of technology and offers managed
security monitoring as the solution of the future.”
–Forbes Magazine
Secrets and Lies
Digital Security
in a Networked World

15th Anniversary Edition

Bruce Schneier
Secrets and Lies: Digital Security in a Networked World, 15th Anniversary Edition
Published by
John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
10475 Crosspoint Boulevard
Indianapolis, IN 46256
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Copyright © 2000 by Bruce Schneier. All rights reserved.

Introduction to the Paperback Edition, Copyright © 2004 by Bruce Schneier. All rights reserved.
New foreword copyright © 2015 by Bruce Schneier. All rights reserved.

Published by John Wiley & Sons, Inc., Indianapolis, Indiana

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To Karen: DMASC
 Contents

Foreword to 2015
15th Anniversary Edition   ix

introduction from the

paperback edition   xiii

preface  xxiii

About the Author   xxvii

1. introduction  1

Part 1: The Landscape  11

2. digital Threats  14

3. attacks  23

4. adversaries  42

5. security needs  59

Part 2: technologies  83
6. cryptography  85

7. cryptography in context   102

8. computer security  120

vii
viii Contents
9. identification and authentication   135

10. networked-computer security  151

11. network security  176

12. network defenses  188

13. software reliability  202

14. secure hardware  212

15. certificates and credentials   225

16. security tricks  240

17. the human factor   255

Part 3: strategies  271

18. vulnerabilities and the vulnerability

landscape  274

19. threat modeling and risk

assessment  288

20. security policies and

countermeasures  307

21. attack trees  318

22. product testing and verification   334

23. the future of products   353

24. security processes  367

25. conclusion  389

afterword  396

resources  399

Acknowledgments  401

index  403
 Foreword to 2015
15th Anniversary Edition

R ereading a book that I finished fifteen years ago—in 2000—

perhaps the most surprising thing is how little things have
changed. Of course, there have been many changes in security
over that time: advances in attack tools, advances in defensive tools, new
cryptographic algorithms and attacks, new technological systems with
their own security challenges, and different mainstream security systems
based on changing costs of technologies. But the underlying princi-
ples remain unchanged. My chapters on cryptography and its limits, on
authentication and authorization, and on threats, attacks, and adversar-
ies could largely have been written yesterday. (Go read my section in
Chapter 4 on “national intelligence organizations” as an adversary, and
think about it in terms of what we know today about the NSA.)
To me, the most important part of Secrets & Lies is in Chapter 24,
where I talk about security as a combination of protection, detection,
and response. This might seem like a trivial observation, and even back
then it was obvious if you looked around at security in the real world,
but back in 2000 it was a bigger deal. We were still very much in the
mindset of security equals protection. The goal was to prevent attacks:
through cryptography, access control, firewalls, antivirus, and all sorts of
other technologies. The idea that you had to detect attacks was still in its
infancy. Intrusion Detection Systems (IDS) were just starting to become
popular. Fully fleshing out detection is what led me to the concept of
continually monitoring your network against attack, and to start the
company called Counterpane Internet Security, Inc.
Now there are all sorts of products and services that detect Internet
attacks. IDS has long been a robust product category. There are log moni-

ix
x Foreword to 2015 15th Anniversary Edition
toring and analysis tools. There are systems that detect when critical files are
accessed or changed. And Managed Security Monitoring is a fully mature
part of the IT security industry. (BT acquired Counterpane in 2006.)
I bring this up because there’s a parallel to today, in both my own
thinking and in Internet security. If the 1990s were the decade of pro-
tection, and the 2000s became the decade of detection, the 2010s are the
decade of response. The coming years are when IT incident response
products and services will fully mature as a product category.
Again, on the surface it seems obvious. What good is an alarm system
if no one responds to it? But my 2000 writings in this book barely flesh
that idea out, and even in the years after, most of us talked about incident
response in only the most general terms. (See Chapter 24 for an example.)
The FIRST conference for IT response professionals has been around
since 1988, but it’s long been a sidelight to the rest of IT security. It’s only
recently that it has become incorporated into the industry. Again I am in
a company that is at the forefront of this: building an incident response
management platform. But this time I am not alone; there are other com-
panies building products and services around IT incident response.
This is a good thing. If there’s anything we’ve learned about IT
security in recent years, it’s that successful attacks are inevitable. There
are a bunch of reasons why this is true, but the most important is what
I wrote about in Chapter 23: complexity. Complex systems are inher-
ently more vulnerable than simple ones, and the Internet is the most
complex machine mankind has ever built. It’s simply easier to attack our
modern computer systems than it is to defend them, and this is likely to
remain true for the foreseeable future. It’s not that defense is futile, it’s
that attack has the upper hand.
This means that we have to stop believing that we can be resistant
against attacks, and start thinking about how we can be resilient in the
face of attacks. Resilience comes from a combination of elements: fault-
tolerance, redundancy, adaptability, mitigation, and survivability. And a
big part of it is incident response. Too many of the high-profile security
incidents over the past few years have been followed by ham-handed
responses by the victims, both technically and organizationally. We all
know that response is important, yet we largely approach it in an ad hoc
manner. We simply have to get better at it.
The best way I’ve found to think about incident response is through
a military concept called OODA loops. OODA stands for “observe,
 Foreword to 2015 15th Anniversary Edition xi

orient, decide, act,” and it’s a way of thinking about real-time adver-
sarial situations. The concepts were developed by U.S. Air Force mili-
tary strategist Colonel John Boyd as a way of thinking about fighter-jet
dogfights, but the general idea has been applied to everything from busi-
ness negotiations to litigation to strategic military planning to boxing—
and computer and network incident response.
The basic idea is that a fighter pilot is constantly going through
OODA loops in his head. And the faster he can perform these loops—if,
in Boyd’s terminology, he can get inside his opponent’s OODA loop—
he has an enormous advantage. Boyd looked at everything on an aircraft
in terms of how it improved one or more aspects of the pilot’s OODA
loop. And if it didn’t improve his OODA loop, what was it doing on
the aircraft?
More generally, people in any of these real-time adversarial situa-
tions need tools to improve the speed and effectiveness of their OODA
loops. In IT, we need tools to facilitate all four OODA-loop steps.
Pulling tools for observation, orientation, decision, and action together
under a unified framework will make incident response work. And mak-
ing incident response work is the ultimate key to making security work.
The goal here is to bring people, process, and technology together in a
way we haven’t seen before in network security. It’s something we need
to do to continue to defend against the threats.
This is what’s missing from Secrets & Lies, and this is what I am
trying to do today. My company, Resilient Systems, Inc., has built a
coordination platform for incident response. The idea is that when an
incident occurs, people need to immediately convene and figure out
what’s happening, what to do, and how to do it. Any coordination
system has to be flexible in every possible dimension. You won’t know
beforehand who has to be involved in an incident response. You won’t
know beforehand what has to be done, and who has to do it. You won’t
know what information you will need, and what information you will
need to disseminate. In short, you have to be ready for anything.
Protection, detection, and response are not unique to computers
and networks, or even to technology. When I look at all the threats in
a hyper-complex, hyper-technological, hyper-connected world, I rec-
ognize that we simply can’t predict the threat. Our only chance for
real security is to be resilient in the face of unknown and unknowable
threats. I’m working in IT and information resilience. We need political
xii Foreword to 2015 15th Anniversary Edition
resilience, social resilience, economic resilience, and lots more besides.
This is what I am thinking about now—how to be resilient in the face
of catastrophic risks—and something I hope to be my next book.
Since writing Secrets & Lies in the late 1990s, I have learned a lot
about security from domains outside of IT. I have also tried to bring
some of the best security ideas from IT into more general security
domains. Today, many of us are doing that. This book still has a lot to
teach people, both within IT and without. But the rest of the world has
a lot to teach us in IT security; OODA loops are just one example. Our
goal should be to always keep learning from each other.

— Minneapolis, Minnesota, and Cambridge,

Massachusetts, January 2015
 Introduction from the
Paperback Edition

I t’s been over three years since the first edition of Secrets and Lies was
published. Reading through it again after all this time, the most
amazing thing is how little things have changed. Today, two years
after 9/11 and in the middle of the worst spate of computer worms and
viruses the world has ever seen, the book is just as relevant as it was when
I wrote it.
The attackers and attacks are the same. The targets and the risks are
the same. The security tools to defend ourselves are the same, and they’re
just as ineffective as they were three years ago. If anything, the problems
have gotten worse. It’s the hacking tools that are more effective and
more efficient. It’s the ever-more-virulent worms and viruses that are
infecting more computers faster. Fraud is more common. Identity theft
is an epidemic. Wholesale information theft—of credit card numbers and
worse—is happening more often. Financial losses are on the rise. The
only good news is that cyberterrorism, the post-9/11 bugaboo that’s scar-
ing far too many people, is no closer to reality than it was three years ago.
The reasons haven’t changed. In Chapter 23, I discuss the problems
of complexity. Simply put, complexity is the worst enemy of security.
As systems get more complex, they necessarily get less secure. Today’s
computer and network systems are far more complex than they were
when I wrote the first edition of this book, and they’ll be more complex
still in another three years. This means that today’s computers and
networks are less secure than they were earlier, and they will be even less

xiii
xiv Introduction from the Paperback Edition
secure in the future. Security technologies and products may be
improving, but they’re not improving quickly enough. We’re forced to
run the Red Queen’s race, where it takes all the running you can do just
to stay in one place.
As a result, today computer security is at a crossroads. It’s failing,
regularly, and with increasingly serious results. CEOs are starting to
notice. When they finally get fed up, they’ll demand improvements.
(Either that or they’ll abandon the Internet, but I don’t believe that is a
likely possibility.) And they’ll get the improvements they demand; cor-
porate America can be an enormously powerful motivator once it gets
going.
For this reason, I believe computer security will improve eventually.
I don’t think the improvements will come in the short term, and I think
they will be met with considerable resistance. This is because the engine
of improvement will be fueled by corporate boardrooms and not com-
puter-science laboratories, and as such won’t have anything to do with
technology. Real security improvement will only come through liability:
holding software manufacturers accountable for the security and, more
generally, the quality of their products. This is an enormous change,
and one the computer industry is not going to accept without a fight.
But I’m getting ahead of myself here. Let me explain why I think the
concept of liability can solve the problem.
It’s clear to me that computer security is not a problem that technol-
ogy can solve. Security solutions have a technological component, but
security is fundamentally a people problem. Businesses approach security
as they do any other business uncertainty: in terms of risk management.
Organizations optimize their activities to minimize their cost–risk prod-
uct, and understanding those motivations is key to understanding com-
puter security today. It makes no sense to spend more on security than
the original cost of the problem, just as it makes no sense to pay liability
compensation for damage done when spending money on security is
cheaper. Businesses look for financial sweet spots—adequate security for
a reasonable cost, for example—and if a security solution doesn’t make
business sense, a company won’t do it.
This way of thinking about security explains some otherwise puzzling
security realities. For example, historically most organizations haven’t
spent a lot of money on network security. Why? Because the costs have
 Another Random Document on
Scribd Without Any Related Topics
 Fig. 172.—Moresque Counterchange
pattern, inlaid marble.

Many plants are used as symbols in Christian art: the vine, as typical of
Christ, during Byzantine times and the Middle Ages. In Scripture we find
frequent allusions to the vine and grapes; the wine-press is typical of the
“Passion,” as we read in Isaiah. The passion-flower, as its name denotes,
was, and is, used as an emblem of the death of Christ. The lily is the
emblem of purity, and has always been used as the attribute of the Virgin
Mary in pictures of the Annunciation. We find this plant often engraved on
the tombs of early Christian virgins. From the iris, formerly called a lily, is
derived the flower de luce, or fleur-de-lis, one of the finest conventional
renderings of any flower; it was much used as a decoration in sculpture,
painting, and weaving during the thirteenth and following centuries. It was
the royal insignia of France; mediæval Florence bore it on her shield and on
her coin, the fiorino; and it was used in the crowns of many sovereigns,
from King Solomon down to our own Queen. The trefoil is an emblem of
the Trinity, and is a common form in Gothic decoration.
 Figs. 173 and 174.—Interchange
ornament.

The symbolic and mnemonic classes have now been described, and the
æsthetic alone remains. Æsthetic form we owe to the clearness and
directness of the Greek mind. The Greeks were contented with the simple
solution of the problem before them, which was to beautify what they had
in hand. If they wanted allegorical subjects they confined them to their
figure subjects, and being thus freed from other disturbing elements, they
concentrated their whole attention on perfecting floral form. They attained
perfection in this as they did in their figures, by correcting the peculiarities
of the individual by a study of the best specimens of a whole class; and thus
succeeded in making the most perfect type of radiating ornament, and of
adapting it to sculpture and painting, on flat and curved surfaces. This
ornament has perfect fitness, for you can neither add to it nor take away
from it without spoiling its perfection. The same may be said, only in a
minor degree, of the colour applied to the carved patterns of the Saracens
and Moors: they are both æsthetic works, solely created for their beauty. A
symphony in music is a composition of harmonious sounds; it has little
subject-matter, and is analogous to æsthetic ornament, only the ear is
charmed by the former, as the eye is by the latter.
 APPENDIX

ON THE ORDERS OF ARCHITECTURE

I T seemed to me that a short chapter on the orders would be useful to

students, not only because so much ornament is used as an enrichment to
architecture itself, but also because a very much larger proportion of it is
used in conjunction with architecture, and without some slight knowledge
of the subject, the ornament and the architecture, instead of setting off each
other’s characteristic beauties, are apt to spoil one another. The rigid lines
of architecture should act as a foil to the graceful curves of ornament, and
the plain faces should not only set off fretted surfaces, but make the
undulations of carved ornament precious. When I speak of ornament, I
include the highest form of it, the human figure, and I may point to the
Doric frieze of the Greeks as a brilliant example of success. This
conjunction of ornament and architecture, however, demands high qualities
in the ornament, and insight in the artists as to what is wanted for mutual
contrast or emphasis; and if this be successfully accomplished, I think it
must be conceded that the combined work gives a finer result than the
uncombined excellence of each.
Mean ornament, whether of figures or plants, tends to degrade the
architecture with which it is associated, and may spoil it by the main lines
not properly contrasting with the adjacent architectural forms, or by the
ornament being on too large a scale. I have seen in modern work, the stately
dignity of a grand room utterly destroyed by colossal figures. Michelangelo,
in his superb ceiling at the Sistine Chapel, has by use of gigantic figures
dwarfed the vast chapel into a doll’s house. I may add that there is
monumental colouring as well as monumental form: the finest examples of
such colouring may be seen in many of the grand buildings in Italy and at
Constantinople, notably at St. Mark’s and at Sta. Sophia; but you may also
see magnificent halls and churches, coloured to look like French plum-
boxes.
The elaborate system of proportioning parts to one another and to the
whole, which is so important in architecture as to be its main characteristic,
is equally valuable for the division of spaces for ornament.
 Mouldings which form so great a feature in architecture as to have given
rise to the saying that “mouldings are architecture,” give lessons in elegance
of shape, and in the proper contrast of forms, that are useful to the
ornamentalist who has to design the shapes of small objects; while the
Corinthian capital has been the prototype of most of the floral capitals up to
the present day.
It is admitted that in those periods of history when architecture,
sculpture, and painting attained their highest excellence, the painter,
sculptor, and architect have not only sympathized with one another, but
each one has been no mean judge of the sister arts. At the Renaissance, and
immediately before it, artists are to be found who were goldsmiths,
sculptors, painters, and architects, and some few who were poets,
musicians, and engineers as well.
The origin of the orders was probably in the verandah of the Greek
wooden hut. In some of the paintings on the Greek vases may be seen the
processes by which the Doric and Ionic capitals were evolved; but for our
purpose, which is not archæology, only some of the best examples need be
referred to, after the wooden hut had been converted into a marble temple.
An order consists of a column supporting an architrave, frieze, and
cornice, which is called the entablature. The column generally consists of a
shaft, a capital, and a base, except in the Doric columns of the Greeks and
early Romans, which were baseless. The capital was the capping-piece
which you now see put on the tops of story-posts by carpenters to shorten
the bearing of the bressummer. The architrave was what we now call a
bressummer, and bore the trusses of the roof; the fascias of the architrave
show that in some instances this bressummer was composed of three balks
of timber, each projecting slightly over the one below. The frieze was the
wide band immediately above the architrave and below the cornice,
comprising the triglyphs or ends of the trusses, and the filling in between
them, which is called the metope. The metopes were left open in early
Greek temples, but were eventually filled with sculpture. The cornice was
the projecting boarded caves; while the slanting
 Fig. 175.—The Parthenon. Greek Doric: enlarged section of annulets at A.

undersides of the mutules were copied from the slanting timbers of the roof.
I will speak first of the Greek orders, not only because they were the
earliest, but because the Greeks showed the greatest artistic sensibility in
their choice of forms, in the composition of lines, and in their arrangements
for light and shade. I begin with the Doric. The shaft is conical, and fluted
with twenty shallow segmental flutes that finished under the capital, which
consists of a thick square cap called the abacus, with a circular echinus
under it, finished at the bottom with rings called annulets, and a little below
them is a deep narrow sunk chase called the necking, and the shaft has no
base.
The Greeks were a seafaring people, mainly inhabiting the sea-shore, the
islands of the Archipelago, and the edges of Asia Minor, and were thus
acquainted with the forms of the sea and of shells. The echinus of the Doric
capital resembles the shell of the sea-urchin, or echinus, when it has lost its
spines, and was probably called after it. The ovolo moulding that was most
used was called the cyma or wave. At the Parthenon, the finest example of
the Doric, the architrave is plain, and was once adorned with golden shields
and inscriptions; it is capped by a square moulding called the tænia or band;
the frieze, with its square cymatium, is capped with a carved astragal, and is
divided longitudinally by the triglyphs, projecting pieces, ornamented with
two whole and two half vertical channels, from which the word triglyph
takes its name; below the tænia is a narrower square moulding the width of
the triglyph, and beneath it, ornamented with drops called guttæ. I may
point to this as a most artistic device both to relieve the monotony of the
tænia and to weld the architrave with the frieze. The triglyphs begin at the
angles of the frieze, and range centrally over all the rest of the columns,
with an additional triglyph between each, though in the frieze over the
larger central opening of the Propylæum there are two intermediate
triglyphs; the nearly-square metopes between the triglyphs are filled with
figure-sculpture. The cornice consists of the square mutule band, from
which the mutules project, whose slanting underside is enriched with drops;
and above the mutules is their capping, a narrow fascia under the corona;
the corona or main projecting member of the cornice is throated at the
bottom, and its capping consists of a wide fillet, deeply-throated, with a
hawk’s-bill moulding under it. These together form the most superb piece of
architectural work that exists, and has called forth the rapturous admiration
of all the tasteful in the world, from the time it was built to the time of
Ernest Renan, one of its latest distinguished admirers.
I have lingered over this order because it is a masterpiece for all time.
Those who have seen it in England alone are possibly convinced that this
praise has been ill-bestowed; yet even these would change their opinion if
they saw it when perfectly white on a clear day in bright sunshine; but in
London, even at its best, the clear air and fierce sun of Athens is wanting, as
well as the pentelic marble, and the chances are that the sculpture in the
metopes has been left out. This Doric of the Greeks is true architecture,
fitted to the climate, and made by men of genius to charm the most gifted
race the world has seen. To the Greek architect no thought and no labour
was too great in designing his building, to form it so that the sun would play
melodies on it from dawn to dusk. Such truly national architecture cannot
be imported into a different climate without losing most of its effect, nor
can it be transferred to a coarse and opaque material without losing much of
its charm; while its sculpture, the finest the world has yet seen, portrayed
national traditions or events connected with its faith. But even here in
London, if you see paraphrases of Greek architecture just painted white on a
clear sunshiny day, you will see a faint reflex of its pristine glory. The rising
moon that the sun makes on the echinus, contrasted with soft graduated
warm shades and sharp blue shadows, is the finest thing an architect has
ever compassed. The splendid sculpture that adorned its metopes may be
seen in the Elgin room of the British Museum. This one example is a model
for those who seek perfection in exquisite simplicity, for almost all the
mouldings are square ones, and there is no enrichment beyond the highest
figure-sculpture, and one little carved astragal; and I may add, that the
perfection of the whole composition of the Temple is as great as that of this
part.

The Ionic.
The example, given on account of its simplicity, is from the Temple on
the river Ilissus. The column differs from that of the Doric by being of
slenderer proportions, by having twenty-four deep elliptical flutes with
fillets in its shaft, by having a cushioned capital inserted between the thin
moulded
 Fig. 176.—Entablature, capital and base of the Greek Ionic Temple on the
Ilissus.

abacus, and a shallow echinus carved with the egg and tongue. The
peculiarity of this cushioned cap is, that each side of the front and back
faces are formed into volutes, and come down considerably below the
bottom of the capital, and are carved on the faces with a shell spiral.[10] The
junctions of the plain surfaces of the volutes with the projecting circular
echinus are masked by a half honeysuckle. At the bottom of the shaft is a
circular pedestal or base of slight projection, consisting of an upper and
lower torus joined by a hollow (trochilus), the upper torus being
horizontally fluted and the lower one plain, and there is no square plinth.
In this case the architrave is deep and without fascias, though the Ionic
order has mostly three fascias; its capping (cymatium) consists of a fillet
with a plain cyma and astragal beneath. The frieze, which has no triglyphs,
is supposed to have been sculptured with figures; its cymatium consists of
an ogee and astragal, to admit which the underside of the corona is deeply
hollowed out; the cymatium of the corona consists of a narrow fillet and a
cyma. The crowning member probably only existed on the raking sides of
the pediment.
As this is not a treatise for architects, but a sketch of the subject for
ornamentalists, one example is enough to show the difference between the
Doric and Ionic, but the capital of the most ornate example, that of the
Erechtheum, is given; its main differences from the former one being these,
that the ornaments on the mouldings are carved instead of only being
painted, that in the entablature there are three fascias to the architrave, that
the column has a neck carved with floral ornaments and a carved necking,
and the sweeps of the capital as well as the spirals of the volutes are more
numerous.
Fig. 177.—Side elevation, plan, and section of the Ionic capital, from
the Temple on the Ilissus.
Section. Section.
 Fig. 178.—Greek Ionic: half of the Capitol from the north portico of the
Erechtheum at Athens. A is a regular guilloche with coloured glass beads in
the eyes.

I have given too the capital of the internal Ionic columns of Apollo
Epicurius at Bassæ, to show how much it is improved by making the top of
the capital curved instead of straight. The Ionic is more graceful and as a
rule more ornate than the Doric, but is not so majestic. Capitals from the
 Fig. 179.—Capital from the Temple of Apollo Epicurius at Bassæ.
Greek Ionic.

Erechtheum, from the Temple at Bassæ, from the last Temple of Diana at
Ephesus, and from the Mausoleum are at the British Museum.
The Corinthian.
Callimachus, according to Vitruvius, invented this capital, and is
supposed to have lived about 396 B.C., forty years before Alexander the
Great was born. Besides the beauty of this order of the choragic monument
of Lysikrates, it is the only undoubted and complete Greek specimen that
we have in Europe. The main importance of the invention, besides its
intrinsic beauty, is its being adopted by the Romans as their favourite order
and used throughout their dominions. I give you here the story Vitruvius
tells of its invention. Besides the prettiness of the story, it serves as an
incitement to the reflection, that if those whose hand and eye are trained
will only observe what they see, they may get notions for inventions.
“A marriageable maid, a citizen of Corinth, was taken ill and died. After
her burial, her nurse gathered the things in which the maid most delighted
when she was alive, put them into a basket, and carried them to the grave
and put them on the top, and so that they might last the longer in the open
air, covered them with a tile. By chance this basket was put on an acanthus
root. The acanthus root meanwhile, pressed by the weight, put forth its
leaves and shoots about spring time; these shoots growing against the sides
of the basket, were forced to bend their tops by the weight of the corners of
the tile and to make themselves into volutes. Then Callimachus, who from
the elegance and subtlety of his sculpture was called Catatechnos by the
Athenians, passing by that grave, noticed the basket and the tender growth
of leaves round it, and charmed by the style and novelty of its form, made
his columns among the Corinthians after that pattern.” (Vit. lib. 4, cap. i. pp.
9, 10.)
 Fig. 180.—Entablature, capital and base of
the Lysikrates monument. Greek Corinthian.

A Corinthian capital was found by Professor Cockerell in the Temple at

Bassæ, supposed by him to have been used there. Another was found at
Athens by Inwood, and there is a graceful capital of one of the engaged
Corinthian columns at the Temple of Apollo Didymæus, at Branchidæ, near
Miletus, of unknown date.
I do not look on work as Greek that was done after the second century
B.C., when Greece became a Roman province.
The Corinthian capital of the monument of Lysikrates is more than one
and a half times as high as the lower diameter of the column, while the
Doric capital of the Parthenon is only about half a diameter to the necking,
and the Ionic capital of the Erechtheum about eight-tenths.
The abacus of the capital is deep and moulded, is hollowed out
horizontally on the four sides in plan, and has the sharp angles of the abacus
cut off. The floral cap consists of a bottom range of sixteen plain water
leaves, about half the height of the eight acanthus leaves of the upper row;
these have a blossom between each pair of leaves.
Above the top, and at the sides of the centre leaf, on each of the four
sides of the capital, spring two acanthus sheaths, out of each sheath spring
three cauliculi; the one most distant from the centre forms a volute under
one side of the angle of the abacus, and is supported by the turned-over top
leaf of the sheath; the lowest cauliculi form two volutes touching one
another at the centre. The third cauliculus comes from between the two
former, and forms much smaller volutes than those immediately below
them, touching
 Fig. 181.—Capital of the Lysikrates monument. Greek Corinthian.

at the centre, but turning the reverse way to those beneath; from the middle
of these springs a honeysuckle, whose top is as high as the top of the
abacus, and there is a little floral sprig between the angle volutes and the
honeysuckle, to relieve the bareness of the basket or bell. The foliage of this
capital is exquisitely graceful, but the outline of the capital is not happy.
The entablature is Ionic, to leave the frieze clear for the sculptured history
of Bacchus, turning some pirates into dolphins. The architrave is deep with
three equal fascias, the face of each one inclined inwards, and a cymatium.
Above the cymatium of the frieze is a cornice with a heavy dentilled bed
mould.
 The Greeks were consummate artists, who bore in mind the adage that
“rules are good for those who can do without them,” and adapted every part
of their buildings to produce the effect of light and shade they wanted. The
profiles of their mouldings were mostly slightly different in every example
we have, and mostly approximate to conic sections, so as to have the shade
less uniform, segments of circles being rarely used; and there was in Athens
an affluence of excellent figure sculptors.
It has always seemed to me that the slight variations the Greeks made in
their profiles to get perfection, and their passion for simplicity, were greatly
due to their intimate knowledge of the nude human figure. All their recruits
were exercised naked, and they must have noticed that the perfecting of the
human shape by training was brought about by slight variations.
The Roman Orders.
The Romans, great people as they were in subjugating, governing, and
civilizing so great a portion of the world, and possibly on that very account,
were
 Fig. 182.—The Tuscan order.

not artistic in the sense that the Greeks were. The Romans were slaves to
easy rules and methods; most, if not all, the profiles of their mouldings were
struck with compasses, and they were almost destitute of good figure
sculptors. They had, however, a passion for magnificence, and for ornate
stateliness and dignity, and they rarely failed to get these in their public
monuments.
Besides the three orders which were taken from the debased Greek
examples of their own time, the Romans added two, the order of the
Tuscans, and an invention of their own called the Composite.

The Tuscan.
The Tuscan is described by Vitruvius, lib. 4, cap. 7, as an incomplete
Doric, but with a base and a round plinth. The portico of St. Paul’s, Covent
Garden, by Inigo Jones, is the best example we have of it in London. The
example given is from the learned Newton Vitruvius.

The Roman Doric.

One of the earliest examples, with the exception of that at Cora, which is
rather debased Greek than Roman, is the example on the Theatre of
Marcellus at Rome, finished by Augustus. The column is not fluted, and has
no base, and the capital has been greatly altered from that of the best Greek
examples. The abacus has a cymatium; the echinus has been reduced in
depth, and is an ovolo, and the annulets are merely three plain fillets; the
column too has a neck and a necking. In the entablature the architrave is
 Fig. 183.—Roman Doric. From the Theater of
Marcellus.
The crowning members of the cornice are conjectural,
for the whole has been broken away. See Desgodetz.
 Fig. 184.—Roman Ionic. Entablature, capital, and base of
an angle column, at the Temple of Fortuna Virilis.

shallower than in the Greek examples. In the frieze the triglyphs are over
the centres of the angle columns; the guttæ are the frustums of cones, while
those of the Greeks were cylinders or with hollowed sides; the cornice has a
dentilled bed mould; and the mutules have disappeared, but their edge runs
through and the soffit is slanting, and ornamented alternately with coffers
and small guttæ, six on face and three deep; and besides, the cymatium of
the corona is capped by a large cavetto; this in the Greek examples was only
the crowning member of the slanting sides of the pediment. There are
Roman Doric columns at the Colosseum, at Diocletian’s Baths at Rome,
and elsewhere. The Doric, best known to us, was elaborated by the Italian
architects of the Renaissance.

The Roman Ionic.

The Ionic was not much more to the taste of the Romans than the Doric,
for, with the exception of the examples in tall buildings, where the orders
were piled up one over the other, the Temple of Fortuna Virilis is the only
good example, although there is a very debased one at the Temple of
Concord. The columns of the Temple of Fortuna Virilis somewhat resemble
the Greco-Roman ones of the Temple of Bacchus at Teos; they have similar
paltry capitals, and an Attic base, but their truly Roman entablature is very
notably worse than that at Teos, in fact, it might be used as an example of
what to avoid in profiling. The cornice is crushingly heavy for the frieze
and architrave, the parts are disproportionate, the corona having almost
disappeared to make room for the
 Fig. 185.—Roman Corinthian. Entablature, capital, and base of the Pantheon.

extra crowning member, and the floral ornaments on some of the mouldings
are gigantic. Its main importance to us is from the use made of it by the
Renaissance architects, some of whom, however, greatly improved its
appearance, by making it a four-faced capital, by adding a necking and
putting festoons from the eyes, thus giving the capital greater depth and
importance.
The Roman Corinthian.
The magnificence of this capital took the Romans, so that good
examples of the other orders, except of the Composite, are rare. As I said
before, the only undoubted Greek Corinthian order that has come down to
us is that of the Lysikrates monument, though we have many Greco-Roman
examples. The best Roman example I can give you is that of the Pantheon;
the existing portico is believed by M. Chedanne to be a copy of Agrippa’s,
made in the days of Septimius Severus. At any rate, it has the comparative
simplicity that characterized some of the buildings just before our era. The
capital has two rows of eight leaves, the upper row not rising to quite so
great a height above the lower ones as these do above the necking, and there
is space between the upper leaves to show the stalks of the sheaths of the
cauliculi; the inner ones finish under the rim of the basket, the outer ones
form the volutes under the angles of the abacus, and above these a curled
leaf masks the overhanging of the angles of the abacus. From some foliage
on the top of the upper
 Fig. 186.—Roman Corinthian. Entablature of Jupiter Tonans.

middle leaf, a stalk runs up behind the cauliculi, and blossoms in the
abacus.
It may be observed that the cauliculi of the centre and of the volute have
lost the floral character and become stony. The shafts are unfluted, being of
granite, and have the favourite Roman base, a plain upper and a lower torus,
with two scotias separated by double astragals and fillets. The entablature
consists of an architrave of three fascias, the bottom edge of whose
projections are moulded, the whole architrave is capped with a cymatium
consisting of a wide fillet and an ogee with an astragal beneath. The frieze
is slightly shallower than the architrave, and has nothing on it but the
inscription, and its cymatium is the counterpart of that of the architrave on a
smaller scale. The cornice is heavy, and its bed mould consists of an uncut
dentil band, an ovolo carved with the egg and tongue, and an astragal
carved with the bead and reel, a modilion band with carved modilions, a
shallow corona, and a deep cyma-recta-cymatium with fillets.
 I have added the fine and gigantic capital of Mars Ultor and the
entablature of Jupiter Tonans, which is overladen with ornament, as a
contrast to the almost stern simplicity of that of the Pantheon.
I shall only draw your attention to two points in this ornamentation, the
omission of the tongues between the eggs, leaving only the upright line, and
the attempt to turn the egg and tongue into a foliated form. The egg itself is
covered with ornament, and is set in the centre of acanthus leaves. We must
praise the boldness of the author, who has given us a new ornament, but
deplore his want of tasteful invention which has forced him to give a bad
one.
The varieties of leaves used in capitals have been mentioned in the body
of the book.

The Roman Composite.

This order has been called the Composite, from the mixture of Ionic and
Corinthian motives in its capital. The example given is from the Arch of
Titus, erected to celebrate the taking of Jerusalem in 70 A.D. The main thing
to be remarked is the capital; for the entablature is Corinthian, less ornate
than that of Jupiter Tonans or Jupiter Stator, and very inferior to the latter in
its proportions. It may be imagined that all the foliage above the upper row
of leaves in a Corinthian capital has been removed, that a carved Ionic
echinus has been put in at the level of the bottom of the Corinthian
cauliculi, that on the centre of the echinus there is a calix, from which a
flower runs up above the top of the abacus, and from each side of the calix
spring curved bands running into the hollow of the abacus and ending in
heavy volutes coming down to the tops of the upper row of leaves, the
lower parts of the bands and the spaces between the spirals being filled with
foliage. The parts of the bell thus left bare by the omission of the sheaths of
the cauliculi have two little scrolls of foliage to cover them. The worst fault
of the capital is, that the upper part has no artistic connection with the
lower, and taken merely as an isolated capital, its volutes are too ponderous
for the rest. We must, however, give the Romans credit for the merits of the
invention. They
 Fig. 187.—Roman Corinthian. Half of the capital of Mars Ultor.

saw that in tall columns, and in this case the columns are on pedestals, the
volutes of Corinthian columns
 Fig. 188.—Roman composite capital from the Arch of Titus.

were too insignificant. This capital when once invented took the Romans,
and was applied everywhere.
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