Project - 2023 Harriet
Project - 2023 Harriet
HARIET ANYANGO
BAIR/1867/2019
UNIVERSITY
November 2023
DECLARATION
I Hariet Anyango do hereby declare that this research proposal is my original work and has
not been presented to any other university for the award of a degree.
SIGN………………………. DATE………………………………………….
Declaration by supervisor:
This research project has been carried out under my supervision and submission is hereby
made to the University for Examination with my approval as the university supervisor.
SIGN………………………. DATE…………………………………………….
Vincent Omurwa,
Head of Department,
SIGN…………………………… DATE…………………………………………………
NAME………………………….
DEDICATION
To my loving and supportive mum, Eunice Akinyi Ngala, who is my daily reminder of all
that is good in this world, and my driving force in my academic pursuits. Bless you.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
To begin with, I want to give thanks and praise to God, the Almighty, for His graces that
I want to convey my profound gratitude to Mr. Vincent Omurwa, my research supervisor, for
providing me with the chance to carry out this research and for serving as my mentor. His
energy, vision, genuineness, and drive have motivated me. He has taught me how to conduct
the study and write the research paper in the most comprehensible way. Working and
studying under his direction was an enormous privilege and honor. I am incredibly
AU African Union
Contents
DECLARATION
CHAPTER 1........................................................................................................................................7
1.0 Introduction
1.3.1 Objective...........................................................................................................................15
1.3.2 Specific Objectives............................................................................................................15
1.4 Research questions
4.1.1 Research Question 1. What are the successes of AMISOM in state building and
peacekeeping in Somalia?.........................................................................................................27
4.1.2 Research Question 2. What are the challenges faced by AMISOM in relation to peace
building strategies in Somalia?.................................................................................................28
4.1.3 Research Question 3. How effective has AMISOM been on the political and security
situation in Somalia?.................................................................................................................28
CHAPTER 5: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS.............................29
5.0 Summary
5.2 Conclusion
5.3 Recommendation
ABSTRACT
The Horn of Africa has been damaged by persistent conflicts, instability, and the threatening
presence of terrorist organizations. These issues have had a profound impact on the security
and socio-economic development of the region. It has been plagued by a multitude of
problems, including ethnic and political tensions, protracted conflicts, and the pervasive
threat of terrorism. Groups like Al-Shabaab, an extremist organization, have exploited these
vulnerabilities, making them a focal point in the global war against terror. Understanding the
complex dynamics and assessing the actual impact of AMISOM's counterterrorism efforts in
the Horn of Africa remains a significant challenge, despite a wealth of research and
publications on the subject. By doing thorough research, this research project aims to close
this gap. The objectives of this research include 1. To evaluate the successes of AMISOM
in state building and peacekeeping in Somalia 2. To examine the challenges faced by
AMISOM in relation to peace building strategies in Somalia 3. To highlight the effect of
AMISOM on the political and security situation in Somalia. The research objectives in this
study are in line with the research questions. This study will use a case study research design
to understand the topic, and it will also use secondary from published books, journal articles,
historical documentation, and policy papers, to collect data relevant to the topic. This
research uses liberal internationalism theory is used. An empirical review will also be used to
review studies by scholars on the relevant topic. The result of this research is useful to
students, lecturers, lecturers and acidemias. The findings in this study will reveal if indeed
AMISOM has impacted the political and security situation in Somalia, the challenges faced
by AMISOM in relation to peacebuilding and the successes of AMISOM in state building
and peacekeeping in Somalia.
CHAPTER 1
1.0 Introduction
This chapter introduces the research proposal of the study. It will act as a guideline as to what
is expected of the entire research. It will provide detailed research of the background of
study, problem statement, research objectives and research questions and the justification of
the study.
(2014) articulates, the reasons of acts of terrorism are many and include political, religious,
and ideological reasons in a dynamic environment. Our global interconnectedness has made
it easier for extremist organizations to take advantage of cross border networks and
International terrorist attacks have a global after effect that affects politics, economy, and
social dynamics. Since these threats are international, nations must work together, pooling
The September 11, 2001, terror attack commonly referred to as the 9/11, is a prime example
of international terrorism from the global perspective, with far reaching consequences for the
entire world. Under the direction of Osama Bin Laden, the radical organization, AL Qaeda,
attacked a well-known American Symbols at the same time. Four commercial planes were
hijacked, with two crashing into the Twins Towers of the World Trade Center in New York
City, one into the Pentagon in Arlington, Virginia, and the fourth, United Airlines Flight 93,
crashing in Pennsylvania after passengers bravely stopped the hijackers. According to the
9/11 Commission Report (2002), nearly 3000 people lost their lives as a result of the act of
terrorism, which will never be forgotten. The effects went beyond the immediate human
tragedy, influencing international relations, bringing about a paradigm shift, and having a
major negative influence on the economy. Since the African Union is an organization that
primarily deals with African concerns and regional affairs, it did not immediately intervene
in the terror attack. A coalition of international allies and certain nations, mainly the United
States, spearheaded the response to the 9/11 attacks. Robert, K. (2002) addresses that the AU,
established in 2001, was still in its early stages and it could not play a direct part in
addressing the occurrences of the attack. However, it is crucial to note that, despite the AU’s
lack of direct involvement in the response to the 9\11, individual African countries took part
From a regional perspective, one notable example of international terrorism in Africa is the
Boko Haram. Boko Haram, which was established in Nigeria in the early 2000s, has carried
out a campaign of terror and violence with ramifications for the entire region and the world.
After pledging allegiance to ISIS in 2015, the group has expanded its attacks to neighboring
countries like Cameroon, Chad, and Niger in its quest to establish an Islamic state in Nigeria.
International attention was drawn to Boko Haram due to its ruthless tactics, which included
kidnappings, massacres, and suicide bombers. Bartolotta, C. (2011) notes that the gang has
international community has worked together to combat the influence and actions of Boko
Haram, including the AU and the surrounding nations. The Multinational Joint Task Force
has been the main vehicle by which the AU has responded to the Boko Haram insurgency.
To counter the cross-border threat posed by Boko Haram, Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon, Niger,
and Benin have formed the Multinational Joint Task Force, which is a regional coalition. In
order to improve coordinated efforts in tackling the security issues posed by the terrorist
organization, the AU endorsed and supported the establishment of the Multinational Joint
Task Force. Member nations have cooperated on intelligence sharing, combined military
operations, and coordinated tactics to combat Boko Haram’s actions through the AU’s
combat terrorisms multifaceted nature in Africa. The AU’s larger involvement includes
diplomatic efforts and assistance for regional initiatives aiming at improving peace and
security in the affected areas, even if the MNJFT is the main instrument of the intervention
From the local perspective, I will refer to the Horn of Africa, with a major focus in Somalia.
The Horn of Africa is known for its strategic importance, cultural diversity, and historical
significance, and has been marred by persistent conflicts and security challenges for decades.
This extensive and diverse geographical area encompasses countries such as Somalia,
Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti, and parts of Kenya and Sudan, collectively forming a complex
landscape shaped by a rich tapestry of ethnicities, political dynamics, and varying degrees of
development. The Horn’s turbulent history has been characterized by both inter-state and
intra-state conflicts, border disputes, and power struggles, contributing to political instability
and socio-economic disparities. This multifaceted background has set the stage for a
multitude of security threats, making the region a hotspot for terrorism, piracy, and
Investigation of these complex security issues is necessary due to their impact on a regional
and global scale (Ward, 2010). Gaining an understanding of the political processes inside and
between Horn of Africa nations is crucial in comprehending the complex security landscape
and shedding light on these concerns. The conflicts and counterterrorism operations in the
region are influenced, for example, by Ethiopia's regional power, Eritrea's isolation, and
Conflicts have shaped the political and socioeconomic landscape of the Horn of Africa
throughout its history, leaving lasting effects. Notable among these conflicts is the Eritrean-
Ethiopian War that lasted from 1998 to 2000, leading to the deaths of tens of thousands and
leaving both countries deeply scarred. The conflict over the disputed border areas continued
to simmer for years and only found resolution in 2018, reshaping the regional political
dynamics. Somalia has been a focal point of conflict, with civil wars and internal strife that
continue to this day. The state’s collapse in 1991 gave rise to a complex web of power
struggles, clan-based politics, and the emergence of extremist groups, including Al-Shabaab.
The Somali conflict’s impact extends beyond its borders, affecting neighboring countries
The region has also witnessed the emergence and proliferation of extremist groups, of which
has exploited the power vacuum and instability in Somalia, establishing control over
significant territories and posing a direct threat to regional security. Its activities include
terror attacks, recruitment of fighters, and the imposition of a harsh interpretation of Islamic
law. In response to the escalating conflict in Somalia, the African Union established the
African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) in 2007 and it was approved by the United
Nations Security Council. As per the United Nations Security Council Resolution (2007,
pg.3), AMISOM is mandated to support transitional governmental structures, implement a
national security plan, train the Somali security forces, and to assist in creating a secure
environment for the delivery of humanitarian aid. AMISOM’s initial mandate focused on
Mogadishu, aiming to support the Somali government in stabilizing the country, providing
humanitarian aid, and countering extremist groups. Over the years, its mission expanded,
Detailed analyses of AMISOM’s formation, evolution, and operational challenges have been
undertaken, shedding light on its mission and objectives (Williams, 2013). To this end, an
essential area of research has been the assessment of AMISOM’s effectiveness in addressing
security challenges in Somalia. Some studies emphasize the progress made in diminishing
the influence of Al-Shabaab, while others highlight the complexity of the conflict and the
debate. Some argue that AMISOM has made significant gains in degrading Al-Shabaab’s
capabilities, liberating territories, and bolstering the Somali government. Others, however,
highlight the complex and multifaceted nature of the conflict, emphasizing that military
Political dynamics within the Horn of Africa are multifaceted and complicated. Somalia’s
clan-based politics, Eritrea’s isolation, and Ethiopia’s regional influence are just a few of the
many factors influencing the conflict and counter-terrorism landscape. Understanding these
dynamics is paramount for comprehending the region’s security challenges. Moreover, the
conflicts in the Horn of Africa have had dire humanitarian consequences, including mass
displacement, food insecurity, and human rights abuses. The difficulty of internally displaced
persons and the challenges of delivering humanitarian aid in conflict zones have garnered
international attention. Conflict in one Horn of Africa nation often has spill-over effects on
neighboring countries. Eritrea’s involvement in the Somali conflict, the tensions between
Kenya and Somalia over territorial disputes, and Ethiopia’s regional aspirations underscore
The Horn of Africa’s significance in global geopolitics, its enduring conflicts, and the
evolving nature of security threats all contribute to the need for a comprehensive examination
of the region’s challenges and the effectiveness of international peacekeeping efforts. This
research aims to contribute to the understanding of these critical issues and inform policy
decisions with the goal of promoting peace and security in the Horn of Africa.
section provides a brief summary of the key traits and manifestations of organized violence
in Somalia. For three decades, Somalia has been an example of a failed state where organized
violence has become common. Since 1991, with the collapse of Siad Barre’s government,
Somalia’s conflicts have fragmented into numerous distinct local armed conflicts. It therefore
makes little sense to analyze the conflict as a country-wide civil war with a common set of
conflict dynamics. Instead, one can think of organized violence in Somalia as an archipelago
of armed conflicts, each dominated by its own distinct dynamics but often interconnected
change frequently. These dynamics in Somalia have tended to support the World Bank’s
conclusion that the risk of organized violence is likely to rise when “stresses”—notably the
lack of security, justice, and employment—, as Mohamed Hassan (Feb 2016, pg. 3) says, are
found in areas where official institutions are weak and where local trust in the perceived
result, Article 4(g) of the AU's Constitutive Act emphasizes the non-interference of any
member state in the affairs of another. At the same time, and in contrast to the OAU, Article
4(h) of the Act authorizes action in severe situations such as war crimes, genocide, and
crimes against humanity as stated by Hansen, S. (2015). This was a positive development and
must be applauded. It provided the necessary legal justification for the deployment of
of violence in its many forms. Menkhaus, K (2004) addressed in his paper ‘State Collapse
and the Threat of Terrorism’ that in south-central Somalia, many forms of organized violence
have regularly displayed an intimate relationship with economic issues, from the trading of
khat, charcoal and sugar to taxation, extortion, and the privatization of security, as well as the
struggle to control key commercial hubs such as seaports, airports, and roadways. In the
absence of effective state governance, numerous armed actors emerged in Somalia that used
instruments of coercion and violence to make money. Some of them would be considered by
the Somali authorities to be illegal and criminal, including various Islamist organizations
such as Al-Shabaab. But these licit/illicit taxation/extortion lines become blurred considering
the personalities who have occupied Somalia’s state and political institutions, many of whom
retain their business identities and connections. This is a long-standing practice in Somalia.
landscape have given rise to at least five diverse types of armed conflict, as described below.
Each of them involves an economic, identity, and power dimension and all of them have
affected the mission’s attempts to implement its mandate to a greater or lesser degree; a) The
war conducted by AMISOM and the FGS against Al-Shabaab and other armed opposition
groups, including the so-called Islamic State in Somalia b) Conflicts arising because of
national and regional political power struggles, notably those to win and hold national office
by appointing key supporters and weakening opponents, as well as those to establish and then
violence c) Identity-based conflicts, particularly those arising from clan politics, but also
resources, especially disputes over land, access to water, and livestock issues. These have
Organized, violent criminal activity. This includes piracy and kidnapping, but more
commonly using instruments of violence to benefit from commercial activities in the grey
and black markets. The rise of these extremist organizations not only presents immediate
security threats but also holds global implications, particularly concerning terrorism and
efforts to stabilize government in the Horn of Africa, with a primary focus on Somalia.
the complex security crisis in the region remain subjects of pressing concern. Despite the
AU's extensive involvement in regional security affairs, as African Union Peace and Security
Council (2016) notes, Somalia remains a hotspot for terrorist activities, notably orchestrated
by AL Shabaab. The problem at hand centers on the limitations and complexities that impede
government in Somalia.
Somalia
strategies in Somalia
3. To highlight the effect AMISOM on the political and security situation in
Somalia.
Somalia?
strategies in Somalia?
3. How effective has AMISOM been on the political and security situation in
Somalia?
the role and effectiveness of AU’s mission troops in Somalia in stabilizing the government
can profoundly influence policy decisions, enhance security strategies, and contribute to a
more stable and secure region. Moreover, the findings of this research could inform the
globally. This study will provide policy makers with evidence-based insights, enabling them
interventions regional needs and global security imperatives. The findings will contribute to
shaping more robust and targeted interventions, aligning with the broader goal of fostering
analysis of the research topic. Academic discourse on this specific topic is limited, and
scholarly research is needed to fill this gap. The academic community will benefit from a
research and theoretical development in the field of African security studies, Menkhaus,
(2017). This study’s academic significance lies in its potential to inform future research,
contribute to scholarly debates, and provide a foundation for more targeted and effective
military strategies and tactics used by organizations, governments, law enforcement, and
study will be used to refer to these methods and tactics used by AMISOM to mainly stabilize
struggle between at least two interdependent parties who perceive incompatible goals, scarce
resources, and interference from others in achieving their goals.” There are different types of
conflicts, and this study will refer to conflicts as all those types of conflicts.
as per a regional scientist, Haggett, P. (1965). A region in this study will be used to refer to
Somalia.
AU mission troops- A mission troop is a squad or a group of soldiers who travel to a place
as per their commander’s order, with the mission of peacekeeping in an unstable state. In this
explain the objectives of this study. A theoretical framework is used to analyze data in this
section.
2.1 Theoretical framework
This paper uses liberal internationalism theory. This theory emphasizes cooperation,
international institutions, and the promotion of liberal democratic values to achieve peace
and prosperity, all of which are relevant to AU’s engagement in Somalia. The key proponents
of this theory include Woodrow Wilson, and later contemporary scholars such as Michael
Doyle and Joseph Nye, came up. Doyle, M. (1983), assumes that in liberal internationalism,
democracies are less likely to go to war with each other, contribution to the idea of a
nations promotes stability and reduces the likelihood of armed conflict (Keohane, R. O., Nye,
shaping state behavior on the global stage as stated by Wendt, A. (1992). The AU, through its
Peace and Security Council and the African Standby Force, acts as an institutional
line with this theory as the AU promotes democratic values and governance as part of its
long-term strategy to address the root causes of terrorism in Somalia (African Union, 2002).
a lot in state building and peacekeeping in Somalia. For instance, Nduwimana, M. (2021)
states in his book, ‘A Ray of Hope: AMISOM in Somalia’ that since its deployment,
AMISOM military interventions have had a substantial impact on Somalia's security context.
AMISOM fought and drove out Al-Shabaab terrorists from the capital city of Mogadishu and
AMISOM seized additional occupied towns to offer additional support during the string of
military actions, particularly actions Eagle and Indian Ocean carried out between 2013 and
2014. Bulo Burto, which has a main bridge over the Shebelle River and serves as Al
Shabaab's communication center, is the most important freed town. Other liberated areas that
are important for agricultural production are Hudur, Wajid, Qoryooley, Rabdhure, Ceel Buur,
and a large chunk of the lower Shebelle region. The population now feels more secure and
has experienced social and economic advancement as a result of this achievement. This is
towns.
(2007) have examined the political and humanitarian missions of AMISOM and other
partners. The research offered insights on how these missions were made possible by these
military actions. For instance, he notes that the FGS and AMISOM were able to comprehend
the human terrain, integrate the combatants who had withdrawn, and start counter
it expanded the reach of 129 governance initiatives and FGS-led development into
surrounding areas.
Lastly, studies conducting international peacekeeping in Somali such as the work by Paul, D.
(2009) demonstrates how AMISOM succeeded in refining the political aspect of Somalia.
This study emphasized on the constitutional reviews that were made necessary as a result of
AMISOM's mentoring of the legislative institutional capacity, which was carried out in
Therefore, the empirical evidence from these studies aligns with Specific Objective 1, noting
the successes AMISOM has had in state building and peacekeeping in Somalia.
strategies in Somalia provide insights as to why AMISOM cannot reach its full potential. For
instance, Menkhaus (2011), analyzed some of these challenges. When doing the Conflict
international community is one of the key challenges that prevents AMISOM from reaching
Also, the work by Sarjoh, A. (2009) examined some of these challenges. This research
AMISOM from reaching its full potential. This study found that even though AMISOM is
stationed in an area of ongoing conflict, funding and resource commitments are not certain.
The money received from outside sources is insufficient and inconsistent, especially from the
EU, the UN Trust Fund for the Somalia National Security Forces, and the UN-assessed
peacekeeping budget. Despite the fact that the AMISOM soldiers are actively fighting
terrorist groups to stabilize the government, these funds are budgeted under a standard
disagreements among stakeholders over the best courses of action and priorities have let
AMISOM operations down more frequently than not. This leads to the AU and a few of its
foreign allies not agreeing on how to allocate the operation's finances. Initially, they were
unable to agree on how to divide the resources between fighting Al Shabaab in Somalia in
order to stabilize the Somali government and countering piracy in the Gulf of Aden.
Therefore, in an effort to slow the growth of piracy, the European Union (EU) and the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization began a series of naval operations off the coast of Somalia.
The empirical findings of this study support the idea that there are indeed some constraints
that prevent the AMISOM from reaching its full potential. Therefore, it supports the
extensively explored in empirical research. A few studies shed light on how AMISOM has
In his study, Daniel, B. (2008) provides an insight of how AMISOM has affected the security
situation in Somalia. He uses an example of the well- equipped and trained military
personnel in Somalia. He mentions that the training programs are strengthened by sponsored
training packages for AMISOM provided by private security contractors like DynCorp
International and Bancroft Global Development, as well as logistical support provided by the
United States to nations that supply troops. AMISOM with assistance notably the European
Training Mission in Somalia, from foreign partners has 95 junior officers and 4,500 basic
Also, Nduwimana, M. (2021), also provides a great highlight in his research paper on how
AMISOM has affected the security situation in Somalia. He suggests that the eviction of
drove Al-Shabaab terrorists from the capital city of Mogadishu and the surrounding
territories in support of the Somali National Security Forces has greatly impacted the security
situation in Somalia, positively. It is because of this eviction that 129 governance initiatives
and development driven by FGS into surrounding areas were brought about. This eviction
also made the population feel more secure and experience social and economic advancement.
He also noted the effect of AMISOM in Somalia, politically, evaluating on how AMISOM
Therefore, the empirical evidence from these studies aligns with Specific Objective 3, noting
regarding to the role of AU in stabilizing the Somali government. The literature review is
structured to align with the specific objectives of the study, underscoring the relevance of
at the outset of the theoretical review. The theoretical underpinnings offer a strong
AMISOM in Somalia. The empirical review explores previous studies that support the
specific objectives of the study. AMISOM's achievements in state building and peacekeeping
in Somalia are examined in Specific Objective 1, while its challenges in promoting peace in
the country are the subject of Specific Objective 2, and its impact on the country's political
and security landscape is the subject of Specific Objective 3. AMISOM has undoubtedly had
substantial gap exists in comprehending the intricate dynamics and evaluating the true impact
of AMISOM’s effort in state building and peacekeeping in the region due to limited on time
evidence regarding the role and efforts of AU in Somalia, to state build and peace keep.
arrive at the results and findings. These include the study’s site selection, research design,
target population, sampling technique, data collection tools and techniques and data analysis.
3.1 Research design
According to Mugenda M. O. (2003), a research design is a framework, general strategy, or
plan developed to combine the various study units in a logical and acceptable manner,
ensuring that the research problem is effectively handled. It included a plan for gathering,
measuring, and analyzing data. Qualitative research was used, specifically a case study
design. A case study design is a form of qualitative research. This research design is
preferred so that the researcher can gain concrete and in-depth knowledge about how
of Somalia
[Link]
form a representative sample of the whole population (Mugenda and Mugenda, 2003, pg.
12). An ideal sample is one that satisfies the criteria for effectiveness, representativeness,
dependability, and adaptability. In this research, purposive sampling was used. The sampling
technique will prioritize diversity and representation, ensuring that various perspectives and
experiences are captured. Purposive sampling is the use of non- probability sampling
researching on. The data used in this study is secondary data. collected from documents,
reports, and historical records related to the Horn of Africa and AMISOM’s activities.
insights. This process allows the reducing of large chunks of data into smaller fragments that
make sense. Data analysis is important because it answers the questions asked. Content
Analysis is used in this study as a form of data analysis. This kind of analysis determines the
presence of certain words, themes or concepts within a given qualitative data as stated by
Columbia (2023). This method will reveal themes, narratives, and historical context relevant
successful in state building and peacekeeping in Somalia. He notes that The National
constitutionalism, was responsible for organizing the recently finished presidential and
parliamentary elections in February 2017. He went ahead and mentioned that a peaceful
transition of power is a sign of hope for political harmony and the continuous development of
institutions.
Also, Daniel, B. (2008) measured the success of AMISOM in state building and peace
keeping in Somalia through its military force. He refers to the idea that a military force that is
well-equipped and trained is a crucial instrument in the fight against terrorism. AMISOM
with assistance notably the European Training Mission in Somalia, from foreign partners has
95 junior officers and 4,500 basic soldiers were trained. Additionally, the training programs
are strengthened by sponsored training packages for AMISOM provided by private security
logistical support provided by the United States to nations that supply troops. However, Paul,
W. (2013) notes in his journal that some analysts note that because the training is being
cooperation.
neighboring states have used the Somalia conflict as an excuse to wage proxy wars while
foreign policy toward Somalia that has historically been influenced more by worries about
each country's internal security than by a wish to see Somalia stabilize. Their involvement in
AMISOM therefore only provided the two states with the financial and political means to
support their own border security. By setting one clan against the other, Ethiopia and Kenya's
conflicting security agendas have shattered AMISOM's main goal. He concludes that the
October 2012 has been implemented in close collaboration between the FGS and the
AMISOM political unit. These include international cooperation, dialogue and reconciliation,
economic recovery, security, and the rule of law. His study further found that AMISOM has
significance, all in the same spirit. He gave an example of the political office, which was
crucial in bringing together the several federal regions in the southwest under the FGS. More
importantly, he further noted that it signed an agreement between the FGS and the Juba land
government, which had been sowing the seeds of rebellious attitude. Al Shabaab has been
using political stress to prolong the conflict by attracting unhappy parties, but the
reconciliation between the federal government and Juba land administration was essential in
lowering that strain. This is therefore a proof that AMISOM has been effective in the
He also suggests that the Al Shabaabs eviction from major towns brought about security in
those towns and residents could now go about their day-to-day activities, hence proving that
backing of the international community, including the United States, the United Kingdom,
and the European Union. In collaboration with the Somalia National Security Forces, it has
helped free further towns from Al Shabaab, safeguarded the Federal Government of Somalia,
and improved the security forces' combat prowess. The advancement of AMISOM operations
is nevertheless hampered by the absence of an efficient and cohesive command and control
system.
5.2 Conclusion
This research study concludes that AMISOM has greatly impacted the state building in
Somalia, through the various military and mission’s strategy. This has been achieved by the
well-defined mandate of the AMISOM. The advancement of AMISOM operations is
however hampered by the absence of a cohesive and efficient command and control system.
The result of the fragmentation of command is that AMISOM force headquarters has lost the
5.3 Recommendation
The international community should supply AMISOM and the Federal Government of
Somalia with the tools and funding they need to successfully stabilize the country in order to
ensure the long-term security of the freed areas and the stabilization of the entire country.
Consistent finance (i.e., mission subsistence allowance) and strategic force multipliers and
enablers (i.e., aviation assets and a strong logistics system) are required.
Research to examine Somalia's public opinion and assessment of the AU's involvement in
fighting terrorism would be more effective in understanding the role of AU in Somalia. The
research should recognize the locals' perspectives on the AU forces' presence and the effects
spearheaded by the AU. Examine the effects of military actions and security measures on
Bartolotta, C. (2011). “Terrorism in Nigeria. The Rise of Boko Haram.” The Whiteland
Journal
Daniel, B. (2008). ‘The Five Front War: The Better Way to Fight Global Jihad. Upper Sadle
River.
Hansen, S. (2015). AMISOM: Security and state-building in Africa. African Security, 8(2-3),
97-121.
Kechane, R.O. & Nye, J. S. (1977). Power and Interdependence: World Politics in
Transition.
Little, Brown
Menkhaus, K (2004) Somalia: State Collapse and the Threat of Terrorism (London: IISS
ed. Robert I. Rotberg (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press), pp. 23–47.
community had made the same assessment. See US Military Academy, Combating
Terrorism Center, Al-Qaida’s (mis)Adventures in the Horn of Africa (New York: West
Point), at [Link]
africa.
Menkhaus, K. (2009). Local and regional conflict in the Horn of Africa: A comparative
Menkhaus, K (2011), Conflict Analysis: Somalia (Nairobi: UN Political Office for Somali
Menkhaus, K. (2017). Somalia: State Collapse and the Threat of Terrorism. Oxford Research
Encyclopedia of Communication.
Mulugeta, D. (2014). Eritrea and regional security in the Horn of Africa. The RUSI Journal,
159(1), 24-30.
Neus, R. 9 April 2013). The Role of African Union Mission in Somalia: Where to Go from
Here with AMISOM Peace Operations? Institut Catala Internacionale, Policy Paper pg.
8
Nduwimana, M. (2021). ‘AMISOM in Somalia: A Ray Hope,’ Pg 13
Paul D. Williams. (2009), ‘Into the Mogadishu Maelstrom: The African Union Mission in
Routledge
Peter, A. & Cathy, H. (2016). Fragmented Peacekeeping: The AMISOM.” RSU Journal; 161,
no. 1
Stigall, D. (2019). “The 2018 National Strategy for Counterterrorism: A synoptic overview.”
Ward, M. (2010). Piracy in the Horn of Africa: A complex issue. International Affairs, 86(3),
567-583.
Wendt, A. (1992). Anarchy is What States Make of It: The Social Construction of Power
Williams, P. D. (2013). Counterinsurgency, the war on terror and the politics of security in
the Horn of Africa. Journal of Eastern African Studies, 7(1), 47-64.
APPENDIX