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Lihua Yang

Fifteen
Lectures
on Chinese
Philosophy
Fifteen Lectures on Chinese Philosophy
Lihua Yang

Fifteen Lectures on Chinese

Philosophy
Lihua Yang
Department of Philosophy
Peking University
Beijing, China

Translated by
Jinnan Qin Isaiah Martin Schrader
China University of Political Harvard University
Science and Law Cambridge, USA
Beijing, China

Supported by Chinese Fund for the Humanities and Social Sciences

ISBN 978-981-19-8480-8 ISBN 978-981-19-8481-5 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8481-5

Jointly published with Peking University Press

The print edition is not for sale in China Mainland. Customers from China Mainland please order the
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© Peking University Press 2023

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Preface

Philosophers have no way of surpassing the character of their own time. Therefore,
one of the important functions of intellectual history is to confirm the particular
character of different philosophies in history by revealing the connection between
these ideas and philosophers’ concerns about their time. However, if the universal
significance and value of philosophy are ignored, their place in history will become
a relic of the past. A relic is at best a mirror—a helpful reminder, rather than some-
thing with real power that shapes the spirit of the world today. How can the history
of philosophy be meaningful for contemporary life? How can we make the great
philosophers our contemporaries? For me, these are unavoidable questions.
This slender volume is an explanation of the philosophical system of important
premodern Chinese philosophers rather than a history of philosophy. My personal
interests are demonstrated by my choice of these representative philosophers. The
focus of each chapter of this book is to reveal the fundamental problems of each
philosopher, showing the context and structure of their thoughts and clarifying their
concepts and specific concerns. The importance of the problems, the characteristics
of their solutions, and the universality of the principles within their reasoning allow
these thoughts to remain alive forever. The concreteness of these ideas simultaneously
enables their universality. Universal ideas, shaped by the twists and turns of history,
can come alive again in the present. But only through the in-depth interpretation
of the Classics, it is possible to meet the great minds of the past on an intellectual
journey.
This book is a summary of my thoughts in stages as I have taught Chinese philos-
ophy over the years. It is based on the drafts of my lectures. But the writing style
and lecture structures have been unified, and the key issues are explained clearly and
in-depth. Expressing the connotation of each concept and proposition and escaping
ambiguity are my long-standing pursuit and a conscious initiative that I always try
to achieve in my writing.
Tong Xinran has given me great help in transcribing the class recordings of my
lectures in recent years, and I would like to express my gratitude here. I would
also like to thank the Kaifeng Foundation for supporting my work. To be “Kaifeng
Scholars” is both an encouragement and a duty for me.

v
vi Preface

In the Spring semester of the year 2000, I taught Chinese philosophy to class
of 2002 from the Department of Philosophy, Peking University. During that time,
I attached great importance to being a man of letters. During my frequent bouts of
insomnia, I would think of poetic phrases. On the night of the last class, unable to
sleep, I wrote poem of the seven-character form following the rhyming scheme of
“Poems from Goose Lake” by Lu Jiuyuan.
道崇自然德崇钦,
竹林伊洛两关心;
每寻嵇阮狷狂迹,
更慕程朱德业岑;
无意埃尘纷起落,
有心名相任浮沉;
惟期暗夜承薪火,
不因微薄忘古今.
The spontaneous Dao and reverent Virtue esteemed,
My heart is in concert with the Bamboo Hermits (Zhu Lin, 竹林)1 and the
Confucian literati of Yi and Luo (Yi Luo, 伊洛).2
On the wild tracks3 of Ji Kang (嵇康) and Ruan Ji (阮籍),
And yet looking up to those peaks of virtue in Cheng Yi (程颐) and Zhu Xi (朱熹).
The mindless drift like dust in the wind,
But those with a heart can ride the waves of repute and rebuke.
My one hope is that I might carry the torch during the dark night,
Refusing to forget this heritage even in my obscurity.4
The poetry is inadequate. But even after many years, my aspirations remain.
Twenty years later, nothing has changed. Thus, I feel true joy in my heart.

Beijing, China Lihua Yang

September 2018

1 Zhu Lin (竹林) here refers to the Bamboo Hermits like Ruan Ji (阮籍), Ji Kang (嵇康), and so on
in the Wei and Jin Dynasties. And, the word furtherly points to all Neo-Daoist and Neo-Daoism.
2 Yi Luo (伊洛) here refers to the Cheng brothers (Cheng Hao 程颢 and Cheng Yi 程颐) in the

Northern Song Dynasty, their friends, and their disciples who lived beside Yi He river (伊河) and Luo
He river (洛河). And, they are also the representatives of all Neo-Confucian and Neo-Confucianism.
3 Confucius said, “If you cannot manage to find a person of perfectly balanced conduct to associate

with, I suppose you must settle for the wild (Kuang, 狂) or the fastidious (Juan, 狷). In their pursuit
of the Dao, the wild plunge right in, while the fastidious have things they will not do.” (see The
Analects, 13.21).
4 The poem is translated by Trenton Wilson.
Contents

1 Human Nature and the Way of Heaven: The Philosophy

of Confucius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1 About The Analects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
2 We Cannot Hear . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
3 By Nature People are Similar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
4 Pleasure and Delight . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
5 The Path to Happiness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
6 To Establish Character and Be Prominent . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
7 Dialogues About Benevolence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
8 What Does Heaven Say? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
2 Becoming Useful with the Basis of Non-being: The Philosophy
of The Laozi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
1 Beginning with the First Chapter of The Laozi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
2 Being is Born from Non-being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
3 Becoming Useful with the Basis of Non-being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
4 He Who Stands on Tiptoe is not Steady . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
5 Acting Without Action . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
3 Exerting the Mind and Knowing Human Nature: The
Philosophy of Mencius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
1 The Function of the Mind is to Think . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
2 Exerting the Mind and Knowing Human Nature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
3 Human Nature is Good . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
4 Knowing the Logic of Speech . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
5 Nourishing One’s Qi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
6 A Benevolent Government . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
4 The Way to True Knowledge: The Philosophy of Zhuang Zi . . . . . . . 49
1 The Keyword of Zhuang Zi’s Philosophy: Knowledge . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
2 Differing Levels of Knowledge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
3 Right and Wrong . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53

vii
viii Contents

4 Employing the Light of Reason and Accepting All the Right

Judgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
5 Knowledge and the Self . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
6 Beyond Knowledge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
7 The Equality of Things . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
8 Function: Specific and General . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64
9 True Knowledge and Independence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
5 Being or Non-being: The Philosophy of Wang Bi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
1 Hermeneutic Principles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
2 The Distinction Between Language and Meaning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
3 Ontological Breaks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
3.1 The Meaning of “Non-being” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
3.2 The Dao and Things . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
3.3 The Dao and Nature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
3.4 Becoming Useful with the Basis of Non-being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
4 Political Philosophy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82
4.1 Two Ways to Observe Things . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
4.2 “To Value the Root and to Keep the Branches” (Chong
Ben Ju Mo, 崇本举末) and “To Value the Root
and to Eliminate the Branches” (Chong Ben Xi Mo, 崇
本息末) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84
4.3 Acting Without Action . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
4.4 The Character of the Sage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
6 The Principle of Nature: The Philosophy of JiKang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
1 The Principle of Nature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
2 The Defense of Self . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92
3 The Nourishment of Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94
4 The Rebuttal to One’s Choice of Residence is not Auspicious
or Inauspicious to One’s Nourishing of Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98
5 The Relationship Between Music and Emotions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100
7 Limitation and Nature: The Philosophy of Guo Xiang . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
1 On The Annotations to The Zhuangzi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108
1.1 Guo Xiang’s Edition of The Zhuangzi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108
1.2 Did Guo Xiang Plagiarize? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
1.3 The Characteristics of Guo’s Annotations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
2 Ontology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
2.1 The Non-existence of the Creator . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
2.2 Nature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
2.3 Principle and Human Nature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
2.4 The Self and Interactions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
2.5 The Carefree Excursion and Human Nature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
2.6 Following the Things . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124
2.7 Life and Death . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
Contents ix

3 Political Ideas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127

3.1 Acting Without Action . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
3.2 The Nobleman and the King . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128
3.3 Political Virtue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128
8 Sincerity as the Supreme Ultimate: The Philosophy of Zhou
Dunyi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
1 Metaphysics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134
1.1 The Supreme Ultimate, Yin and Yang, and the Five
Agents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
1.2 Humans and the Myriad Things . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142
1.3 The Sage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
2 Teaching and Self-Cultivation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145
2.1 The Way of Teaching . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145
2.2 Purifying the Heart . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146
2.3 Rituals and Music . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146
2.4 Punishments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
2.5 The Will to Learn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148
9 Substance and Function: The Philosophy of Shao Yong . . . . . . . . . . . 151
1 The Observation of Things . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
2 Substance and Function . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155
3 Four Aspects of Substance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
4 Three Aspects of Function . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165
10 Establishing Our Own Philosophy: The Philosophy of Cheng
Hao . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
1 Criticizing Buddhism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168
2 The Establishment of Neo-Confucian Discourse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172
3 The Principle of Heaven . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175
4 What is Inborn is Called Nature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177
5 Sensation and Benevolence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
6 On Calming Human Nature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183
11 The One and Its Two Contrary Aspects: The Philosophy
of Zhang Zai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185
1 The Great Vacuity and Qi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188
2 Form and Image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193
3 The Three and the Two . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
4 The Wonder and Transformation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197
5 Sensation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199
6 On Human Nature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201
7 Human Nature and the Human Mind . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203
x Contents

12 Metaphysical Substance: The Philosophy of Cheng Yi . . . . . . . . . . . . 207

1 Physics and Metaphysics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 208
2 The Unity of Substance and Function . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 210
3 The Absolute Creation as the Principle of Heaven . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211
4 Everything Has Its Opposite . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 214
5 Collectivity and Benevolence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215
6 On Human Nature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216
7 On Respect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218
8 The Investigation of Things and the Extension of Knowledge . . . . . . 221
13 The Principle of Heaven and Qi, Motion and Stillness: The
Philosophy of Zhu Xi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225
1 Substance and Function . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 226
2 The Supreme Ultimate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229
3 The Principle of Heaven and Qi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233
3.1 Qi Comes from the Principle of Heaven . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234
3.2 The Relationship Between the Principle of Heaven and Qi . . . 237
3.3 The Motion and Stillness of the Principle of Heaven
and Qi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 238
3.4 The Unity and Particularity of the Principle of Heaven . . . . . . . 241
4 Theories on Human Nature and Mind . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243
5 Self-Cultivation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 246
6 The Extension of Knowledge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 248
14 Be Your Own Master: The Philosophy of Lu Jiuyuan . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249
1 The Original Mind . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 250
2 The Mind is the Principle of Heaven . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 252
3 Gather Your Spirit and Be Your Own Master . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 254
4 The Investigation of Things and Sitting Quietly . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255
5 The Relationship Between Righteousness and Profit . . . . . . . . . . . . . 257
15 The Principle of Heaven is not Outside the Mind: The
Philosophy of Wang Yangming . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261
1 The Principle of Heaven is not Outside the Mind . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263
2 There Are no Things Outside the Mind . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 270
3 The Investigation of Things . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 272
4 The Unity of Knowledge and Action . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273
5 The Extension of Innate Knowledge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 276
Chapter 1
Human Nature and the Way of Heaven:
The Philosophy of Confucius

Confucius (孔子), whose given name is Qiu (丘), and whose literary name is Zhong
Ni (仲尼), born in 551 B.C. and died in 479 B.C., was the greatest philosopher of
the late Spring and Autumn Era (770 B.C.–476 B.C., Chun Qiu Shi Qi, 春秋时期).
By summarizing, refining, and distilling the cultural vestiges of the previous two
thousand years, Confucius broke with the past, and created a new philosophy which
became the foundation of later Chinese civilization.
Before discussing Confucius’ philosophy, we must clarify the boundaries of the
materials that we are to use. In early texts, many sentences begin with Zi Yue (子
曰, which means “Confucius says”). Besides The Analects 《论语》 ( ), large numbers
of quotations attributed to Confucius can also be found in The Mozi 《墨子》 ( ), The
Mencius 《孟子》
( ), The Zhuangzi 《庄子》( ), The Xunzi 《荀子》
( ), The Han Feizi 《 (
韩非子》 ), The Zuo Commentary of the Spring and Autumn Annals 《春秋左传》 ( ),
The Appended Remarks of The Book of Changes 《易传》 ( ), and The Book of Rites 《 (
礼记》 ).1 However, it is quite difficult to distinguish between Confucius’ own words
and his disciples’ thoughts (some of which may even have been made up by later
scholars). To be prudent, this book will only use The Analects as a foundational text
to paint an accurate philosophical picture of the thought of Confucius.

1 About The Analects

The Analects was not written by Confucius himself, instead, it was compiled by his
disciples. Because Confucius’ students You Ruo (有若) and Zeng Shen (曾参) are
frequently mentioned, under the honorifics “Master You” (You Zi, 有子) and “Master

1The Book of Rites was compiled in the Western Han Dynasty, however, the majority of its contents
were finished in the Warring States Period (475 B.C.–221 B.C., Zhan Guo Shi Qi, 战国时期).

© Peking University Press 2023 1

L. Yang, Fifteen Lectures on Chinese Philosophy,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8481-5_1
2 1 Human Nature and the Way of Heaven: The Philosophy of Confucius

Zeng” (Zeng Zi, 曾子), they are most likely the disciples who are in charge of the
compilation of Confucius’ conversations into The Analects. Although the date of the
compilation cannot be confirmed with certainty, the text contains the last recorded
words of Confucius’ disciple Zeng Zi,2 so the book was probably compiled after Zeng
Zi’s death. Zeng Zi died in around 435 B.C., so the completion of the compilation
of The Analects was likely no earlier than the year 435 B.C. Zeng Zi, who was
the youngest member of the first generation of Confucius’ disciples, was 46 years
younger than Confucius. By Zeng Zi’s death, nearly all of the first generation of
Confucius’ disciples, who studied with him personally, had passed away. This may
be the reason why The Analects was compiled at that time.
In my opinion, The Analects was not compiled all at once. I believe that the
first ten chapters of the text were compiled earlier than the latter ten, for which I will
provide two pieces of evidence. The first is that in the first ten chapters, the number of
paragraphs in each chapter is quite similar. In the later chapter, however, the number
of paragraphs diverges widely. For example, there are 47 paragraphs in Chapter 14
(Xian Wen,《宪问》 ), while there are only 3 paragraphs in Chapter 20 (Yao Yue,《尧
曰》 ). On the other hand, the content of Chapter 10 (Xiang Dang,《乡党》 ) concerns
the arc of Confucius’ life, which indicates that this chapter may have been intended
to serve as the last chapter of a book, because ancient editors usually put this sort
of brief biography—Xing Zhuang (行状)—at the end of a collection of a literatus’
writings.
Although The Analects was not written by Confucius himself, we can still believe
that it contains accurate quotations from him because the text is a record of his
conversations with his disciples. Thus, we can reliably use the book as a resource to
discuss Confucius’ philosophy which contains his ideas in his own words.
Confucius refrains from using overly complex rhetoric in an attempt to express
profundity. Instead, his teachings in The Analects are inspiring, direct, and specific.
He seldomly discusses topics far from daily life, but his words are not merely
simplistic statements about our surroundings. Some scholars believe that Confucius
expressed wisdom about life, but lacked a fully developed philosophical system.
But how could he have calmly and confidently confronted the world’s complexities
without deeply reflecting on the ultimate basis of the universe and human life?
Extremely profound doctrines are not only too abstract for ordinary people to
understand but can even destroy their constants on which they rely to choose and to
judge. Confucius’ infrequent use of arcane doctrines, then, was intentional.

2Master Zeng was gravely ill and called his disciples to his bedside. “Uncover my feet! Uncover my
hands!” he said to them. “It is recorded in The Book of Odes 《诗经》
( ) that, ‘Fearful and cautious,
As if looking down into a deep abyss and as if treading upon thin ice.’ Only now can I be sure of
having made it through safely. Note this, my little ones!” (in The Analects 8.3.) See Zhu Xi 朱熹,
Sishu Zhangju JiZhu 《四书章句集注》
( ), Beijing: Zhonghua Press, 1983, p. 103. (The number of
each paragraph is named after Yang Bojun 杨伯峻. See Yang Bojun, Lunyu Yizhu 《论语译注》 ( ),
Beijing: Zhonghua Press, 1980.).
2 We Cannot Hear 3

2 We Cannot Hear

Confucius’ disciple Zi Gong (子贡) is quoted as saying that “we can hear our Master’s
views on culture and its manifestation, but we cannot hear his views on human nature
and the Way of Heaven.” (Fu Zi Zhi Wen Zhang, Ke De Er Wen Ye; Fu Zi Zhi Yan
Xing Yu Tian Dao, Bu Ke De Er Wen Ye. 夫子之文章, 可得而闻也; 夫子之言性
与天道, 不可得而闻也。)3 Notice that Zi Gong does not say that Confucius never
spoke about human nature or the Way of Heaven. Instead, he only mentions that he
himself has not had the chance to hear the Master discuss them.4 Amongst Confucius’
disciples, Zi Gong was famous for his intelligence. It seems that he could not hear
the Master’s words about human nature and the Way of Heaven because his character
lacked persistence.
An important principle of Confucius’ teachings is “To teach the students step
by step” (Jiao Bu Lie Deng, 教不躐等). He offered different guidance according to
his students’ degree of understanding and acceptance. Therefore, when we read The
Analects, we should pay attention to the background and context of every dialogue.
We cannot regard each quotation as definitive on a particular topic. In doing so, we
must take note of three points. Firstly, the comprehension abilities of each of Confu-
cius’ disciples are not the same. For example, when asked to define “benevolence”
(Ren, 仁), Confucius tells Fan Chi (樊迟) that it is “to love people” (Ai Ren, 爱人),5
but he tells Yan Hui (颜回) that it is “to master one’s self and return to the rituals”
(Ke Ji Fu Li, 克己复礼) and “to practice benevolence depends on oneself” (Wei Ren
You Ji, 为仁由己).6 Yan Hui was cleverer than Fan Chi, so Confucius gave Yan Hui
a more complex answer, and provided Fan Chi with a simpler answer within Fan’s
comprehension. Confucius’ answer to Fan was not his ultimate understanding of
benevolence. Secondly, Confucius’ disciples and interrogators held different posi-
tions within government and society. In one dialogue, the Minister of Crime (Si Kou,
司寇) in the state of Chen (陈) was very rude in asking Confucius to pass judgment
on his deceased ruler.7 Confucius might have ignored this question in other situa-
tions. However, the Minister of Crime was Confucius’ host. According to the ancient
rites, a guest should answer his host’s question politely. So Confucius responded:
Duke Zhao of Lu (鲁昭公) understood rituals. Thirdly, each of Confucius’ disci-
ples possessed a different character. Both Zi Lu (子路) and Ran Qiu (冉求) asked
Confucius when one hears of something he ought to do, should he do it immediately?
Confucius gives them opposite answers. Because Ran Qiu was overly hesitant, so

3 In The Analects 5.13. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 79.
4 In Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, Zhu Xi quotes the words of the Cheng brothers (Cheng Hao 程颢 and
Cheng Yi 程颐 in the Northern Song Dynasty) and says that “this is Zi Gong’s praise after hearing
Confucius’ core idea about human nature and the Way of Heaven”, and Zhu adds that “this is Zi
Gong’s first time to hear about this”. However, Zhu Xi’s opinion is his own guess, we cannot find
solid evidence to prove it. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 79.
5 In The Analects 12.22. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 139.
6 In The Analects 12.1. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 131.
7 In The Analects 7.31. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 100.
4 1 Human Nature and the Way of Heaven: The Philosophy of Confucius

Confucius encouraged him to act. Because Zi Lu was too impulsive, so Confucius

tries to restrain him.8
In The Analects, Confucius often talks about the things we should do in life. In
these ordinary directions, Confucius expresses his value pursuit, which leads his and
others’ life, telling them what kind of life is correct to pursue. However, in certain
social environments, value pursuit can be misleading if it is decided by occasional
habits or sometimes even ignorance.9 So, in every era, the effort to revalue everything
is necessary. On the one hand, the trends of value can be different in a different era;
the principle of value, on the other hand, is eternal. This eternal principle of value
must have its base on human nature and the Way of Heaven. People should live like
this because this is the essential tendency of human beings and the Way of Heaven.
In other words, the correct way of life corresponds to human nature and the Way of
Heaven.
In this book, when I talk about Confucius’ philosophy, I will not analyze his social
and moral ideas or his wisdom about life. Instead, I plan only to focus on his ideas
about the universe and the foundations of human life.

3 By Nature People are Similar

Confucius directly discusses human nature only once in The Analects. He says,
“By nature people are similar, but they diverge as the result of practice.”10 Human
nature refers to the intrinsic tendencies that we follow. Although I cannot find direct
evidence for my above definition in The Analects, the quote “That which is bestowed
by heaven is called man’s nature” (Tian Ming Zhi Wei Xing, 天命之谓性) in the
Doctrine of the Mean 《中庸》( ) and the proposition “the tendency of human nature
to do good is like that of water to flow downward” (Ren Zhi Xing Shan Ye, Ru Shui
Zhi Jiu Xia Ye. 人之性善也, 犹水之就下也) in The Mencius support my judgment.
It is worth noticing that Confucius did not say “by nature people are the same.” This
reflects his prudence and shows that his statement on human nature is the conclusion
of his life experiences rather than a demonstration of a philosophical theory. We see
a clearly defined proof of human nature only later, in the philosophy of Mencius.
Although the era in which Confucius lived was marked by social disarray, common

8 In The Analects 11.22. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 128.
9 A story in chapter Tan Gong from The Book of Rites《礼记·檀弓》
( ) shows that Confucian scholars
hold a rational attitude towards some old-fashioned value and corrupt customs. “Chen Ziche (陈子
车), who is an officer of the state of Qi (齐) died in the state of Wei (卫). His wife and chamberlain
plan to kill some of Chen’s servants to memorial him at his funeral. When Ziche’s little brother
Zikang (子亢) comes from Qi to Wei to attend his brother’s funeral, they tell him their plan. ‘To
kill people is illegal’, Zikang says, ‘besides, if you want to kill someone to take care of Ziche in
the afterworld, no one is better than Ziche’s wife and chamberlain.’ After hearing this, the wife and
chamberlain give up.” See Sun Xidan 孙希旦, Liji Jijie 《礼记集解》 ( ), Beijing, Zhonghua Press,
1989, p. 278.
10 In The Analects 17.2. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 175.
4 Pleasure and Delight 5

values still formed the foundation of society. As a result, Confucius never faced any
true theoretical challenges during his life. Thus, Confucius’s statements are usually
direct, and lack the self-consciousness that comes from having to prove or defend
his ideas.
The intrinsic tendencies of all human beings are similar. The major differences
between people, then, are the result of the influence of our environment. The frame-
work of “human nature versus practice” (Xing-Xi, 性-习) is one of Confucius’ great
intellectual innovations. For one, it reveals the similar intrinsic tendencies of all
human beings, placing our basic values on the stable foundation of universal human
nature. It also points to the influence of our upbringing, offering a persuasive expla-
nation of the differences between human beings. Later Confucian scholars may have
diverged in the details of their opinions about the theory of human nature, but they
all accept the veracity of this foundational structure.
Confucius points out the similarity of our nature, but he does not offer his students
a detailed explanation of what this nature entails. How can we learn the exact answer?
I believe we can learn about it from Confucius’ other statements and actions recorded
in The Analects.

4 Pleasure and Delight

Let’s first examine the opening paragraph of The Analects.

Confucius says, “To learn and to practice from time to time what has been learned, is this
not a pleasure? For friends to come from afar, is this not a joy? Is one not a nobleman (Jun
Zi, 君子) to not be worried even when he is not understood?”11

As the first paragraph of the text, this simple passage is in fact an outline which
contains three central themes of The Analects. The first is learning (Wei Xue, 为学)
and making friends (Jiao You, 交友). The second is pleasure (Yue, 说) and delight
(Le, 乐). The third is learning for oneself (Wei Ji Zhi Xue, 为己之学).
To learn and to make friends, broadly speaking, are two ways of elevating oneself.
Learning is an individual activity, while friends can help us in moral cultivation. In
fact, learning expresses a crucial concept. By emphasizing the importance of learning,
Confucius expresses the idea that human beings can change and elevate ourselves
by making an effort in our everyday lives. The Laozi promotes the idea that people
should abandon learning and rely on their natures. In contrast to that, The Analects
teaches the value of learning which provides the conceptual foundation of social
mobility. In other words, by claiming that we should abandon learning and rely on
our natures, the Laozi implies that people should accept all that is given to them.
However, Confucius tries to promote social equality by encouraging education. If
people believe that they can change their destiny by learning, then the patriarchal
clan system will be weakened. Therefore, Confucius’ theory of learning served as

11 In The Analects 1.1. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 47.
6 1 Human Nature and the Way of Heaven: The Philosophy of Confucius

the ideological foundation of the revolution from feudalism (an aristocratic system)
to the system of prefectures and counties system (a bureaucratic system).
The purpose of learning is self-cultivation; it is not a practice intended to be
performed for others, but is rather a beneficial practice for oneself. If we never learn
to show off, we will certainly not feel worried if others do not understand us. If
we practice what we have learned from time to time, our progress will come with
unparalleled pleasure. That is why Confucius “forgot about his food when engaged
in pursuits and was so happy as to forget his worries.” (Fa Fen Wang Shi, Le Yi Wang
You, 发愤忘食, 乐以忘忧).
The emphasis on pleasure and delight is our key focus here. Pleasure is different
from delight because “pleasure is inside one’s heart but delight is something
expressed externally.”12 If we regard the pleasure here as joy and the delight as
gladness,13 we can draw three conclusions. First, gladness is always expressed exter-
nally but joy exists inside one’s heart. Second, gladness is ephemeral, but we can
be joyful for a long time. Third, one is usually glad about specific situations, but
one usually feels joyful because of his perception of the entire world he lives in. In
general, Confucian scholars prefer pleasure to delight. But they neither rejected nor
denied the latter.
The combination of pleasure and delight is happiness (Xing Fu, 幸福). In the first
paragraph of The Analects, Confucius mentions the importance of happiness in our
lives and he confirms that the nature of human beings is to pursue happiness. In
general, a basic characteristic of Chinese civilization is that it is secular. As opposed
to civilizations that pursuit transcendent ideas, Chinese civilization is satisfied with
life in the secular world and affirms that the world, including its past and future, is
the only one worth pursuing. Since the Chinese focus on happiness in the secular
world, they have honed in on the universal nature of human beings. This is the reason
why pleasure and delight are the focus in the first paragraph of The Analects and why
Confucius says, “If we do not yet understand life, how can we understand death?”
(Wei Zhi Sheng, Yan Zhi Si, 未知生, 焉知死).

5 The Path to Happiness

After setting the pursuit of happiness as our goal, we must then consider the way to
achieve it. However, the path is never one that materializes in front of us, waiting
for us to walk through. It is rather the integration of all subjective and objective
conditions. For example, if one desires to climb up to the top of Mount Hua, if he has
enough energy and plenty of time, he can climb the mountain step by step on foot.
But if he lacks exercise and is in a hurry, he will prefer to take a cable car. Thus, the

12 See Footnote 11.

13 These two correspondences are not completely fixed. In the saying that “there are three delight
things for gentlemen” in The Mencius, the word “delight things” refers to joy rather than gladness.
5 The Path to Happiness 7

path to reach one’s goal are the conditions to achieve this purpose. Then what are
the conditions to achieve happiness?
If we want to achieve happiness in an era dominated by utilitarianism, the first
task is to realize that happiness is not equal to the sum of material circumstances.
Without spiritual activities, one cannot have a happy life. Of course, we should not
revert to the opposite end either. Happiness is not only a subjective mood, without
any connection to the outside world. Without the material conditions of our lives,
spiritual activities will be abstract and illusionary. Confucius has a simple saying
concerning happiness:
Eating plain food and drinking water, having only your bent arm as a pillow – certainly, there
is joy to be found in this! Wealth and eminence attained improperly concern me no more
than the floating clouds.14

In this paragraph, Confucius points out the minimum material foundation of

happiness, which is the necessary condition of attaining it.
In his praise of Yan Hui, Confucius also mentions this minimum material
foundation using other words:
What a worthy man was Yan Hui! Living in a narrow alley, subsisting on a basket of grain
and gourd full of water – other people could not have endured such hardship, yet it never
spoiled Hui’s joy. What a worthy man was Hui!15

Confucius cannot accept the idea that happiness is merely a subjective mood.
Without a material foundation, happiness is just an illusion.
I would like to make a comparison of several historical records of Confucius’
suffering in the state of Chen (陈) and the state of Cai (蔡) to show that the reasoning
in The Analects is concise and concrete.
When Confucius was besieged in the state of Chen, all the provisions were exhausted, and his
followers were so weak from hunger that they could not even stand. Upset, Zi Lu appeared
before the Master and said, “Does even the nobleman encounter hardship?” The Master
said, “Of course the nobleman encounters hardship. The difference is that the petty man,
encountering hardship, is overwhelmed by it.”16

This anecdote can be summed up simply; Confucius says that the noble gentleman
has a strong will when encountering difficulties, even if he is not happy to be in the
situation.
In contrast to this reaction, Confucius’ response is exaggerated in the chapter
entitled Rang Wang in The Zhuangzi 《庄子·让王》
( ).
Confucius was in distress between the state of Chen and the state of Cai. For seven days,
he ate no properly cooked food but only a soup of greens without any grain in it. His face
became drawn with fatigue, but he sat in his room playing the lute and singing. Yan Hui was
outside picking vegetables, and Zi Lu and Zi Gong were talking with him. “Our Master was
twice driven out of the state of Lu,” they said. “They wiped out his footprints in the state of

14 In The Analects 7.16. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 97.
15 In The Analects 6.11. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 87.
16 In The Analects 15.2. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 161.
8 1 Human Nature and the Way of Heaven: The Philosophy of Confucius

Wei, chopped down a tree on him in the state of Song, made trouble for him in Shang (商) and
Zhou (周), and are now besieging him here at the state of Chen and the state of Cai. Anyone
who kills him will be pardoned of all guilt, and anyone who wishes to abuse him is free to
do so. Yet he keeps playing and singing, strumming the lute without ever letting the sound
die away. Can a gentleman be as shameless as all this?” Yan Hui, having no answer, went
in and reported what they had said to Confucius. Confucius pushed aside his lute, heaved a
great sigh, and said, “Those two are stupid men! Call them in here—I’ll talk to them.” When
Zi Lu and Zi Gong had entered the room, Zi Lu said, “I guess you could say that all of us
are blocked in this time.” Confucius said, “What kind of talk is that! When the nobleman
gets through to Dao, this is called ‘getting through’ (Tong, 通). When he is blocked off from
Dao, this is called ‘being blocked’ (Qiong, 穷). Now I embrace Dao of benevolence and
righteousness and, with it, encounter the perils of the age of disorder. Where is there any
‘being blocked’ about this? So, I examine what is within me and I am never blocked off
from Dao. I face the difficulties ahead and do not lose my virtue. When the cold days come
and the frost and snow have fallen, then I understand how the pine and the cypress flourish.
These perils here in the state of Chen and the state of Cai are a blessing to me!” Confucius
then turned complacently back to his lute and began to play and sing again. Zi Lu excitedly
snatched up a shield and began to dance, while Zi Gong said, “I did not realize that heaven
is so far above, earth so far below!”17

Confucians use the pine and the cypress trees, which are the last to fade in winter,
as a metaphor for the nobleman who never loses his courage even after encountering
difficulties. However, the description of Confucius’ pleasure in this desperate situa-
tion must be exaggerated. Some later Confucians tried to imitate these exaggerated
behaviors. They believed their words and behaviors could help boost the morale of
ordinary people and thus were helpful for the reputation of Confucianism. But in
fact, their actions, to the contrary, betrayed Confucianism.
Access to basic material conditions, like plain food and drinking water, are neces-
sary for human self-preservation. All livings have the impulse to preserve themselves.
This tendency can be found even in lifeless items. For example, I slightly press a
bottle in my hand, but its shape bounces back, which shows that the bottle “refuses”
to be changed by me. Thus, the bottle keeps its present condition. The proposition
that everything tends to maintain its condition can be understood as the philosophical
expression of Newton’s First Law of Motion.
But human beings are not satisfied by achieving their basic needs. Many people
want to “spend the entire day filling themselves with food, never once exercising
their mind” (Bao Shi Zhong Ri, Wu Suo Yong Xin, 饱食终日, 无所用心). Confucius
criticizes this tendency and says that it is better to play chess and gamble than to
waste the time like this.18 In the chapter entitled Gong Ye Chang in The Analects 《 (
论语·公冶长》 ), there is a story:
Zai Yu (宰予) was sleeping during the daytime (Zhou Qin, 昼寝). The Master said, “Rotten
wood cannot be carved, and a wall of dung cannot be plastered. As for Zai Yu, what would
be the use of reprimanding him?”19

17 See Qian Mu 钱穆, Zhuangzi Zuanjian 《庄子纂笺》

( ), Beijing, Jiuzhou Press, 2011, p. 238.
18 In The Analects 17.22. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 181.
19 In The Analects 5.10. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 78.
6 To Establish Character and Be Prominent 9

Throughout history, commenters of The Analects tried to explain the word Zhou
Qin (昼寝) in many different ways because sleeping during the daytime, which of
course is not good, is not an act that should be so harshly criticized by Confucius.
But if we accept Confucius’ basic value and his attitude to life, we will understand
why he criticizes Zai Yu for being undisciplined so harshly.
Nowadays the idea that the nature of human beings is to escape from labor and
to enjoy ease is still popular. Strangely, this idea, which has never been substanti-
ated, still has its adherents in the post-Enlightenment era. “The whole world is as
if engulfed in a great flood” (Tao Tao Zhe Tian Xia Jie Shi Ye, 滔滔者天下皆是
也), impartial and clear minds are rare. Do human beings have the tendency to avoid
labor and pursue leisure? A simple thought experiment can give us the answer. If we
provide a person with the best living conditions and food supply, but we forbid him
from doing anything meaningful, would anyone accept a life like this? Observe people
addicted to gambling. They experience great pleasure and even forget their tiredness.
If we think a little, it is very easy to understand that what we want to escape from is
forced labor. Thus, in an ideal society, people will not give up working. Instead, they
will attend to the labor for which their skills and characters are suitable and their
honor is satisfied.

6 To Establish Character and Be Prominent

As human beings, we desire to achieve self-actualization in addition to self-

preservation. In the minds of most people, self-actualization is equal to wealth and
eminence. Confucius does not reject wealth or eminence, but he thinks that achieving
it is a matter of fortune. He says that:
If I can gain wealth by making an effort to do something, then I will pursue it, even if it
means serving as a coachman holding a whip. If I cannot gain the wealth even if I try very
hard, then I prefer to follow that which I love.20

Because achieving wealth and eminence is not something within our control, what
we should pursue to achieve our self-actualization, instead, are the virtues that we
can work towards. “If I simply desire benevolence, I will find that it is already here.”
(Wo Yu Ren, Si Ren Zhi Yi. 我欲仁, 斯仁至矣).21
The fact that some causality exists in the world of experience leads to the mistaken
impression that the laws of causality are certain. But that is not true. Let us take the
principle of conservation of mass as an example. On the one hand, the equal of
reactant and product cannot be measured in any experiment, and on the other hand,
even if we had measured the quantity in one experiment, we still could not prove that
this principle is universal and eternal. To be precise, causal connections in the world
of experience are not certain, but rather only highly likely. True certainty exists only

20 In The Analects 7.12. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 96.
21 In The Analects 7.30. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 100.
10 1 Human Nature and the Way of Heaven: The Philosophy of Confucius

inside the human mind. Only that which we pursue, we will achieve, but there is no
certainty that we can achieve all that we wish. However, it is certain for all of us that
if we do not want to do something, we can absolutely refuse it.
Human beings achieve their happiness through self-preservation and self-
actualization. To some extent, we can even say that the basic content of happiness is
self-preservation and self-actualization. Most of the time, self-actualization is based
on self-preservation, but they sometimes conflict. In some extreme circumstances,
when self-preservation conflicts with self-actualization, Confucius thinks that we
should choose self-actualization. He says that “a nobleman will never seek to live
at the expense of injuring benevolence. He would rather sacrifice his life to realize
benevolence.”22 In an era when most people have no courage and live ordinary lives,
those who value integrity and righteousness are often laughed at. It seems that only a
few passionate people make sacrifices while others live without thinking about life’s
meaning. However, as Mencius said, “not only the noblemen have this conscious-
ness, but so does everyone. The noblemen, however, can maintain it.”23 In fact, we
all hope to build up an excellent character. No matter how weak one is, he cannot
accept himself as a person who will do anything to live. Since no one can accept
themselves as a people who would betray others, we all thus have the consciousness
that we are willing to make sacrifices for our careers or for others.
It seems that some conflicts are unavoidable when we try to achieve out
self-actualization. For example, in a chess match, the winner achieves his self-
actualization, but the loser fails to do the same. But this is not quite true. In chapter
Yong Ye of The Analects 《论语·雍也》
( ), Confucius says:
A benevolent man, wishing to establish his own character, also establishes the character of
others, and wishing to be prominent himself, also helps others to be prominent. Being able
to take what is near at hand as an analogy could perhaps be called the method of realizing
benevolence.24

In Zhu Xi’s (朱熹) annotation to this chapter, he says that “by saying ‘to take what
is near at hand as an analogy’, Confucius asks his disciples to think of others when
they desire something. That is to say, when you want something, you should realize
that others probably want that too and then help others to get it as well. So, this is
called the method to achieve benevolence.”25 Zhu Xi’s emphasis on thinking about
others is correct. Besides, if we read this paragraph carefully, we can also know that
to establish the character of others and to help others to be prominent are methods
to establish one’s own character and to be prominent oneself. In other words, people
achieve self-actualization by helping others.
Possessing the illusion that we are indivisible individuals who are independent of
others and developing individualist theories based on this mistaken idea is the root
of our era’s sickness. We can easily see that wrong behaviors caused by misguided

22 In The Analects 15.9. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 163.
23 In The Mencius 6A.10. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 333.
24 In The Analects 6.30. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 92.
25 Ibid.
6 To Establish Character and Be Prominent 11

thoughts. Those thoughts are so misguided that they can hardly be a guide for our
behavior. For example, many people think that human beings should be selfish, but
we cannot be selfish in all our actions. Those who claim that they do not care for
others do not really live a completest selfish life. The reason lies in the fact that it is
wrong to regard any person as an individual atom, and thus separate him from others.
According to our common sense, selfish people are not happy. To the contrary,
people who have the willingness to share and the enthusiasm to devote themselves
to their career are more likely to be happy. The people who care about themselves
too much are always afraid of losing everything. As Confucius says, “Before such
a person has obtained an official position, all that concerns him is getting one; once
he has gotten one, all that concerns him is hanging onto it. And if he is concerned
about hanging onto it, there are no extremes to which he will not go.”26
Other people are not truly separate from me. We can explain this proposition in
three respects. Firstly, my self and others are ontologically dependent. If others did not
exist, then neither would my own self. Secondly, every person understands his “self”
in contradistinction to others. Each person’s character is formed during a process of
comparing ourselves to others, so every person’s character includes reference to the
character of others. For example, even if a writer doesn’t care about how other receive
his work, he must still consider his potential readers’ ability to comprehend. Even the
Daoist philosopher Zhuang Zi (庄子), perhaps the loneliest writer in history, writes
for readers who will understand him after ten thousand years.27 Thirdly, everyone
achieves his or her self-actualization by helping others to achieve theirs. Since other
people are not truly separate from me, then for others to be well off contributes to
my own well-being. In a game of chess, it may seem that the loser does not achieve
his self-actualization. However, in a high-level game, the uncertainty of winning is
precisely the point. If the players have no chance of losing, then winning the game
will be meaningless, and will not help him or her achieve self-actualization.
Zhu Xi, in his annotations to the above passage, says that if one treats others the
same as he treats himself, we will know that he is benevolent. Thus, The Principle
of Heaven (Tian Li, 天理) is everywhere because of the ultimate unity of others and
our selves. This is the best description of benevolence.”28 The key to recognizing
this universality (as The Principle of Heaven requires) and rejecting selfishness (as
human desire (Ren Yu, 人欲) tends towards) is to break the isolation of others and our
selves. These two notions—The Principle of Heaven and human desire—were more
commonly discussed in the philosophical movement known as Neo-Confucianism in
the Song Dynasty, but the meanings of the two notions are connected to Confucius’
thought. If you understand that others are not separate from you, you will understand
the meaning of benevolence.
Human beings possess, in their nature, the tendency to pursue happiness. The basic
contents of happiness are self-preservation and self-actualization. For all people, our

26 In The Analects 17.15. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 179.
27 In chapter The Equality of Things and Opinions from The Zhuangzi 《庄子·齐物论》
( ), see Qian
Mu, Zhuangzi Zuanjian, 2011, p. 22.
28 In The Analects 17.15. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 92.
12 1 Human Nature and the Way of Heaven: The Philosophy of Confucius

self-actualization is based on other people’s self-actualization. In other words, our

self-actualization includes the self-actualization of others. Thus, establishing one’s
own character and becoming prominent by helping others establish their character
and helping others to be prominent, is at the basis of human beings. This tendency
can be expressed by the key notion of Confucius’ philosophy—benevolence. In a
word, benevolence is the foundation of human nature.

7 Dialogues About Benevolence

In The Analects, there are many dialogues in which Confucius talks about benev-
olence, but offers his disciples many different opinions. Therefore, the Cheng
brothers—Cheng Hao (程颢) and Cheng Yi (程颐) who lived during the Northern
Song Dynasty—asked their disciples to “collect all of Confucius’ sayings about
benevolence and study them together, learning the meaning of benevolence by
practicing it in daily life.”29
As I have mentioned above, when we read The Analects, we should pay attention to
the background and context of each dialogue. When Confucius guides his disciples,
he always pays attention to his disciples’ comprehension abilities and directs them
step by step. Thus, we cannot regard all his simpler pieces of advice as important as
others. Among Confucius’ disciples, Yan Hui is the most talented one. As a result, we
need to pay much more attention to the two sections of dialogue between Confucius
and Yan Hui than other passages.30
Yan Hui asked about benevolence. Confucius said, “To master oneself and return to the
rituals is benevolence. If a man can, for one day, master himself and return to the rituals, all
the people under heaven will praise him as a benevolent man. The practice of benevolence
emanates from one’s self (Wei Ren You Ji, 为仁由己). Does it emanate from others?”31
In Zhu Xi’s commentary, “To master oneself” is understood as “To dominate one’s
human desire”, which is, of course, a popular notion discussed in Song Dynasty Neo-
Confucianism, and “benevolence” is interpreted as the complete virtue of one’s mind.
Although his explanation is interesting and inspiring, it is probably not a suitable
clarification in accordance with context. In this paragraph, “To master one’s self”
(Ke Ji, 克己) is closely related to “To depend on one’s self” (You Ji, 由己), and that
is the key to comprehending benevolence.
When talking about “Mastering one’s self,” our first question is who should master
his self. Following this question, we will find that the self is divided into two parts:
the self that will master, and the self that will be mastered. The self that will be
mastered can be understood as the passive part of the self. Thus, “To master oneself”
is to let the active part control the passive one. Therefore, we can draw a preliminary

29 See Cheng Hao 程颢 and Cheng Yi 程颐, The Complete Works of the Cheng Brothers (Er Cheng
Ji,《二程集》 ), Beijing, Zhonghua Press, 2004, p. 183.
30 In The Analects 12.1 and 15.11. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, pp. 163–164.
31 In The Analects 12.1. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 131.
7 Dialogues About Benevolence 13

conclusion: A benevolent man is a person who can make the active part of himself
control the passive part of himself. The opposite of “To depend on oneself” is to
depend on others, which means one is not free. It seems that there is a conflict
between “Mastering oneself” and “Depending on oneself,” however, this is not the
case. Since only the person who depends on himself can be a benevolent person, a
benevolent person must be a free man. A free man is one who can master himself.
In conclusion, the meaning of “To master one’s self” is completed in the meaning
of “to depend on one’s self.” They both insist that human beings need to be active
by letting the active part of the self control the passive part. We can finally conclude
that benevolence is the expression of human activeness (Zhu Dong Xing, 主动性),
and the benevolent man is one who has fully actualized his activeness.
However, the concept of activeness is very complicated. On the one hand, active-
ness and passiveness emerge collectively, and each contains the other. On the other
hand, activeness and passiveness are always transforming into their opposite. For
example, if a person actively plans to pursue a certain goal, his actions will be
active, but his actions are also passive because they are determined by his goal.
So, what is activeness? I have talked about the difference between true certainty
and regular connections in the world of experience previously, and mentioned that
regular connections in the world of experience are never certain but rather only highly
possible. When people decide to peruse something that is merely possible, they will
be partially passive. Only when people pursue true certainty can they actualize true
activeness. “If I simply desire benevolence, I will find that it is already here.” Only
the actions which I can truly decide are active. Benevolence, in Confucius’ thought,
means to let our activeness decide and control our passivity.
Let us discuss the relationship between “Mastering one’s self” and “Returning
to the rituals.” As for those who can master themselves but cannot return to the
rituals, Zhu Xi has a number of profound sayings. He says, “The people who can
master themselves but cannot return to propriety exist, so Confucius insists not only
to master one’s self but also to return to propriety. Confucius then asks Yan Hui not to
look unless it is in accordance with the rituals, not to listen unless it is in accordance
with the rituals, not to speak unless it is in accordance with the rituals, not to move
unless it is in accordance with the rituals because the way we master ourselves is to
return to the rituals. Buddhist monks conduct the practice of mastering themselves
too. However, even if they can eliminate human desire, they never return to the
rituals. Confucius emphasizes the importance of returning to the rituals because if
we only try to master ourselves, we will eliminate human desire and give up social
lives as Buddhist monks do.”32 As I have said before, benevolence is the expression
of human activeness, and a benevolent man is a person who has fully actualized his
activeness. Rituals are usually taken to set the scope of the norms of conduct. Is the
person who uses the norms of conduct to guide his behaviors still an active person?
If a person who achieves real activeness was one who must avoid all the influences
caused by contingency, he would then eliminate all human desire and live a lonely
life in the mountains and forests like a Buddhist monk. The so-called “activeness”

32 See Li Jingde 黎静德ed, Zhu Zi Yu Lei 《朱子语类》

( ), Beijing, Zhonghua Press, 1986, p. 1045.
14 1 Human Nature and the Way of Heaven: The Philosophy of Confucius

gained by cutting off all the connections with the outside world, avoiding all of its
influences is an abstraction. Only in a situation where a person faces his unavoidable
connections with others can this person actualize his activeness and freedom by
letting his activeness control his passiveness.
The rituals, in my understanding, are our sense of formality in everyday life,
offering meanings to all of our actions. Compared with the richness of our lives, the
rituals actively provide structure. We all experience the same basic content of our
lives—such as eating and drinking, feeling happy and sad. Rituals provide these with
proper forms. For example, if you speak according to the rituals, your speech will
be polite, otherwise, your speech may be rude or flirty. We cannot find a united and
universal standard of being proper. Ancient standards may be unacceptable in modern
society. Rituals, if we think of them as customs and common sense well accepted in a
society, are the sum of behaviors which are praised. In general, conduct which follows
the rituals can provide the two people who are connected by those conducts with ease.
Of course, irrational elements exist in these customs. For example, we Chinese have
the tradition of burning fake paper money during the memorial ceremony for our
ancestors. Although burning fake paper money is useless and thus irrational, if a
Chinese person, even if he is an extremely rational person, abandons this ritual, he
will feel unsettled in his heart for a long time. To act in accordance with what the
rituals require, even if the rituals are not reasonable, requires our activeness. And
human activeness is actualized in this proactive obedience to the rituals. That is why
benevolence is not only “To master one’s self” but also “To return to the rituals.”
Human beings can only actualize their activeness in daily lives by following
the rituals. The actualization of one’s activeness is the completion of his self-
actualization. As I have mentioned before, we establish our own character and try to
be prominent by helping others establish their character and by helping others to be
prominent. In other words, the actualization of our activeness is a collective process.
To complete others is to love them, so the benevolent man spreads love.
Fan Chi asked about benevolence. Confucius says, “It is to love men.”33

It is wrong to equal benevolence with love. If that were the case, Confucius
would not have discussed benevolence in such a complex way. The Cheng brothers
said that “A benevolent man must love others; however, love is not the whole of
benevolence.”34 What a correct judgment this is!
A benevolent man completes others and of course, he completes himself, too. So,
the benevolent man enjoys happiness.
Confucius says, “One who is not a benevolent man cannot endure adversity for long, nor
can he enjoy happiness for long. A benevolent man is naturally at ease with benevolence. A
wise man cultivates benevolence for its advantage.”35

33 In The Analects 12.22. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 139.
34 See Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi, Er Cheng Ji, 2004, p. 1173.
35 In The Analects 4.2. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 69.
8 What Does Heaven Say? 15

In Zhu Xi’s annotations to this paragraph, he says that “A man who is not benevo-
lent loses his original mind, so if he is in adversity for long, he will do all evil things,
and if he is in happiness for long, he will indulge in all guilty pleasure.”36 No matter
if they are rich or poor, people in this era are not happy. The reason is that we have all
lost our original minds; thus, we have lost our ability to truly experience life. People
are numbed by their comfortable lives. If they are at ease in peaceful lives for long,
facing no challenges, they start to be tired of repetition. This is an illusion indeed!
It is almost impossible for two particles to meet twice in this tremendous universe.
But we human beings can create different circumstances when we are led by our
minds and we can arrive at the places we would like to go and meet the people we
would like to talk to through those circumstances. Isn’t this a miracle? Sometimes
our parting is a permanent separation. Many people start to realize that they were
happy only after they lose something. A heart that loses its activeness is a heart that
loses its basic sensations. Neo-Confucian scholars believed that benevolence is the
state when a person has the ability to sense and can reflect on their external experi-
ences. Although Confucius never said that directly, this idea is based on Confucian
principles.
Since Zhong Gong (仲弓) was also one of the outstanding disciples of Confu-
cius,37 we must pay attention to the following dialogue, too.
Zhong Gong asked about benevolence. Confucius said that “when in public, comport yourself
as if you were receiving an important guest, and in your management of the common people,
behave as if you were overseeing a great sacrifice. Do not impose upon others what you
yourself do not desire. In this way, you will encounter no resentment in your public or
private life.”38

The first two points of Confucius’ words imply that we should learn to respect,
which is a crucial method to help us activate our minds.

8 What Does Heaven Say?

Confucius’ sayings regarding Heaven and destiny are rare in The Analects. As Zi
Gong says, “We can hear our Master’s views on culture and its manifestation, but
we cannot hear his views on human nature and the Way of Heaven.” In some of
Confucius’ discussions, Heaven is like a person who has superpowers and controls
all human beings. He says that “Once you have incurred the wrath of Heaven, there is
no one to whom you can pray for help” and “If there is anyone who could understand
me, perhaps it is Heaven”.39 Perhaps these words are merely some proverbs popular

36 Ibid.
37 Confucius has ten best disciples under four titles (Si Ke Shi Zhe, 四科十哲). Zhong Gong owns
the title of “having good virtue” (De Xing, 德行). In The Analects 11.3. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju
Jizhu, 1983, p. 123.
38 In The Analects 12.2. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, pp. 132–133.
39 In The Analects 3.13 and 14.35. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, pp. 65, 157.
16 1 Human Nature and the Way of Heaven: The Philosophy of Confucius

in his era, like how we say “I swear to God.” What we should analyze are two
passages in which Confucius talks about Heaven and destiny in depth.
The Master was surrounded in Kuang (匡). He said, “Now that King Wen (文王) is gone,
is not culture now invested here in me? If Heaven intended this culture of ours to perish, it
would not have given it to those of us who live after King Wen’s death. Since Heaven did not
intend that this culture of ours should perish, what can the people of Kuang do to me?”40
Gongbo Liao (公伯寮) submitted an accusation against Zi Lu to the head of the Ji Family (
季孙). Zifu Jingbo (子服景伯) reported this to Confucius, adding, “That master — the Lord
of the Ji Family — has certainly been led astray by Gongbo Liao, but my influence with
him is still sufficient to see to it that Gongbo Liao’s corpse is displayed at court or in the
marketplace.” Confucius said, “Whether or not the Way of Heaven is to be put into action is
a matter of destiny. Whether or not the Way of Heaven is to be discarded is also a matter of
destiny. What power does Gongbo Liao have to affect destiny?”41

In these two paragraphs, Heaven and destiny are basically treated as the same,
meaning the “power” that human beings cannot challenge. Heaven and destiny have
higher activeness than individuals.
Confucius does not present his attitudes towards the relationship between human
beings and Heaven directly. So, we must speculate from some related paragraphs in
The Analects.
The Master says, “How great was Yao (尧) as a ruler! So majestic! It is Heaven that is great,
and it was Yao who modeled himself upon it. So vast! Among the common people, there were
none who were able to find words to describe him. How majestic in his accomplishments,
and glorious in cultural splendor!”42

As a sage, Yao must have fully actualized the nature of human beings. In
Confucius’ mind, since the virtue of Yao is modeled upon Heaven, human nature
corresponds naturally to the Way of Heaven.
Confucius’ understanding of Heaven can be seen in the following paragraph.
The Master sighed, “I desire to not have to speak!” Zi Gong responded, “If the Master
did not speak, then how would we younger ones receive guidance from you?” The Master
replied, “What does Heaven say? Yet the four seasons are put in motion by it, and the myriad
creatures receive their life from it. What does Heaven say?”43

In this dialogue, by saying “The four seasons are put in motion by it”, Confucius
wants us to pay attention to the changes in our world caused by Heaven. In his view,
everything is created and changed because of Heaven. Human nature is also rooted
in these Heaven’s changes and creations.

40 In The Analects 9.5. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 110.
41 In The Analects 14.36. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 158.
42 In The Analects 8.19. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 107.
43 In The Analects 17.19. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 180.
Chapter 2
Becoming Useful with the Basis
of Non-being: The Philosophy of The
Laozi

Regarding the life of Lao Zi (老子), there are quite comprehensive records in Sima
Qian’s Records of the Grand Historian (Shi Ji,《史记》 ). “Lao Zi’s hometown is
Quren Community (曲仁里), Li Village (历乡), Ku County (苦县) of the state of
Chu (楚). His family name is Li (李), given name Er (耳), and literary name Dan (
聃). He was a custodian of imperial archives. Lao Zi explored the Dao and cultivated
his virtue, and his learning is about living in seclusion and anonymity. After living
in the capital city of the Zhou Dynasty (周) for a long time, upon seeing Zhou’s
decline, Lao Zi finally decided to leave. When he came to Hangu Pass (函谷关), Xi
(喜), a guard leader, asked him to compose a book. Thus, Lao Zi wrote a book with
two volumes, elaborating the Dao and virtue in around five thousand words. Lao
Zi left after finishing the book, without anybody knowing where he went.”1 Based
on this record, we can draw a number of conclusions. Firstly, Lao Zi, who was a
little bit older than Confucius, is not a fabricated character, but rather a historical
person. Secondly, Confucius met Lao Zi. Thirdly, The Laozi 《老子》 ( , also known
as the Dao De Jing,《道德经》 ) which has two chapters, and around five thousand
words, is Lao Zi’s work. However, there are some other odd descriptions besides the
paragraph I have included above in the biography of Lao Zi in the Records of the
Grand Historian in which the stories of Lao Lai Zi (老莱子) and Taishi Dan (太史
儋, who lived more than one hundred years later than Confucius) were confused with
Lao Zi’s. The linage of Lao Zi was included after those stories. “Lao Zi had a son
named Zong (宗), who is a general of the state of Wei (魏) and was awarded the land
of Duangan (段干) after his death.” Qian Mu (钱穆) believes that this is ridiculous.
He says, “The establishment of the state of Wei was in the Warring States Period
(475 B.C.–221 B.C.). If Lao Zi was older than Confucius, who died in 479 B.C., how
could his son become a general of the state of Wei? If there was a general who was

1Sima Qian 司马迁, Records of the Grand Historian (Shi Ji,《史记》

), Beijing: Zhonghua Press,
1982, pp. 2139–2141.
© Peking University Press 2023 17
L. Yang, Fifteen Lectures on Chinese Philosophy,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8481-5_2
18 2 Becoming Useful with the Basis of Non-being: The Philosophy of The …

awarded the land of Duangan, he would perhaps be as old as Confucius’s grandson

Zi Si (子思). There is the name Duangan Chong (段干崇) recorded in the History
of Warring States (Zhan Guo Ce,《战国策》 ). Duangan Zong (段干宗) may be an
erroneous conflation with Duangan Chong. But Duangan Chong lived in the reign of
the King An Xi of Wei (魏安釐王, 276 B.C.–243 B.C.), so he must be younger than
Taishi Dan’s son and could not have been Lao Dan’s son. Perhaps the Li family in
the Han Dynasty had a relationship with the Duangan family in the Warring States
Period.”2 Qian Mu even believed that Lao Zi, Lao Lai Zi, and the old man Zi Lu
met who carried a pole with a basket (He Diao Zhang Ren, 荷蓧丈人) recorded in
The Analects (18.7) is the same person who was a hermit in the south of China, and
that the story of Confucius’ visit with Lao Zi was derived from the meeting of Zi Lu
and the old man recorded in The Analects.3 As we can see, Qian Mu even doubted
whether Lao Zi was a historical figure. Although I believe that Qian’s opinion is too
radical to be taken as fact, we have to admit that there are not many reliable sources
about Lao Zi, even in Sima Qian’s (司马迁) time. The meeting of Confucius and
Lao Zi is not recorded in The Analects, however, it seems to be true because there
is a dialogue between them recorded in The Zhuangzi. “Shushan Wuzhi (叔山无趾)
asked Lao Zi why Confucius, who is not a sage at all, came to learn from him?”4 Not
all events and people recorded in The Zhuangzi are real, but Zhuang Zi did not need
to make up the relationship between Confucius and Lao Zi and other similar events.
Scholars rarely accept Sima Qian’s conclusion in the Records of the Grand Histo-
rian that The Laozi was written by Lao Zi himself. Modern Chinese scholars have
done a lot of work dating The Laozi. Although scholars still have no certain answer
to this question, most of them do not simply accept Sima Qian’s opinion. I think the
compilation of The Laozi occurred later than the compilation of The Analects. When
the compilation of The Analects was completed, Zeng Shen, the youngest disciple
of Confucius, had already died. Since Lao Zi was older than Confucius, he could
not have witnessed the compilation of The Laozi. We cannot distinguish Lao Zi’s
thought from that of his disciples’, so technically that which we will discuss is the
philosophy of The Laozi, rather than the philosophy of Lao Zi.

1 Beginning with the First Chapter of The Laozi

The Laozi is unique among pre-Qin classical texts because of its elaborate structure.
For example, after its first sentence, “The Dao that can be spoken of is not the eternal
Dao; The name that can be named is not an eternal name,”, the meaning of being
(You, 有) and of non-being (Wu, 无) are discussed in a parallel fashion, demonstrating
to readers a clear and strictly symmetrical structure. Thus, we must read The Laozi
with an understanding of its structure.

2 Qian Mu, Zhuanglao Tongbian 《庄老通辨》

( ), Beijing: Sanlian Press, 2002, pp. 20–21.
3 Qian Mu, Zhuanglao Tongbian, 2002, p. 19.
4 Qian Mu, Zhuangzi Zuanjian, 2011, p. 44.
1 Beginning with the First Chapter of The Laozi 19

Among the texts discovered at Mawangdui (马王堆), there are another two
editions of The Laozi. In both editions, the section entitled “De Jing”《德经》
( , Chap-
ters 38–81) appears before the section entitled “Dao Jing”《道经》 ( , Chapters 1–30).
But we cannot deny the importance of the first chapter. If we wish to understand the
structure of the philosophy of The Laozi, the first chapter is still the key text.
However, the first chapter of The Laozi is extremely controversial. Scholars have
many diverse answers on how to read it and what exactly does it means. Many people
pay all their attention to the first sentence—The Dao that can be spoken of is not the
eternal Dao; The name that can be named is not an eternal name—and want to grasp
the entire meaning of Lao Zi’s philosophy directly from it. In my opinion, the first
sentence is only about the boundaries of language in philosophy. The ultimate being
(i.e., Dao) is a key topic in philosophy, but it cannot be fully described by linguistic
concepts (i.e., names). Of course, we cannot go too far in the other direction, because
if we abandon language, we will have no method of performing philosophy.
One heated debate concerning the first chapter of The Laozi is how to read the
second sentence. Some think that it should be read as “Non-being is the beginning
of heaven and earth; Being is the mother of all things” (无, 名天地之始; 有, 名万
物之母) while others think that it should be read as “The nameless is the origin of
heaven and earth; The named is the mother of all things” (无名, 天地之始; 有名, 万
物之母). Historically, the scholar Wang Bi (王弼) supported the latter (we will call it
explanation A) while Wang Anshi (王安石, 1021–1086) agreed with the former (we
will call it explanation B).5 If one read the sentence as “the named is the mother of all
things”, i.e., supporting explanation A, he must read the following sentence as “Let
there always be the desire so we may see its outcome” (常有欲, 以观其徼) according
to the structure of The Laozi. It would be strange for Lao Zi to encourage people to
express their desires, so some commenters believe that the sentences should be read
as “Being is the mother of all things” and thus “Non-being is the beginning of heaven
and earth”. For example, Yu Yue (俞樾, 1821–1907), a famous scholar in the Qing
Dynasty, said that Sima Guang (司马光, 1019–1086) and Wang Anshi explained this
sentence correctly. “The word Chang (常) should be read as Shang (尚), meaning to
think highly of,” Yu said, “the following sentence means that if one thinks highly of
non-being, he will see the beginning of everything and if one thinks highly of being,
he will see the accomplishment of everything.”6 Some scholars agree on this opinion
even after the discovery of the Mawangdui manuscripts.7

5 Wang Anshi says, “the origin of Dao is non-being, so in the state of non-being, the beginning
of all things can be observed clearly. And, the function of Dao is manifested in all beings, so the
completion of all things can be observed clearly from all beings.” Cf. Chen Guying 陈鼓应, Laozi
Zhuyi Ji Pingjie 《<老子>注译及评介》
( ), Beijing: Zhonghua Press, 1984, p. 57.
6 Yu Yue 俞樾, Zhuzi Pingyi 《诸子平议》
( ), Shanghai: Shanghai Book Store, 1988, p. 143.
7 Yan Lingfeng (严灵峰) says, “if a person often has the desire, he will not be in the state of non-

being so he cannot observe the beginning of all things. Although the texts in the two editions in the
Mawangdui manuscript are ‘let there always be the desire, so the accomplishment of all things can
be observed’ (Heng You Yu Ye, Yi Guan Qi Suo Jiao, 恒有欲也, 以观其所噭), there should not be
a word Ye (也). The text should still be ‘beings are the manifestations of the accomplishment of all
20 2 Becoming Useful with the Basis of Non-being: The Philosophy of The …

In fact, since the discovery of the Mawangdui manuscripts, this long-lasting

dispute stemming from the Song Dynasty has been solved. In both editions of The
Laozi in the Mawangdui manuscripts, this sentence is written as “let there always be
no desire so we may see the beginning, and let there always be desire so we may see
the outcome” (故恒无欲也, 以观其妙; 恒有欲也, 以观其徼).8 Because there is a
word Ye (也) after the word Yu (欲), explanation B is proved to be wrong. But here
arises another problem. What does the expression “let there always be desire” (常
有欲) exactly mean? Without a correct interpretation of the sentence, we will still
leave the problem unsolved.
According to our common sense, “let there always be desire” is opposite to Lao
Zi’s philosophy, and Lao Zi, who advocates acting without intentional action (Wu
Wei, 无为) must suggest that people should eliminate their desires. However, this
is not quite true. The concept Wu Yu (无欲, meaning let there always be no desire)
appears in The Laozi only three times. The first time is in the controversial Chapter 1.
The second time is in Chapter 3, and the third time is in Chapter 57. In Chapter 3,
when Lao Zi says “Let your people always have no knowledge and no desire” (Shi
Min Wu Zhi Wu Yu, 使民无知无欲), his audience must be his ideal rulers—the sages.
Sages let their people have no knowledge or desires so that even the wise ones of
them will dare not rebel. However, Lao Zi does not ask the sages themselves to have
no knowledge or desires. In Chapter 57, when Lao Zi says, “I have no desires and the
people are naturally simple” (Wo Wu Yu Er Min Zi Pu, 我无欲而民自朴), it shows
that he only requires the sages to control their desire. As an ideal ruler, a sage should
“be simple and reduce his desires” (Shao Si Gua Yu, 少私寡欲, in Chapter 19) and
“should not be dissatisfied, extravagant, or arrogant” (Qu Shen, Qu She, Qu Tai, 去
甚、去奢、去泰, in Chapter 29). In conclusion, what Lao Zi proposed is not the
elimination of one’s desires but rather the control of our desires. As I have mentioned
before, we Chinese only believe in the secular world and work within this realm. Since
the secular world is the only world that exists, we Chinese will not try to eliminate
all desire. Neo-Confucians requested that people should “follow The Principle of
Heaven and reduce human desires” (Cun Tian Li, Qu Ren Yu, 存天理, 去人欲), but
they never demanded people eliminate all desires. Thus, what exactly does the phrase
“Wu Yu” (without desires) mean in the first chapter of The Laozi?
If we notice that when Lao Zi recommends people to “let there always be desire”,
his aim is to “see the outcome” (Guan Qi Jiao, 观其徼), we will understand that
“let there always be desire” is just the condition to allow us to “see the outcome.”
Therefore, “Lao Zi recommends that people lack the desire to see the beginning of all
things,” according to Wang Bi, “and to have the desire to see the accomplishment of
all things.”9 The saying “letting there always be desire” is neither an unconditional

things.’ (Heng You, Yu Yi Guan Qi Suo Jiao, 恒有, 欲以观其所噭)” see Gao Ming 高明, Boshu
Laozi Jiaozhu 《帛书老子校注》
( ), Beijing: Zhonghua Press, 1996, p. 225.
8 Gao Ming, Boshu Laozi Jiaozhu, 1996, p. 224.
9 See Lou Yulie 楼宇烈, Wangbi Ji Jiaoshi《王弼集校释》
( ), Beijing: Zhonghua Press, 1980, pp. 1–
2.
1 Beginning with the First Chapter of The Laozi 21

requirement nor a contradictory declaration to Lao Zi’s philosophy. Lao Zi wants

people to use “letting there always be desire” as the means to “seeing the outcome.”
But, what is “the outcome”? To understand it, we need to first explore another
important concept in The Laozi—usefulness (Yong, 用). There are at least five chap-
ters in The Laozi in which the concept of usefulness plays a key role. (1) “Dao is
empty (like a bowl), and it may be used but its capacity is never exhausted.” (Dao
Chong Er Yong Zhi Huo Bu Ying, 道冲而用之或不盈, in Chapter 4). (2) “It is contin-
uous, and seems to always exist. Use it and you will never wear it out.” (Mian Mian
Ruo Cun, Yong Zhi Bu Qin, 绵绵若存, 用之不勤, in Chapter 6). (3) “Therefore, turn
being into advantage, and turn non-being into usefulness.” (You Zhi Yi Wei Li, Wu
Zhi Yi Wei Yong, 有之以为利, 无之以为用, in Chapter 11). (4) “Weakness is the
usefulness of the Dao.” (Ruo Zhe Dao Zhi Yong, 弱者道之用, in Chapter 40). (5)
“What is most full seems to be empty, but its usefulness is inexhaustible.”. (Da Ying
Ruo Chong, Qi Yong Bu Qiong, 大盈若冲, 其用不穷, in Chapter 45). There are two
other related concepts—Qi (器, thing) and Cheng (成, completion or perfection).
Lao Zi says, “The great thing (or talent) is slow to be completed (or mature)” (Da Qi
Wan Cheng, 大器晚成, in Chapter 41). He also says, “What is most perfect seems to
be incomplete, but its usefulness is unimpaired,” (Da Cheng Ruo Que, Qi Yong Bu Bi,
大成若缺, 其用不弊, in Chapter 45) and “When the uncarved wood is broken up, it
turns into concrete things. But when the sage uses it, he becomes a leading official”.
(Pu San Ze Wei Qi, Sheng Ren Yong Zhi Ze Wei Guan Zhang, 朴散则为器, 圣人
用之则为官长, in Chapter 28). From these sentences, we can see that Cheng (成,
completion or perfection), Qi (器, thing), and Yong (用, utility) are always closely
related. When Lao Zi says the word Cheng he usually refers to the conclusion of
things. And things achieve their perfection only by being used.
In conclusion, Lao Zi wants people to “let there always be no desire” to “see
the beginning” of all things and to “let there always be desire” so we may “see the
perfection” of them. No matter whether we have a desire or not, what are important
are the methods of observation and the states of a subject.
All things contain their own natural rhythm, so if one wants to see the beginning
of all things, he should extinguish his desires. With his desires, he will interrupt the
natural growth of things. For example, the more profit a farmer desires, the more
fertilizer he will use to increase production. In this capitalist society, this situation
is very common. However, excessive desire will only bring us fake and illusionary
intentions and will eventually destroy our lives. Nowadays, more and more “artificial
ideas” and goals are produced in education. These doctrines are invented but most of
their creators have no experience in education, and desire only to make money. After
the invention of many new ideas, a simple fact has been forgotten—education is an
experience with thousands of years of history and most of its basic principles have
been discovered long ago. Children educated under the guidance of new educational
ideas can hardly surpass their parents because children will grow up naturally and
vitally if they are not put in artificial environments.
As for “the outcomes of things,” we need to have the desire to see them. Things
need to be used, and if something is used by someone, the person must have a concrete
desire. The utility of a thing is confirmed in its usage. Chinese people value only
22 2 Becoming Useful with the Basis of Non-being: The Philosophy of The …

the secular world, so Chinese philosophers seldomly develop any theories about the
world of ideas. For them, an abstract substance in a transcendent world without any
utility (i.e., not related to the desire of human beings) is unnatural.
As we can see, there are two clues in the philosophy of The Laozi—beginning
(Sheng Zhi, 生之) and completion (Cheng Zhi, 成之). Let us take a look at Chapter 51
of The Laozi.
Dao produces them (i.e., the ten thousand things). Virtue fosters them. Matter gives them
physical form. The circumstances and tendencies complete them. Therefore, the ten thousand
things esteem Dao and honor virtue. Dao is esteemed and virtue is honored without anyone’s
order. They always arise spontaneously. Therefore, Dao produces them and virtue fosters
them. They rear them and develop them. They give them security and give them peace. They
nurture them and protect them. Dao produces them but does not take possession of them.
It acts but does not rely on its own ability. It leads them but does not master them. This is
called profound and secret virtue.10

All of the key terms of The Laozi can be seen in this chapter. And we can see that
the two themes of this chapter are “beginning” and “completion.”

2 Being is Born from Non-being

The beginning of things is discussed in both Chapters 40 and 42 of The Laozi.

Reversion is the action of the Dao. Weakness is the utility of the Dao. All things in the world
come from being. And, being is born from non-being (You Sheng Yu Wu, 有生于无).11
Dao produced the one. The one produced the two. The two produced the three. And the three
produced the ten thousand things. The ten thousand things carry the Yin (阴) and embrace
the Yang (阳), and through the blending of Qi (Chong Qi, 冲气) they achieve harmony.12

If you have read The Laozi before, these two paragraphs will be familiar to you.
They seem easy to understand. But if you read carefully, you will find they are in
fact difficult to interpret.
Let us examine the first paragraph. After reading it, we are left with two direct
conclusions. (1) Being (You, 有) is derived from non-being (Wu, 无). (2) “The ten
thousand things under Heaven” (Tian Xia Wan Wu, 天下万物) are not equivalent to
“being.” But in some chapters of The Laozi, “The ten thousand things” and “beings”
are treated as equivalent. For example, in Chapter 11, in proving that carriages, imple-
ments, and rooms would lose their utility without the presence of non-being, Lao
Zi claims that we can “turn being into advantage, and turn non-being into useful-
ness”. Thus, carriages, implements, rooms, and “being” are equivalent, at least in
this chapter.
The second paragraph quoted above is more confusing than the first. According
to the text, there are five phases in the process of the creation of things (Wu Zhi

10 See Lou Yulie, Wangbi Ji Jiaoshi, 1980, pp. 136–137.

11 See Lou Yulie, Wangbi Ji Jiaoshi, 1980, pp. 109–110.
12 See Lou Yulie, Wangbi Ji Jiaoshi, 1980, p. 117.
2 Being is Born from Non-being 23

Sheng, 物之生); Dao, the one, the two, the three, and the ten thousand things. But if
we read backwards from the last sentence to the first, we can confirm that all things
cannot exist without Yin, Yang, or the blending of Qi. In Chapter 4, Lao Zi says that
“Dao is empty (like a bowl); it may be used but its capacity is never exhausted.”13 In
Chapter 45, he also says that “what is most full seems to be empty, but its usefulness is
inexhaustible.”14 The word Chong (冲, the blending of something) means emptiness
here, which is opposed to fullness. Thus, without the transformation and interaction
of Yin and Yang and emptiness and fullness, the ten thousand things would not exist.
Among these processes, the interaction of Yin and Yang is one we can sense, but that
of emptiness and fullness (of Qi) is not. In fact, Dao, the one, and the two are not three
phases that appear one by one. The one cannot give birth to the two, and moreover, if
they are three continuous phases, the one, would vanish after its transformation into
the two, meaning it would not exist and could not affect things.
In The Laozi, no things can exist independently without the one. In Chapter 39, it
is said that:
On the topic of those in antiquity who obtained the one: Heaven obtained the one and
became clear. Earth obtained the one and became tranquil. The spiritual beings obtained
the one and became divine. The valley obtained the one and became full. The ten thousand
things obtained the one and lived and grew. Kings and barons obtained the one and became
rulers of the empire. What made them so is the one. If Heaven had not thus become clear,
it would soon crack. If the Earth had not thus become tranquil, it would soon be shaken. If
the spiritual beings had not thus become divine, they would soon wither away. If the valley
had not thus become full, it would soon become exhausted. If the ten thousand things had
not thus lived and grown, they would soon become extinct. If kings and barons had not thus
become honorable and high in position, they would soon fall.15

None of the ten thousand things can leave the one and exist independently. Since
the one is with every of the ten thousand things, we cannot say that the one transforms
into ten thousand things and vanishes.
In Chapter 25 of The Laozi, it is said that:
There is something undifferentiated and yet complete, which existed before Heaven and
Earth. Soundless and formless, it depends on nothing and does not change. It operates
everywhere and is free from danger. It may be considered the mother of the universe. I do
not know its name; I call it Dao. If forced to give it a name, I shall call it The Great (Da,
大).16

Therefore, Dao existed before Heaven and Earth so that it depends on nothing.
Moreover, Dao is the foundation of everything and expresses itself in the existence
and transformation of all things.
In Chapter 42, Dao (i.e., the one) is non-being, while the two, the three, and the ten
thousand things are beings. These three concepts—Dao, the one, and non-being—
describe different aspects of the substance (Ben Gen, 本根) of the ten thousand

13 See Lou Yulie, Wangbi Ji Jiaoshi, 1980, p. 10.

14 See Lou Yulie, Wangbi Ji Jiaoshi, 1980, p. 123.
15 See Lou Yulie, Wangbi Ji Jiaoshi, 1980, pp. 105–106.
16 See Lou Yulie, Wangbi Ji Jiaoshi, 1980, p. 63.
24 2 Becoming Useful with the Basis of Non-being: The Philosophy of The …

things. The two, the three, and the ten thousand things are alternate descriptions of
the existence of things. Everything contains contradictory aspects within itself; this
is the two. Contradictory aspects continuously affect each other and transform into
their opposites, from which we find one unity and its two opposites; this is the three.
All things are being, but all things are different. Therefore, the idea in Chapter 42 is
like Lao Zi’s idea in Chapter 40—“Weakness is the utility of the Dao.”
To be precise, the word Sheng (生, to produce) in Chapter 42 should not be
translated as “give birth to” (i.e., Dao “gives birth to” the one, and so on). Its meaning
is akin to “exist as” or “letting something exist as” (i.e., Dao lets the one exist as
the one). Only with this interpretation do we understand that the one and the two are
related rather than separated, and so are being and non-being.
Based on the discussion above, we can go further in analyzing the proposition
that “being is born from non-being.” In The Laozi, being is closely related to non-
being because the essence of a being is the contradistinctions within it. All concrete
things possess attributes such as color, weight, temperature, shape, and so on. The
essence of all attributes is their distinction from all other attributes. When we say
a thing is white, we know it cannot simultaneously be green or red. The state of
being white is a finite confirmation, but also indicated infinite negation—negation
of the states of being green or red—at a given time. In this way, all attributes are
contradistinctions. Therefore, all finite confirmations emerge from infinite negation.
But here arises the question—can these infinite negations, which are the origin of
all finite confirmations, be regarded as one existence? As I have said, the state of
being one color, such as white, emerges from the infinite denial of the possibility of
existing as any other color, such as red, green, yellow, and so on. But can we regard
the infinite negation of all other colors as one independent existence? In my opinion,
if these negations constituted one independent existence, it would contain affirmative
content. But all affirmative content comes from infinite negations. Therefore, these
infinite negations lack affirmative content, and are therefore pure negativity. Because
they lack affirmative content, they do not constitute one independent existence, thus,
they can only be called “the one” (Yi, 一). And, because they are pure negativity, they
can be called non-being (Wu, 无). Since there is no affirmative content in non-being,
it cannot be grasped by any of our senses. In Chapter 14 of The Laozi, it is said that
“we look at it and do not see it; its name is the invisible (Yi, 夷). We listen to it and do
not hear it; its name is the inaudible (Xi, 希). We touch it and do not find it; its name
is the subtle (Wei, 微). These three cannot be further examined, and hence merge
into one.”17 Since it is not sensible, it is called the mysterious (Xuan, 玄). Since all
the distinctions and attributes which make beings possible come from non-being,
non-being is also called The Great (Da, 大). Non-being, then, which is the root of
all distinctions, contains no distinctions itself, so it is called the one. According to
Chapter 25, the one and non-being are not only the reasons why the two and all
beings can exist, but also the reason why they keep changing. All concrete things are
combinations of the one and the two, which are independent and are related at the
same time.

17 See Lou Yulie, Wangbi Ji Jiaoshi, 1980, p. 31.

3 Becoming Useful with the Basis of Non-being 25

To carve on a piece of stone is an activity of “negativity.” Although the piece of

stone is destroyed, a statue is made from it. Non-being is just like that activity of
“negativity.” In our colloquial language, “carved by the ax of the ghosts and the god”
(Gui Fu Shen Gong, 鬼斧神工) is used to describe the wonders created by nature.
And, in chapter The Great Teacher (Da Zong Shi, 大宗师)from The Zhuangzi, it is
said that Dao “carves the shapes of all beings” (Ke Diao Zhong Xing, 刻雕众形). All
these have the same meaning. All concrete things are “produced” through the action
of “negativity.” This “procedure” through which all concrete things are produced is
the Dao.

3 Becoming Useful with the Basis of Non-being

Not all objects are instruments (Qi, 器). A thing becomes an instrument only when it
is used. Therefore, if one wants to turn one’s existence into an instrument, he should
prepare the conditions under which the utility of an instrument can be achieved. In
Chapter 11 of The Laozi, it is said that:
Thirty spokes are united around the hub to make a wheel, but it is upon what does not exist
(non-being) that the utility of the carriage depends. Clay is molded to form a utensil, but it is
upon what does not exist that the utility of the utensil depends. Doors and windows are cut
out to make a room, but it is upon what does not exist that the utility of the room depends.
Therefore, we should turn being into advantages and turn non-being into usefulness.18

Non-being is the condition of achieving the utility of all being. The function of
all concrete things depends on non-being.
As for “beginning” (Sheng, 生) and “completion” (Cheng, 成), a comprehensive
explanation is given in Chapter 51 of The Laozi.
Dao produces them (i.e., the ten thousand things). Virtue fosters them. Matter gives them
physical form. The circumstances and tendencies complete them.19

Gao Ming (高明) believed that the “circumstances and tendencies” (Shi, 势) here
should be taken as “implements” (Qi, 器). “A thing must gain its shape at first
and then become an implement,” Gao says, “a thing is produced by Dao and then
fostered by virtue. When fostered by virtue, it gains its shape and is really achieved
as a thing. It then becomes an implement when it is finished.”20 As for the saying
that “Dao produces them,” I have provided a detailed explanation. Dao is non-being,
so it cannot foster anything. That which Dao produces lives on and help each other;
this is how things are fostered. With the accumulation of this process, things begin
to take shape. At last, when these things are put in individual circumstances, the
things become implements when used. Each usage is defined according to people’s
intentions. In other words, human beings can set their intentions subjectively, and

18 See Lou Yulie, Wangbi Ji Jiaoshi, 1980, pp. 29–7.

19 See Lou Yulie, Wangbi Ji Jiaoshi, 1980, p. 136.
20 Gao Ming, Boshu Laozi Jiaozhu, 1996, p. 70.
26 2 Becoming Useful with the Basis of Non-being: The Philosophy of The …

they are not natural. Human beings cannot live without a purpose. These purposes
turn things into implements and divide them from the united mass of existence. For
example, when iron is used to produce knives, its other irrelevant attributes, besides
its hardness and strength, are no longer in the subject of our consideration. To this
point, some parts of iron is abandoned when knives are produced from it. Only if we
notice that all intentions are being, which is also based on Dao and non-being, can
we reveal the unity of nature.

4 He Who Stands on Tiptoe is not Steady

In The Laozi, the weak are praised while the strong are criticized. There are many
chapters in which the weak are considered stronger than the strong. Two chapters
which typify this attitude are Chapters 76 and 78.
When a man is born, he is tender and weak. At death, he is stiff and strong. All things, grass
as well as trees, are tender and supple while alive. Upon their death, they are withered and
dried. Therefore, the stiff and the strong are companions of death. The tender and the weak
are companions of life. Therefore, if the army is strong, it will not win. If a tree is stiff, it will
break. The strong and the great are inferior, while the tender and the weak are superior.21
There is nothing softer and weaker than water, and yet there is nothing better for attacking
hard and strong things. For this reason, there is no substitute for water. All the world knows
that the weak overcomes the strong and the soft overcomes the hard. But none can practice
this. Therefore, the sage says: He who suffers disgrace for his country is called the lord of the
land. He who takes upon himself the country’s misfortunes becomes the king of the empire.
Correct words seem to be their opposite.22

In our everyday experience, this seems true. “A whirlwind does not last a whole
morning, nor does a rainstorm last a whole day,” but a drizzle may last for months
or years. It is acceptable to take these words as mottos to deal with the affairs of our
everyday lives; however, these sayings are not universal principles.
If we read The Laozi carefully, we will find that those words that teach us the
weak is even stronger than the strong should not be understood merely as sayings.
Those words, on the contrary, express the essentialness and transcendency of the
Dao. Chapter 43 of The Laozi says:
The softest thing in the world overcomes the hardest thing in the world. Non-being penetrates
where there is no space. Through this, I know the advantage of acting without action. Few
in the world can understand teachings without words and the advantage of acting without
action.23

People often think that “the softest thing” in this paragraph refers to water. This is
logical because in Chapter 78, water is given as an example. But in my opinion, this
passage is a little bit different from Chapter 78. In this chapter, “the softest thing”

21 See Lou Yulie, Wangbi Ji Jiaoshi, 1980, pp. 185–186.

22 See Lou Yulie, Wangbi Ji Jiaoshi, 1980, pp. 187–188.
23 See Lou Yulie, Wangbi Ji Jiaoshi, 1980, p. 120.
5 Acting Without Action 27

can penetrate where there is no space. Water cannot do that. Thus, the softest thing
can only be non-being. Without non-being, the strongest thing which has no space
within it cannot have any function. For example, when you use a hammer, the space
between the hammer and the nail is the non-being that guarantees the possibility of
the hammer’s function. The saying that “weakness is the function of the Dao” (Ruo
Zhe, Dao Zhi Yong, 弱者,道之用) in Chapter 40 reveals the same conclusion.
The philosophy in The Laozi has a close relationship with our daily practice. Since
non-being is the foundation of the utility of the ten thousand things, we should pay
attention to its role in our lives. Therefore, we should be tender and be humble. In
Chapter 24 of The Laozi, it is said that:
He who stands on tiptoe is not steady (Qi Zhe Bu Li, 企者不立). He who strides forward does
not go. He who shows himself is not luminous. He who justifies himself is not prominent.
He who boasts of himself is not given credit. He who brags does not endure for long. From
the point of view of the Dao, these are like remnants of food and tumors of action, which all
creatures detest.24
If one stands on tiptoe and strides forward, he can see farther and go faster but he
will not be able to maintain this for long. This tells us that we should stop before we go
to the extreme in doing everything. People are inclined to pursue high positions. This
is normal until you cannot handle the situation and it becomes damaging, harming
your health and destroying your career. “If you are only able to manage one family
or one kingdom, you may not manage it well.” Wang Bi says, “Because if you get
exhausted lifting a piece of stone, you will have no more strength to use it.”25 In this
prosperous era, everyone is busy dealing with all kinds of work. If you do not leave
any space for yourself, you will not have long-term development. A little space for
you is beneficial. You will be calm and easygoing if you have hobbies set apart from
your utilitarian desires.

5 Acting Without Action

For all individuals, the philosophy in The Laozi is about leaving space and living
wisely. Its application in politics leads to the proposition that the sages should act
without actions (Wu Wei, 无为).
I would like to correct some common misunderstandings about the principle of
acting without action. Firstly, the claim that the sage should act without action is
not exclusive to Daoism. In fact, the first record of this claim is not in The Laozi
but in The Analects. Confucius says, “To act without action and yet have the empire
well governed, this was the way of Shun (舜)! What did he do? All he did was to
make himself reverent and correctly face south in his royal seat as the ruler.”26 As I
have mentioned before, the compilation of The Laozi is undoubtedly later than that

24 See Lou Yulie, Wangbi Ji Jiaoshi, 1980, pp. 60–61.

25 See Lou Yulie, Wangbi Ji Jiaoshi, 1980, p. 10.
26 In The Analects 15.5. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 162.
28 2 Becoming Useful with the Basis of Non-being: The Philosophy of The …

of The Analects. Some scholars care very much about the question of whether an
ancient philosopher should be considered a Daoist thinker or not. But they forget
that the notion of “Daoism” (Dao Jia, 道家) was not invented until the Western Han
Dynasty. As far as we know, it is in Sima Tan’s On the Six Schools (司马谈 《论六
家要旨》 ) that the notion of “Daoism” appears for the first time. Daoism is a notion
that was created by Han Dynasty scholars to refer to a number of related ideas and
doctrines from antiquity rather than a real, self-conscious school that existed in the
Eastern Zhou Dynasty. There are no clear lineages or traditions among the so-called
Daoist philosophers of the Eastern Zhou. Secondly, “acting without action” is widely
accepted as a basic ideology by nearly all ideological schools of the Pre-Qin period.
Besides in The Laozi, the claim is also discussed in both The Analects and The
Han Feizi. Nearly all schools accept this idea, and merely disagree on each other’s
methodology. Confucian scholars believed that if a ruler tries to foster his people’s
virtue and form good social customs, he then can act without action. In contrast,
Legalist scholars believed that only after having built up an efficient legal system can
the ruler act without action. Thirdly, to some extent, acting without action is a general
and universal political principle, which can be found in all effective governments.
No matter how strong the domination of the government is, the willingness of the
people to cooperate is indispensable. Increasing people’s willingness is the key to
all governance.
There are many chapters which discuss acting without action in The Laozi. Gao
Ming has written a very detailed analysis of these sections. “Acting without action is
the most important claim and the most valuable virtue within Lao Zi’s philosophy,”
Gao says, “and it is discussed eleven times in his five-thousand-word book. They are:
(1) The man of superior virtue takes no action, but has no ulterior motive to do so
(Chapter 38). (2) Through this I know the advantage of taking no action (Chapter 43).
(3) Therefore, the sage knows without going about, understands without seeing, and
accomplishes without any action (Chapter 47). (4) The pursuit of learning is to
increase day after day. The pursuit of the Dao is to decrease day after day. It is
to decrease and further decrease until one reaches the point of taking no action
(Chapter 48). (5) I take no action and the people by themselves are transformed.
I love tranquility and the people by themselves become correct. I engage in no
activity and the people by themselves become prosperous. I have no desires and
the people by themselves become simple (Chapter 57). (6) Act without action. Do
without doing. Taste without tasting (Chapter 63). (7) He who takes action fails.
He who grasps things loses them. For this reason, the sage takes no action and
therefore does not fail. He grasps nothing and therefore he does not lose anything
(Chapter 64). (8) Therefore, the sage desires to have no desire. He does not value
rare treasures. He learns to unlearn, and returns to what the multitude has missed
(Chapter 64). (9) Therefore, the sage manages affairs without action and spreads
doctrines without words (Chapter 2). (10) [The sage] always causes his people to
be without knowledge (cunning) or desire, and causes the crafty to be afraid to act.
By acting without action, all things will be in order (Chapter 3). (11) The empire is
a spiritual thing, and should not be acted on. He who acts on it harms it. He who
holds on to it loses it (Chapter 29). Besides these, there is one more paragraph which
5 Acting Without Action 29

is not found in the Mawangdui manuscript, which says that “The Dao invariably
takes no action, and yet there is nothing left undone” (Dao Chang Wu Wei Er Wu
Bu Wei, 道常无为而无不为) (Chapter 37). In both editions of The Laozi from the
Mawangdui manuscripts, we only find the description that “acting without action”
but in other editions that we usually refer to, we also find another description that
“acting without action and yet there is nothing left undone” (Wu Wei Er Wu Bu Wei,
无为而无不为). The latter was a newly created idea from the Warring States Period,
which can be regarded as a transformation of Lao Zi’s idea of acting without action.
We can find similar expressions in texts such as the outer chapters of The Zhuangzi,
The Han Feizi, The Lv-Shi-Chun-Qiu 《吕氏春秋》
( ), The Huai-Nan-Zi 《淮南子》
( ),
and so on.”27 In my opinion, what Gao says is correct.
The basic idea of acting without action is the sage’s imitation of the Dao—non-
being. The ideal sage-king should be the foundation of others and the condition
of their self-achievement, just as what non-being does to the ten thousand things.
A sage should not act intentionally because any intentional action will bring his
people unnecessary interruption and influence. An ideal sage-king will be there and
do nothing on purpose, and his people will know nothing about him except his
existence so that they can act freely and achieve for themselves on their own.
An ideal sage-king is not a wise man, but a dull one. In Chapter 15 of The Laozi,
it is said that:
Of antiquity, those who were the best rulers were subtly mysterious and profoundly pene-
trating; too deep to comprehend. And because they cannot be comprehended, I can only
describe them arbitrarily: Cautious, like crossing a frozen stream in the winter. Being at a
loss, like one fearing danger on all sides. Reserved, like one wearing makeup. Supple and
pliant, like ice about to melt. Genuine, like a piece of uncarved wood, Open and broad, like
a valley. Merged and undifferentiated, like muddy water.28

In both editions of The Laozi in the Mawangdui manuscripts, the texts are a little
bit different. The saying “Of antiquity those who were the best rulers” is replaced
by the saying “Of antiquity those who knew the Dao” and “Reserved, like one
wearing makeup” is replaced with “Reserved, like one visiting.” I think the texts in
the Mawangdui manuscripts are correct. If a sage-king acts without action, he will
be unpredictable. All the metaphors in the paragraph quoted above indicate that the
sage’s image is hard to describe.29 Any intentions held by the sage-king will influence
the people around him and then all the people under heaven. Those influences will
gradually harm people’s pureness and nature.
Of course, acting without action is not equal to anarchy. In the philosophy
presented in The Laozi, political orders are indispensable. In Chapter 28 of the book,
it is said that:
When the uncarved wood is broken up, it is turned into concrete things. But when the sage
uses it, he becomes the leading official. Therefore, the great ruler does not cut up.30

27 Gao Ming, Boshu Laozi Jiaozhu, 1996, pp. 422–425.

28 See Lou Yulie, Wangbi Ji Jiaoshi, 1980, p. 33.
29 See Lou Yulie, Wangbi Ji Jiaoshi, 1980, p. 34.
30 See Lou Yulie, Wangbi Ji Jiaoshi, 1980, p. 75.
30 2 Becoming Useful with the Basis of Non-being: The Philosophy of The …

The necessity of basic political orders is strongly confirmed by The Laozi. It

is furtherly suggested in The Laozi that these orders originate from the Dao. The
uncarved wood must be broken up. Thus, what we need to do is to build up a political
system which does not harm the nature of the ten thousand things.
In Chapter 80 of The Laozi, an idyll is presented to the readers.
Let there be a small country with few people. Let there be ten times and a hundred times as
many utensils but let them not be used. Let the people value their lives highly and not migrate
far. Even if there are ships and carriages, none will ride in them. Even if there are armor and
weapons, none will display them. Let the people again knot cords and use them (in place
of writing). Let them relish their food, beautify their clothing, be content with their homes,
and delight in their customs. Though neighboring communities overlook one another and
the crowing of cocks and barking of dogs can be heard, the people there may grow old and
die without ever visiting one another.31

In a complicated world, the simple life that is presented in The Laozi seems like
a daydream or like faint starlight, which is unrealistic but can comfort us warmly.
Since the Dao, i.e., non-being, which is the foundation of ten thousand things,
cannot have any positive elements or confirmations within itself, it can never produce
any determinate value. The pursuit of nature (Zi Ran, 自然) is an unclear tendency
without any defined limitations or standards. We can say that the philosophy in The
Laozi is useful, but we can never prove that the theory itself is right. However, a
useful philosophy cannot offer any essential defense for the way of civilization.

31 See Lou Yulie, Wangbi Ji Jiaoshi, 1980, p. 190.

Chapter 3
Exerting the Mind and Knowing Human
Nature: The Philosophy of Mencius

Mencius, whose name was Meng Ke (孟轲) was a great philosopher of the Warring
States Period. Even today, researchers cannot confirm his birth date or the date of his
death. However, we know for sure that he was active from about 370 B.C. to 300 B.C..
Mencius learned from the disciples of Zi Si, who was the grandson of Confucius.
After finishing his education, Mencius visited the state of Qi (齐), the state of Wei
(魏), and others to try to persuade their kings to accept Confucian political doctrines.
Unfortunately, the rulers of that age paid nearly all their attention to making alliances
with other states to survive their endless wars and they disliked Mencius, believing
that his teaching was not useful to their states. After trying and failing, Mencius
finally returned to his hometown in his later years. He and his disciples, such as
Wan Zhang (万章) “explained The Book of Odes and The Book of Documents (Xu
Shi Shu, 序 《诗》 《书》 ), developed Confucius’ ideas, and wrote the seven-volume text
The Mencius.”1
Zhu Xi speculates that The Mencius was written by Mencius himself. “The
Analects, which was compiled by the disciples of Confucius, consist of chapters
of different lengths” Zhu says. “But the paragraphs of The Mencius are organized so
well. Thus, I assume that the book was written by Mencius himself.”2 Zhu also said,
“I suppose The Mencius was written by one person. And it may have been written
by Mencius himself. If not written by Mencius himself, how could this book be so
fantastic! If it were written by the disciples of Mencius, they would not have died
with their names unknown.”3
Zhu Xi arrives at this conclusion from his intensive studies, and I agree with him.
The ideas expressed in The Mencius are profound and the connections between its
different volumes are strong. The words in this book can touch our hearts directly,
cheering us up when we are upset and encouraging the decadent.

1 Zhu Xi, Mengzi Xushuo 《孟子序说》

( ), in Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 197.
2 Li Jingde ed, Zhu Zi Yu Lei, 1986, p. 433.
3 Li Jingde ed, Zhu Zi Yu Lei, 1986, p. 437.

© Peking University Press 2023 31

L. Yang, Fifteen Lectures on Chinese Philosophy,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8481-5_3
32 3 Exerting the Mind and Knowing Human Nature: The Philosophy …

Living in an era with a considerable number of long-running moral and military

disputes, Mencius faced serious theoretical challenges, so he left people the impres-
sion that he was an aggressive man who loved to criticize and debate with others.
However, he said, “Do I love to debate? No! I just have to do that.”4 In Mencius’
view, all kinds of incorrect doctrines are widely accepted by nearly everyone, so he
believed that “to correct people’s minds and to eliminate all heretical beliefs” (Zheng
Ren Xin, Xi Xie Shuo, 正人心, 息邪说) was his lifelong duty. Therefore, Mencius
was a heroic person rather than a gentle and generous man.5 A disciple of Zhu Xi
once asked his master what kind of person Confucius would have been if he had lived
in Mencius’s time. “Confucius would still have dealt with things in his own way,”
Zhu Xi answered, “But he would have been a little bit stricter.”6 However, in an era
when everyone goes with flow, a person like Mencius might be regarded as a person
who holds on to the principles too much and is therefore quite strange.

1 The Function of the Mind is to Think

Can any philosophy be built upon the basis of sensation and experience? This is
a fundamental problem. The uncertainty of sensation is accepted as a given within
philosophy. Thus, the conclusions we drawn from our sensations can never be proved
as universal principles. Mencius knows the limitations of sensation, so he emphasizes
the function of the mind—thinking. He says:
When our senses of sight and hearing are used without thought and are thereby obscured
by material things, the material things act on the senses and lead them astray. The function
of the mind is to think. If we think, we will get them (the principles of things). If we do
not think, we will not get them. This is what Heaven has given to us. If we hold the most
important thing at first, then the others cannot overcome it. It is simply this that makes a man
great.7

Although the theme of this paragraph is the way to foster virtue, it also represents
Mencius’s view of thinking. Our senses of sight and hearing are passive because they
can only reflect after being stimulated by external things. On the contrary, our mind
is active because it can think. “If we think, we will get them. If we do not think,
we will not get them.” (Si Ze De Zhi, Bu Si Ze Bu De, 思则得之, 不思则不得) The
connection between the action of thinking and its object is certain. But, in Mencius’s
philosophy, what kind of connection is certain?
The difference between “within myself” (Zai Wo, 在我) and “outside myself” (Zai
Wai, 在外) is a clue to answer this question. Mencius says:
If through seeking I get it, while through neglect I lose it, this seeking is conducive to
obtaining, for what I seek lies within myself. If my seeking is in accordance with the Dao,

4 In The Mencius 3B. see Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 271.
5 See Zhu Xi, Mengzi Xushuo, in Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 199.
6 Li Jingde ed, Zhu Zi Yu Lei, 1986, p. 2352.
7 In The Mencius 6A.15. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 335.
1 The Function of the Mind is to Think 33

yet getting depends on destiny, this seeking is not conducive to obtaining, for what I seek
lies outside myself.8

The word “destiny” (Ming, 命) here refers to uncontrolled contingency. If the

objects that I seek lie within myself, the connection between my “seeking” and the
objects that I seek will be certain. In this way, the objects are not outside my action
of seeking.
In the paragraph quoted above, Mencius claims that “if we think, we will get
them. If we do not think, we will not get them.” Similarly, if the statement is certain,
the objects of my thinking must be within my thinking.
There is one paragraph in The Mencius, which is similar to Chapter 20 of The
Doctrine of the Mean. It can provide evidence of a shared scholarly tradition between
Zi Si and Mencius.
When those occupying positions below do not gain the confidence of those above, they cannot
succeed in governing the people. There is a way to gain the confidence of those above: One
who does not inspire the trust of friends will not have the confidence of those above. There
is a way to gain the trust of friends: One who does not serve his parents to please them will
not inspire the trust of friends. There is a way to please one’s parents: One who turns within
and finds himself not to be sincere does not please his parents. There is a way to be sincere
within oneself: if one is not clear about what is good, one will not be sincere within oneself.
Therefore, to be sincere is the Way of Heaven, and to think about sincerity is the way of
humanity(Si Cheng Zhe, Ren Zhi Dao Ye, 思诚者, 人之道也). It has never been the case that
one who is sincere has failed to move others, or that one who is not sincere has been able to
move others.9

The biggest difference between this paragraph and Chapter 20 of The Doctrine of
the Mean is the sentence “to think about sincerity is the Way of humanity”, which is
written as “to be sincere is the Way of humanity” (Cheng Zhi Zhe, Ren Zhi Dao Ye, 诚
之者, 人之道也) in The Doctrine of the Mean. In The Mencius, the object of thinking
is sincerity. Of course, sincerity is not separate from thinking. To be precise, sincerity
cannot be regarded as “the object of thinking.” Instead, sincerity is manifested as we
think.
Mencius does not talk very much about “sincerity” (Cheng, 诚). The most
important section which mentions this topic is in volume 7A of The Mencius.
All the ten thousand things are complete in me. To turn within to examine oneself and find
that one is sincere – there is no greater joy than this. To dedicate oneself in all earnestness
to reciprocity – there can be no closer approach to benevolence.10

This paragraph is very famous but also obscure. In Zhu Xi’s opinion, the expression
that “all the ten thousand things are complete in me” (Wan Wu Jie Bei Yu Wo, 万物
皆备于我) indicates that “the principles” (Li, 理) of the ten thousand things exist in
my mind. The concept of “principle” is a creation of later philosophers, rather than
of Mencius. But, by using this concept, which refers to the fundamental basis in Zhu

8 In The Mencius 7A.3. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 350.
9 In The Mencius 4A.12. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 282.
10 In The Mencius 7A.4. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 350.
34 3 Exerting the Mind and Knowing Human Nature: The Philosophy …

Xi’s philosophy, Zhu’s interpretation is still inspiring because it shows that the basis
of all things does not exist outside of myself. Since the root of all things is inside
me, if I turn within and seek, the sincerity of human beings, which is identical to the
sincerity of the Way of Heaven, will be expressed. The sincerity of our thinking has
three features: certainty (Que Ding Xing, 确定性), universality (Pu Bian Xing, 普
遍性), and inevitability (Bi Ran Xing, 必然性), which can only be found in inward
thinking but not in our sensation of the experiential world.

2 Exerting the Mind and Knowing Human Nature

Thinking is the function of our minds, but the mind can stop thinking. Whether we
think or not is decided by our autonomy. Without the mind’s thinking, human beings
would lose themselves in all sensations and lose our autonomy. The full achievement
of thinking—the full achievement of the autonomy of the mind—is what Mencius
called “exerting the mind” (Jin Xin, 尽心).
Exert the mind and know human nature. He who knows his nature knows Heaven. To preserve
the mind and to nourish the nature is the way to serve Heaven. Not to allow any double-
mindedness regardless of longevity or brevity of life, but to cultivate one’s person and wait
for destiny to take its own course is the way to fulfill Heaven’s Mandate.11

The most common misunderstanding to this paragraph concerns its first

sentence—“Exert the mind and know human nature” (Jin Qi Xin Zhe, Zhi Qi Xing
Ye, 尽其心者, 知其性也). Scholars have often misunderstood this sentence as “if
one exerts his mind, he will know his human nature”. Zhu Xi has written in detail
about this.12 Knowing human nature is not the result of exerting the mind, nor is
it an activity that happens after we exert the mind. We can exert our minds and
know human nature simultaneously because the basic human nature—the essential
tendency of human beings—can be fully achieved while the functions of our mind
develop independently. Human nature is expressed only in the functioning of the
human mind, so we can know it through the activity of “exerting the mind.” But how
then can we exert the mind? If one focuses on a concrete thing, what he will learn is
only knowledge related to that thing. How can thinking reveal to us human nature?
Thus, the only activity through which we can learn about human nature is thinking
about the mind itself. The object of this thinking is the activity itself, so it is certain
that we will receive our answer. Inward thinking is not empirical, so it possessed
certainty. Without relying on any empirical objects, this activity is transcendent and
universal. Human nature is certain, universal, and inevitable tendency of the mind.
Its inevitability is not empirical, so it is not like the inevitability we refer to when
we say a heavy item will inevitably fall when it lacks support. Its inevitability is

11In The Mencius 7A.1. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 349.
12Zhu Xi says, “we should pay attention to the word Zhe (者) in this sentence. One can exert his
mind only if he knows his human nature. To know one’s human nature is the thing that should be
done first.” Li Jingde ed, Zhu Zi Yu Lei, 1986, p. 1422.
2 Exerting the Mind and Knowing Human Nature 35

transcendent rather than empirical. The achievement of this inevitability is based

on the autonomy of the mind. To be precise, this inevitability is the expression of
the autonomy of the mind. This inwards thinking is the expression of the certainty,
universality, and inevitability of the active tendencies of the mind. Therefore, we can
“exert our mind and know human nature” simultaneously.
The second sentence—“He who knows his nature knows heaven” (Zhi Qi Xing,
Ze Zhi Tian Yi, 知其性, 则知天矣)—is different from the previous one. It means that
if one knows his nature, he will know Heaven. However, Mencius does not tell his
readers why. Thus, we must search for the answer in the following discussions.
Knowing the certain, universal, and inevitable essential tendency of the mind is
not the same as the achieving in our everyday lives. Therefore, “To preserve one’s
mind and to nourish one’s nature” is a necessity. Mencius regards it as to serve
heaven. “To serve” (Shi, 事) means to respect and to obey. Thus, humans are passive
in face of Heaven. This is a key point for readers to understand that if one knows his
nature, he will know Heaven.
If one would like to “fulfill his Heaven’s Mandate,” what he should do is to
“preserve one’s mind and nourish one’s nature” throughout his life. Here, Heaven’s
Mandate is quite different from destiny.
Compared with human nature (Xing, 性), both destiny (Ming, 命) and Heaven’s
Mandate (Tian Ming, 天命) indicate that this is a calling, something that we have to
do. Mencius says:
It is due to our nature that our mouths desire sweet tastes, that our eyes desire beautiful
colors, that our ears desire pleasant sounds, that our noses desire fragrant odors, and that
our four limbs desire ease and comfort. But it is also dependent on destiny whether these
desires are satisfied or not. The nobleman does not claim that these (matters of destiny) are
due to nature. Benevolence in the relationship between father and son, righteousness in the
relationship between ruler and minister, rituals in the relationship between guest and host,
wisdom in the worthy and the sage with regard to the Way of Heaven — these are endowed in
people in various degrees according to destiny. But there is also man’s nature. The nobleman
does not (refrain from practicing them and) say they are matters of destiny.13

The tendencies for our mouths to desire sweet tastes and for our eyes to desire
beautiful colors are inborn. But because of destiny, the actualization of these desires is
outside of our control. Thus, strictly speaking, those tendencies cannot be called our
nature. We are required to foster the virtue of benevolence in the relationship between
father and son and the virtue of righteousness in the relationship between ruler and
minister. However, these requirements are not opposed to our natural tendencies.
That is why the nobleman does not say they are matters of destiny.
Heaven’s Mandate is an absolute order from heaven. In The Doctrine of the Mean,
it is said that “what Heaven imparts to man is called human nature” (Tian Ming Zhi
Wei Xing, 天命之谓性). Human is passive in face of the Heaven, and this is shown
in the essential tendency of human beings. If one understands this passive tendency,
he will know human nature and thus understand Heaven.

13 In The Mencius 7B.24. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 369.
36 3 Exerting the Mind and Knowing Human Nature: The Philosophy …

3 Human Nature is Good

By “exerting one’s mind and knowing human nature,” Mencius shows us how to
discover the essential tendency of the goodness inside human beings. For Mencius,
the claim that human nature is good (Xing Shan Lun, 性善论) is not an assumption
used as a foundation for human moral life. On the contrary, the content of that claim
is a fact that he can prove to be true. Su Shi (苏轼), a famous literatus from the
Northern Song Dynasty, offers an interesting comment on Mencius’ claim. He says:
Mencius said, ‘human nature is good,’ so Xun Zi (荀子) came to refute him and said ‘human
nature is evil.’ After that, Yang Xiong (扬雄) disagreed with both of them and said ‘human
nature is a mixture of good and evil.’ Mencius said that human nature is good, so Xun Zi
had to say that it is evil, and Yang Xiong had to say that it is a mixture. If one thinker cares
more about the uniqueness of his claim than the profundity of it, all kinds of claims will be
made one after another. Confucius seldom spoke about human nature and never gave any
certain judgment about it. Mencius learned from Zi Si’s books, however, Zi Si only recorded
Confucius’ sayings, so Mencius’ idea of human nature is based on Confucius’ doctrine.
Although Mencius understood Confucius correctly, his expression of Confucianism was
misleading. His powerful and aggressive claim about human nature made him the target that
everyone else in the world wanted to take aim at. We can even say that Xun Zi and Yang
Xiong made their incorrect claims because of the faults in Mencius’ argument.14

Su Shi did not believe that human nature is evil. In other words, Su accepted
Mencius’ idea but thought that it should be expressed in a different way. He
believed that after hearing Mencius’ imperfect expression, contrarians would deliver
confusing statements to attract followers. In conclusion, Su also believed that human
nature is good, but he thought that Mencius’ unsatisfying expression, which would
lead to meaningless disputes, should be abandoned.
In fact, the solution to the debate about whether human nature is good or evil is to
find the basis of morality in human beings. If the good does not correspond with the
essential tendency of human beings, morality must be an artificial creation. If this
is the case, ethics are conventional and historical, and disputes on whether human
beings are good or evil are meaningless.
Mencius believed that the reason people should choose to live morally is that this
choice is made in accordance with human nature and thus with the Way of Heaven.
That is why if someone does something evil, we will say, in our everyday language,
that he is not doing what human beings should do.
Mencius, who claims that human nature is good, does not say that all people are
good all the time, so it is not fair to criticize him by pointing out bad deeds committed
all around us. In Mencius’ second debate of his four with Gao Zi (告子), which are
the most famous passages in The Mencius, he offers his most complete presentation
of the claim for the goodness of human nature.
Gao Zi said, ‘Man’s nature is like whirling water. If a breach in the pool is made on the east,
the water will flow to the east. If a breach is made on the west it will flow to the west. Man’s
nature is indifferent to good and evil, just as water is indifferent to east and west.’

14 Su Shi, The Works of Su Shi (Su Shi Wen Ji,《苏轼文集》

), Beijing: Zhonghua Press, 1986, p. 95.
3 Human Nature is Good 37

Mencius said, ‘Water, indeed, is indifferent to the east and west, but is it indifferent to
high and low? Man’s nature is good just as water naturally flows downward. There is no
man without this good nature; neither is there any water that does not flow downward. Now
you can strike water and cause it to splash upward over your forehead, and by damming and
leading it, you can force it uphill. Is this the nature of water? It is the forced circumstance
that makes it do so. Man can be made to do evil, for his nature can be treated in the same
way.’15

In this debate, Gao Zi uses the whirling water as a metaphor. Distinct from the
willow tree, which is used as a metaphor in the first debate between Gao Zi and
Mencius, whirling water is more active and better illustrates what he views as our
innate tendencies. Gao Zi believed that just like the whirling water, humans lack any
particular essential tendencies. Using the same metaphor, Mencius points out that
there are certain essential tendencies in both whirling water and human nature. You
can find the tendency if you change the direction of the flow. The sentence “There
is no man without this good nature” (Ren Wu You Bu Shan, 人无有不善) cannot be
understood as that men are all good, because the following sentence that “There is
no water that does not flow downward” (Shui Wu You Bu Xia, 水无有不下), which
possessed the same structure in Chinese, cannot be understood as claiming that water
always flows from high to low. A drop of water can be tossed from low to high, but
it still possessed the tendency to naturally flow downward. Similarly, a man can do
evil things, but his essential tendency is toward the good. A drop of water does not
naturally fly to great heights. If it moves upward, it must be in a circumstance where
it is forced. Similarly, if a man does something evil, he must be put in a circumstance
where he is forced to do it. Confucius thinks that people have similar natures, and
the differences in their behaviors can be attributed to their upbringing and habits. As
we can see, Mencius, whose theory has the same structure as Confucius’ theory, was
obviously influenced by Confucius.
Among all four of Mencius’ debates with Gao Zi, the third one is the most
confusing.
Gao Zi said, ‘What is inborn is called nature.’
Mencius said, ‘When you say that what is inborn is called nature, is that like saying that
white is white?’
Yes.
Then is the whiteness of the white feather the same as the whiteness of snow? Or, again, is
the whiteness of snow the same as the whiteness of white jade?
Yes.
Then is the nature of a dog the same as the nature of an ox, and is the nature of an ox the
same as the nature of a man?16

Sima Guang discussed this debate specifically in his thesis Questions on Mencius
(Yi Meng,《疑孟》 ). He writes, “When Mencius asks if the whiteness of the white
feather is the same as the whiteness of snow, Gao Zi should say that they have the same

15 In The Mencius 6A.2. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 325.
16 In The Mencius 6A.3. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 326.
38 3 Exerting the Mind and Knowing Human Nature: The Philosophy …

color but different natures. Feather is light, snow is fragile, and jade is hard. Mencius
would not ask the following question if Gao Zi didn’t simply reply ‘yes.’ Mencius is
too eloquent.”17 Sima Guang’s last sentence shows that he does not think that Mencius
provides his readers with an acceptable proof. But I think this comment is not entirely
fair. It is true that in this debate Mencius focuses on responding to Gao Zi’s idea and
offers few direct proofs of his own. But we should also notice that Mencius has done
this in the previous two debates. In Sima’s opinion, Gao Zi should not agree with the
second assertion. However, as far as I am concerned, the first “yes” is more important.
After Gao Zi presents his idea, Mencius induces him to accept the equivalence of
two propositions: (1) what is inborn (Sheng, 生) is called nature (Xing, 性) and (2)
white is white. In Classical Chinese, the word Sheng (birth, 生) and the word Xing
(nature, 性) have the same meaning and they are exchangeable. Otherwise, those two
propositions would be obviously different. Gao Zi, who knows the word Sheng and
the word Xing are equivalent, fails to distinguish the tiny differences between the
two propositions in Mencius’ question, so he cannot succeed in the debate after his
initial agreement. In Mencius’ argument, if the whiteness of all white things is the
same, the inborn nature of all creatures should be the same, too. The absurdity of the
conclusion—that the inborn nature of all creatures is the same—indicates to us that
the premise—what is inborn is called nature—is absurd. Sima Guang does not aim
at this point at all. A historian can hardly avoid making mistakes when he tries to do
philosophy.
In fact, if one accepts Gao Zi’s idea that what is inborn is called nature, he can infer
that the nature of humans, dogs, and oxen are not different. We can see this clearly
in the fourth debate between the two thinkers. At the beginning of the debate, Gao
Zi says that “the appetite for food and sex is human nature,” which can be regarded
as an explanation about his proposition that what is inborn is called nature. Mencius
does not comment directly on this influential saying because he has proved that if
one believes what is inborn is human nature, he will have to admit that there is little
difference between humans and animals. Mencius does not respond directly here
because he has finished the third debate. Besides, we can also understand Mencius’
attitudes toward this proposition in another paragraph—6B.1 of The Mencius. A man
from Ren (任) asked Wuluzi (屋庐子) two questions. If one follows the rituals, he
will die of starvation, while if he does not follow the rituals, he will have food. Should
he ignore the rituals to eat? If he follows the rituals to go in person to meet his bride,
there will be no women who are willing to marry him, while if he ignores the rituals,
he will have a wife. Should he ignore the rituals to get married? With regards to these
two questions, Mencius says:
If one takes a case in which eating is important but following the rituals is not important,
why not admit that eating is important? If one regards sex as important and the rituals as not
important, why not admit that sex is important? Go and respond to him, ‘If by twisting your
brother’s arm and snatching away his food you were able to eat, but by not snatching it you
would be unable to eat, would you snatch it away? If by scaling the wall of your neighbor

17Zeng Zaozhuang 曾枣庄 and Liu Lin 刘琳 ed, Quan Song Wen 《全宋文》
( ), Chengdu: Bashu
Press, 1992, p. 537.
3 Human Nature is Good 39

on the east and dragging off his daughter you could get a wife, while by not dragging her
off you could not get a wife, would you then drag her off?’18

We can understand Mencius’ criticism of the proposition that the appetites for food
and sex are human nature from this paragraph. First, Mencius thinks that nobody can
live without food or sex. Second, he does not think that the appetites for food and sex
are the entirety of human nature. Third, human nature gives human beings a unique
attitude toward food and sex. Human beings can refuse to give into our natures,
while animals cannot. This shows that human beings have dignity. “Suppose there
are basketfuls of rice and a bowlful of soup. If I obtain them, I may remain alive; if I
do not obtain them, I may well die. If they are offered contemptuously, a wayfarer will
decline to accept them; if they are offered after having been trampled upon, a beggar
will not demean himself by taking them.”19 People want to eat if they are hungry.
This is the natural tendency of human beings. But human beings can refuse to follow
their natural tendency to live. People usually believe that the virtue of benevolence
and righteousness are cultivated and educated after people have been born. But there
have always been people willing to die for benevolence and justice. From this, we
know that for human beings, there is a more essential pursuit than the pursuit of food
and sex. This essential pursuit reveals the essential tendency of human beings.
What, to be specific, is the essential tendency of human beings? Mencius thinks
that it is the “four sprouts” (Si Duan, 四端). He says:
All men possess a heart and mind which cannot bear to see the suffering of others. The
ancient kings had this mind and therefore they had a government that could not bear to see
the suffering of its people. When a government that cannot bear to see the suffering of its
people is ruled by one with a mind that cannot bear to see the suffering of others, governing
the state will be as simple as spinning something in the palm of the hand. When I say that
all men have a heart and mind which cannot bear to see the suffering of others, my meaning
may be illustrated in this way: Now, when men see a child about to fall into a well, they all
experience a feeling of alarm and distress, not in order to seek favor with the child’s parents,
nor to seek the praise of their neighbors and friends, nor because they dislike the sound of
the child’s cries. From such a case, we see that a man without the feeling of sympathy is
not a man; a man without the feeling of shame and dislike is not a man; a man without the
feeling of respect is not a man; and, a man without the ability to judge right and wrong is
not a man. Sympathy (Ce Yin Zhi Xin, 恻隐之心) is the beginning of benevolence; shame
(Xiu Wu Zhi Xin, 羞恶之心) is the beginning of righteousness; respect (Ci Rang Zhi Xin,
辞让之心) is the beginning of the rituals; and judgment (Shi Fei Zhi Xin, 恻隐之心) is the
beginning of wisdom.20

By describing the circumstance of a man watching a child about to fall into a well,
Mencius proves to us the existence and universality of the feeling of sympathy. When
men see the child in distress suddenly, they will not judge whether the sympathy to
the child is advantageous. This feeling of sympathy, which is universal, is an essential
tendency within human beings. Similarly, the feeling of shame, the feeling of respect,
and the judgment of right and wrong are also universal. These “four sprouts” are

18 In The Mencius 6B.1. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 338.
19 In The Mencius 6A.10. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 333.
20 In The Mencius 2A.6. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 237–238.
40 3 Exerting the Mind and Knowing Human Nature: The Philosophy …

the beginning of the four virtues. In other words, the four virtues are the essential
tendencies of human beings, and their expression are the four sprouts.
Sima Guang also comments on the theory of “four sprouts.” He writes:
Mencius believed that the four virtues come from the four sprouts, so they come from
human nature. How can this be untrue? However, what Mencius did not notice is that evil
characters, like violence, arrogance, greed, and foolishness, also come from human nature.
Mencius knew that the rice comes from the land, but he did not know that the weeds come
from the land, too.21

Sima tried to point out that human nature possessed not just the sprout of goodness,
but also the sprout of evil. However, I think that Sima does not reach the core of the
problem. In fact, evil is the lack of virtue. We often say that the absence of virtue is
evil, but we never say that the absence of evil is a virtue. The goodness of our nature,
then, is fundamental.
The “four sprouts” are only the beginning of virtue, but not the achievement of
goodness. Both excesses of the “four sprouts” and their inadequacies will bring about
evil. For example, if a man sympathizes with others too much, he will be weak. But
if he does not sympathize with others, he will be cruel. Similarly, if a man has too
much shame, he will become sentimental. But if he lacks shame, he will be rude.

4 Knowing the Logic of Speech

Living in an age when a hundred schools criticized each other (Bai Jia Zheng Ming,
百家争鸣), Mencius fought against all sorts of ideas he viewed as incorrect. He was
aware of his situation and his duty to pursue the truth.
Sages have ceased to appear. Feudal lords have become reckless and idle scholars have
indulged in unreasonable opinions. The words of Yang Zhu (杨朱) and Mo Zi fill the world.
If the people in their opinions do not follow Yang Zhu, they follow Mo Zi. Yang advocated
egoism, which means a denial of the special relationship with one’s ruler. Mo Zi advocated
universal love (Jian Ai, 兼爱), which means a denial of the special relationship with one’s
father. To deny the special relationships with the father and with the ruler is to become an
animal. Gongming Yi (公明仪) said, ‘In their kitchens, there is fat meat. In their stables,
there are fat horses. And yet, the people have a lean and hungry look, and in the wilds,
some have died of starvation. This is leading beasts to devour people.’ If the principles
of Yang and Mo Zi are not stopped, and if the principles of Confucius are not brought to
light, perverse doctrines will delude the people and obstruct the path of benevolence and
righteousness. When benevolence and righteousness are obstructed, beasts will be led on to
devour men, and men will devour one another. I am fearful about this and defend the way of
the former sages by resisting Yang and Mo Zi and banishing their licentious words. Those
who espouse deviant views must be prevented from putting them into effect, for what is
effective in the mind causes harm in affairs, and what is implemented in affairs causes harm
to the government. If a sage should arise again, he would not change my words.22

21 Zeng Zaozhuang and Liu Lin ed, Quan Song Wen, 1992, p. 513.
22 In The Mencius 3B.9. See Zhu Xi, Sishu Zhangju Jizhu, 1983, p. 272.
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sotilaallisesti mahdollista, mielialan silmällä ja vireillä pitäminen
kotimaassa ja armeijassa. Kummassakin oli yhteistyö valtakunnan
viranomaisten kanssa luonnollinen. Emme saaneet aikaan mitään.
Sanomalehtien valvominen ja tiedoilla varustaminen jäivät sen vuoksi
hajanaiseksi, siitä olimme selvillä.

Sanomalehtien sotilaallinen sensuurikin kuului everstiluutnantti

Nicolaille ja hänen alaisilleen. Tämän, sodassa valitettavasti
välttämättömän pahan olemukseen kuuluu, ettei se voinut ketään
tyydyttää. Pidin valitettavana asiana, että ylimmän armeijanjohdon
täytyi sitä harjoittaa, muut asianomaiset kun osoittivat
pidättyväisyyttä.

Everstiluutnantti Nicolain toinen suuri työala oli salainen

tiedonhankinta ja vakoilun torjuminen postia, sähkölennätystä ja
kaukopuhelua valvomalla, raja- ja postisululla, ynnä taloudellisen
vakoilun ja sabotagen (ilkivaltaisen turmelemisen) vastustaminen.
Everstiluutnantti Nicolai on tietoineen hyvin palvellut ylintä
armeijanjohtoa. Epätietoisuus kuuluu sodan luonteeseen. Ei
vihollinenkaan paljon suuremmista apuneuvoistaan huolimatta
saanut koskaan tietää, mitä meillä oli tekeillä. Se yllätettiin aina,
paitsi 15 p:nä heinäkuuta 1918, jolloin teimme asiat sille liian
helpoiksi.

Vihollista koskevain tietojen käsittely sotilaallista päätöksentekoa

varten kuului "Vihollisarmeijat"-nimiselle osastolle, joka oli majuri v.
Rauchin, kokeneen ja huolellisen yleisesikuntaupseerin johdossa.
Hän täytti edesvastuullisen tehtävänsä. Tässäkin suhteessa
yleisesikunta sai aikaan, mitä kohtuudella voitiin odottaa.

Vielä monta muutakin uskollista apulaista minulla oli

esikunnassani;
mainitsen everstit v. Tieschowitzin ja v. Mertzin, majurit v. Waldowin,
Crantzin, v. Harboun, Hofmannin, Bartenwerfferin, Muthsin,
kapteenit
Weverin, Gabrielin, Geyerin, v. Fischer-Treuenfeldin, v. Gosslerin, v.
Poseckin ja monta muuta.

Erikoisen toverilliset olivat yhteiset ateriamme suuremmassa

piirissä. Kenraalisotamarsalkka piti hauskoista jutuista ja vilkkaasta
keskustelusta. Minä otin siihen mielelläni osaa, mutta otin myös
puheeksi palvelusta koskevat asiat. Luonnollisestikin pidettiin mitä
tarkin huoli siitä, ettei tällöin keskusteltu suunnitelluista
sotaliikkeistä.

Usein saapui vierailijoita, joko pöytään taikka vain

virastohuoneeseen. Joskus oli vieraita erikoisen kriitillistenkin
tilanteitten aikana. Muistan, kuinka lokakuussa 1914 Radomissa
saimme luoksemme rakkaudenlahja-junaa tuovia herroja, jotka
puhuivat Varsovan pian tapahtuvasta valloituksesta, vaikka minun jo
täytyi ajatella peräytymistä sieltä. Semmoisissa tilaisuuksissa vieraat
olivat raskas hermorasitus, mutta yleensä he tuottivat virkistystä.

Kauttamme matkustavilta upseereilta, jotka edustivat eri aselajeja

ja rintaman kaikilla osilla olevia divisioneja, saimme kuulla, mitä
armeijassa tapahtui, toisinaan paremminkin kuin suurista virallisista
kertomuksista. Annoin mitä suurimman arvon läheiselle yhteydelle
rintaman kanssa ja sain paljon herätyksiä, jotka aina otettiin varteen.
Nämä sotilasvierailut olivat minulle erikoisen rakkaat ja arvokkaat.

Usein kävi luonamme Berliinistä ja liittovaltakunnista hallituksiin

kuuluvia herroja. Valtiokansleri v. Bethmann-Hollweg kävi luonamme
jo syksyllä 1914 Posenissa ja sitten helmikuussa 1915 Lötzenissä.
Seuraavatkin valtiokanslerit kävivät usein meitä tapaamassa. Joskus
kävi luonamme edusmiehiä. Sain aina sen vaikutuksen, että herrat
mielellään olivat luonamme, mihin puolueeseen kuuluivatkin. Heille
samoin kuin muillekin yksityisille henkilöille esitin sotilaallista asemaa
ja ajatuksiani rauhasta tietenkin asian vaatimalla varovaisuudella.

Joskus tuli vieraiksemme suurteollisuuden, kaupan ja työnhakija-

ja virkailijaliittojen edustajia, ja istuivat he pöytämme ääressä.

Saapui puolueettomia sotilasattasheita, puolueettomia

upseerilähetystöjä, jotka kävivät rintamalla, kotimaisia ja ulkomaisia
kirjeenvaihtajia ja myös sanomalehdentoimittajia, tiedemiehiä ja
taiteilijoita.

Itäisen rintaman ylikomentajan pöydän ääressä istui erikoisen

usein edustajia Itä- ja Länsi-Preussin kaikista osista.

Paljon ruhtinaita oli vierainamme.

Erityinen kunnia tietysti oli, kun Hänen Majesteettinsa Keisari kävi

luonamme. Keskustelu silloinkin sujui vapaasti, meistä tuntui, että
Hänen Majesteettinsa oli mielellään luonamme.

Minulle oli vieraiden saapuminen pöytämme ääreen aivan erikoisen

mieluinen siitä syystä, että tällöin oli tilaisuus ottaa puheeksi kaikkia
niitä kysymyksiä, jotka olivat pohdinnan alaisia. Näin minulle
jälkeenpäin riitti enemmän aikaa muihin sotilaallisiin tehtäviini.

VI.

Armeijan johtaminen vaatii tahtoa ja ennakkohuoltoa, mutta se vaatii

myös valtavan armeijajärjestön hallitsemiskykyä, joka voidaan
saavuttaa ja säilyttää vain rautaisella työllä. Tähän on vielä lisättävä
sotajoukkojen sielun ja vihollisen erikoisuuden käsittäminen. Tätä ei
enää voi työllä hankkia, se sisältyy, kuten suunnattoman paljon
muutakin, persoonallisuuteen. Imponderabilit käyvät sitä
tärkeämmiksi, kuta suurempi on tehtävä. Luottamus ja voitonusko
liittävät toisiinsa johtajat ja sotaväen.

Armeijaryhmäin ja armeijan ylikomennot antoivat meille

itsetoimivaa ja asianymmärtävää apuaan meidän ylenmäärin
vaikeassa tehtävässämme. Olimme niiden kanssa vilkkaassa
ajatusten vaihdossa, mutta ratkaisu kuului meille. Ylimmän
armeijanjohdon tuli myös vaikuttaa yhteensovittavasti ja pitää huolta
käsityksen yhdenmukaisuudesta niillä suunnattoman monilla aloilla,
jotka muodostavat armeijan elämän. Joukkojen tiheäin siirtelyiden
vuoksi tämä oli erikoisen tärkeätä.

Näillä välttämättömillä rajoituksilla olivat komentoviranomaiset

kukin käskypiirissään itsenäisiä. Tämä tuli näkyviin jyrkemmin
sotatoimien aikana ja hyökättäessä kuin asemasodassa ja
puolustettaessa. Oli luonnollisestikin taktillisia tilanteita, joissa
yksityissuunnitteluissa komentoviranomaisten mielipiteet poikkesivat
ylimmän armeijanjohdon käsityksistä. Ratkaisu silloin useinkin jäi
paikallisten komentoviranomaisten asiaksi. Jouduin tämän kautta
sisällisiin ristiriitoihin: jos ratkaisu johti menestykseen, iloitsin; jos
vastoinkäymiseen, tunsin syyllisyyttä.

Suulliselle keskustelulle ja välittömien vaikutuksien hankkimiselle

annoin mitä suurimman arvon. Mielelläni kävin rintamalla ja
ensimmäisenä kenraalimajoitusmestarina käytin aina ylimääräistä
junaa, jossa oli erikoinen työ- ja sähkölennätinvaunu. Virantoimitus
ei keskeytynyt matkallakaan. Määrätyillä asemilla otettiin
päiväraportit vastaan kuten päämajassakin ja tarpeen tullen
asetuttiin koko maailman kanssa yhteyteen.

Persoonallinen suhteeni esikuntiin ja joukkoihin oli sopusointuinen.

Osakseni tuli paljon luottamusta.

Erikoisen mielelläni muistelen suhteitani Saksan kruununprinssin

päämajaan. Kruununprinssi osoitti ymmärtävänsä hyvin
sotilaanammattia ja teki älykkäitä, asiallisia kysymyksiä. Hän rakasti
sotamiehiä ja piti huolta joukoista. Hän ei ollut sodan puolella, vaan
puhui rauhan puolesta. Tämä pitää paikkansa, vaikka muut
väittäisivätkin päinvastaista. Kruununprinssi lausui aina valittelunsa
sen johdosta, ettei hän ollut riittävästi valmistunut keisariuteen, joka
häntä odotti, ja koetti kaikella mahdollisella tavalla parsia tätä
jäljestäpäin. Hän sanoi minulle, että hänen asemansa oli vaikeampi
kuin ammattityömiehen. Hän laati tästä kirjoituksenkin, jonka hän
antoi isälleen keisarille ja valtiokanslerille. Kruununprinssiä hänen
ulkonainen esiintymisensä vahingoitti; hän oli enemmän kuin näytti.

Saksan kruununprinssin armeijaryhmän esikunnanpäällikkö, eversti

kreivi v. der Schulenburg, erinomaisen selvästi ajatteleva ja
toimitarmoinen upseeri, oli minulle hyvä ja luotettava tuki.

Baierin kruununprinssin Rupprechtin armeijaryhmän luona olin

usein. Sen huolellinen ja tavattoman ahkera yleisesikunnanpäällikkö,
kenraali v. Kuhl, oli vanha nuoruudentuttavani; sain ihmetellä hänen
levollisuuttaan vaikeissakin tilanteissa.

Kävisi liian pitkäksi puhua muistakin armeijaryhmistä ja

armeijoista. Tahdon tässä vain mainita vielä kenraali v. Lossbergin.
Tämä etevä upseeri ja taistelun järjestäjä on usein tuonut isänmaalle
ja armeijalle avun. Hänen luottamuksensa minuun tuotti minulle
erikoista tyydytystä.

Ollessani rintamalla esittivät esikunnanpäälliköt minulle aseman.

Ylipäälliköt olivat tässä saapuvilla. Esikunnanpäälliköt lausuivat
mielipiteensä aivan yhtä peittelemättä kuin päämajankin herrat. He
tiesivät, että tahdoin kuulla heidän oman mielipiteensä ja saada
selvyyttä, enkä kaivannut mitään Potemkinin kyliä. Joskus armeijoille
muistutettiin, että niiden tuli ilmoittaa aina objektiivinen totuus,
epäedulliset asiat samoin kuin edullisetkin.

Esittelyyn liittyi keskustelu, johon ylipäällikötkin ottivat osaa,

elleivät he itse esitelleetkin, mistä olin erikoisen kiitollinen. Esittelyn
jälkeen yleensä aina viivyttiin jonkun aikaa yhdessä ja minulla oli
tällöin tilaisuus keskustella ylipäälliköiden kanssa monista
kysymyksistä.

Seurusteluni armeijain kanssa ei rajoittunut viikkomatkoihin. Joka

aamu keskustelin kaukopuhelimella armeijain esikunnanpäälliköitten
kanssa ja kuulin heidän huolensa ja luottamuksensa. Usein he
esittivät pyyntöjä. Milloin saatoin auttaa, autoin, sen he tiesivät.
Usein olen näitä herroja rohkaissut ja minusta sitten tuntui, että he
taas suuremmalla luottamuksella ryhtyivät vaikeaan tehtäväänsä.
Niin sanotun viheriän pöydän ääressä oli strateegisesta ja
taktillisesta tilanteesta usein mahdollinen saada varmempi
yleiskäsitys kuin itse paikalla voimakkaitten persoonallisten
vaikutusten alaisena.

Kaukopuhelinta käytin yleensä tilanteen selvillesaamiseksi. Käskyjä

tällöin annettiin vain kiireellisimmissä tapauksissa ja ne sitten
toistettiin nimenomaisilla kirjallisilla käskyillä, jotka lähetettiin
ylikomennoille.
 Itsestään selvää oli, että keskusteluistani annettiin tieto
ylipäälliköille. Esikuntavaltaa vieroin kerrassaan. Ylipäälliköt olivatkin
siksi itsenäisiä luonteita, ettei se olisikaan voinut saada jalansijaa.

Tietooni tuli yksityisiä tapauksia, joissa ylimmän armeijanjohdon

käskynvallan varjolla annettiin käskyjä, joita en koskaan olisi
hyväksynyt; milloin semmoisesta kuulin, puutuin jyrkästi asiaan.

Kun en itse voinut lähteä jonnekin näkemään, lähetti ylin

armeijanjohto yleisesikuntaupseereja rintamapaikalle näkemään ja
selostamaan tai armeijan-ylikomentajan luo saamaan tilanteesta
välittömästi itse paikalla niin selvän kuvan kuin suinkin.

Ylimpäin virantoimittajain siirtely oli välttämätöntä.

Komentoviranomaiset esittivät niitä sotilaskabinetin päällikölle,
yleisesikuntaa varten taas kenttäarmeijan yleisesikunnan päällikölle.
Pääasiassahan asianlaita oli jo rauhankin aikana ollut sama. Ylin
armeijanjohtokin yksityisissä tapauksissa teki aloitteen
henkilömuutoksiin.

Tämä kävi tarpeelliseksi, milloin tuli taistelun polttopisteihin saada

erikoisen sodankokeneita upseereja. Tästä oli etua sodankäynnille ja
etenkin sotajoukolle ja siten säästimme ihmishenkiä.

Ylipäälliköidenkin ja armeijain esikunnanpäälliköiden kesken

tapahtui miesten muutoksia erikoisen pitkällisten taisteluiden aikana,
etenkin kun ne eivät käyneet onnellisesti. Se oli ajan pitkään näille
miehille aivan suunnaton hermorasitus. Kenraalikomentojen sijaan,
jotka olivat uupuneet, lähetettiin taistelurintamalle toisia. Vaihto oli
häiritsevä, mutta epäkohdat, jotka siitä koituivat, voitiin voittaa.
Kokonaisia armeijan-ylikomentoja ei käynyt vaihtaminen, siitä olisi
johtunut liian hankalia hankauksia sanomattoman monella, varsinkin
armeijan tarvehankinnan alalla. Henkilömuutos oli ainoa
mahdollinen. Siitä johtuva levottomuus oli vähempänä pahana
otettava kaupassa lukuun.

Ylimmän armeijanjohdon esityksestä vapautettiin joskus

ylipäälliköitä ja esikunnanpäälliköitä, kun oli torjuttava johtoa ja
joukkoja uhkaava vahinko; joustavuuden luonnollinen herpoaminen
siellä ja täällä oli sodan pituuden vuoksi hyvin selitettävissä.
Tyydytykseksemme olivat nämä kuitenkin aivan yksityisiä tapauksia.
Tehtävä oli vaikea; ilman loukkausta, ehkä ilman
epäoikeudenmukaisuuttakaan, tämä ei tahdo käydä päinsä kaikesta
tunnollisuudesta huolimatta. Vastaväitteille soin sijaa, mikäli
mahdollista, mutta jos asia sen kautta kärsi haittaa, täytyi minun
moittia itseäni kenenkään voimatta minua näistä moitteista päästää.

Vuoden 1918 elokuun 8 p:n voimallisten vaikutusten johdosta

tarjosin kenraalisotamarsalkalle paikkani täytettäväksi. Kieltämättä
olivat minuakin sodan loppupuolen raskaat pettymykset rasittaneet,
mutta pidin kuitenkin hermoni kurissa.
LIÈGE.

I.

Tämän linnoituksen valloittaminen on sotilaselämäni rakkain muisto.

Se oli reipas yritys, jossa saatoin taistella kuin tavallinen rivisotamies,
joka tappelussa osoittaa kuntonsa.

Sodan syttyessä olin brigaadin komentajana Strassburgissa. Kauan

olin ollut yleisesikunnassa, ja viimeksi, v:n 1904 maaliskuusta v:n
1913 tammikuuhun vain yhtä lyhyttä keskeytystä lukuunottamatta
rintamaansijoitusosastolla, jonka päällikkö minusta sitten tuli. Sain
käsityksen sotavalmistuksistamme ja eri puolien voimasuhteista.
Minun päätyöni oli rintamaansijoitus. Ohjeet sitä varten antoi
yleisesikunnan päällikkö itse.

Rintamaansijoitus, joka tapahtui elokuussa 1914, oli

suunnittelultaan kenraali, kreivi v. Schlieffenin keksintöä, miehen,
joka oli suurimpia sotilaita, mitä on koskaan elänyt. Hän oli
suunnitellut sen sen tapauksen varalta, ettei Ranska kunnioittaisi
Belgian puolueettomuutta, taikka että Belgia liittyisi Ranskaan. Tällä
edellytyksellä oli Saksan päävoimain marssi Belgiaan itsestään selvä.
Jokainen muu sotaliike olisi lamautunut sen kautta, että Saksan
armeijan oikea siipi olisi ollut Belgian puolelta ainaisen uhan alaisena
ja nopea ratkaisu Ranskaa vastaan olisi ollut mahdoton. Mutta nopea
ratkaisu oli välttämätön, jos mieli ajoissa torjua se suuri vaara, että
venäläiset pääsisivät tunkeutumaan Saksan sydämeen saakka.
Hyökkäys Venäjän kimppuun ja puolustautuminen lännessä merkitsi
oletetussa sota-asemassa, kuten lukemattomat sotaleikit olivat
vakuuttavasti osoittaneet, jo etukäteen pitkää sotaa, jonka vuoksi
kreivi v. Schlieffen sen hylkäsi. Kreivi v. Schlieffenin ajatukset
toteutettiin, kun Belgian ja Ranskan kannasta ei enää ollut epäilystä.

Ryhtyikö kenraali v. Moltke valtiokansleri v. Bethmannin kanssa

keskusteluihin marssista Belgian läpi, sitä en tiedä. Minun
osastostani ei ole tämmöistä ajatuksenvaihtoa tapahtunut. Se ei
kuulunut sen tehtäviin. Saiko ylimajoitusmestari sen toimekseen,
siitä ei minulla myöskään ole tietoa. Olimme kaikki vakuutetut, että
tämä joukkojensijoitus oli oikea. Belgian puolueettomuuteen ei
uskonut kukaan. Epäedullisessa sotapoliittisessa asemassamme,
keskellä Eurooppaa vihollisten ympäröiminä, täytyi meidän ottaa
lukuun se, että vihollisella oli suuri ylivoima, ja varustautua, ellemme
vapaaehtoisesti aikoneet antaa nujertaa itseämme. Tunnettua oli,
kuinka Venäjä puuhasi sotaa ja uupumatta vahvisti armeijaansa. Se
tahtoi ratkaisevasti heikontaa Itävalta-Unkarin ja päästä Balkanin
herraksi. Ranskassa virkosi kostoajatus uuteen voimaan, Saksan
vanhain valtakunnanmaitten piti jälleen muuttua ranskalaisiksi. Useat
Ranskan tapaukset, kolmivuotisen sotapalveluksen käytäntöönotto
uudelleen, osoittivat epäämättömästi, mitkä aikeet siellä olivat
vallalla. Englanti katsoi karsain silmin taloudellista kukoistustamme,
halpaa työtämme ja rautaista ahkeruuttamme. Saksa oli lisäksi
Euroopan lujin mannermaamahti. Sillä oli sitä paitsi hyvä, yhä
yhtämittaa kehittyvä laivasto. Tämä sai Englannin pelkäämään
maailmanvaltansa puolesta. Anglosaksilainen tunsi, että hänen
herraselämänsä tavat olivat vaarassa. Englannin hallitus kokosi
merivoimansa, joiden painopiste vielä hiljakkoin oli Välimeressä,
Pohjanmereen ja Kanaaliin. Lloyd Georgen uhkaava puhe heinäkuun
21 p:nä 1911 loi räikeän valon Englannin aikeisiin, jotka se muutoin
niin taitavasti peitti. Täytyi yhä kasvavalla varmuudella ottaa lukuun,
että meidät pian pakotettaisiin sotaan ja että siitä tulisi taistelu,
jonka vertoja maailma ei vielä ollut kokenut. Otaksuttavien
vastustajain voimain arvaaminen liian pieneksi, jota kuuli Saksan
sivilipiireissä, oli vaarallista.

Vielä viimeisellä hetkellä, syksyllä 1912, kun kaikki epäilykset

vihollisaikeihin nähden olivat kadonneet ja armeijassa tehtiin työtä
kaikella voimalla ja rautaisella ahkeruudella ja saksalaisella
velvollisuudentunnolla, minä laadin armeijan vahvistukseksi suuren
suunnitelman, joka oli asiaa-ymmärtäväin kansanpiirien ja
selvänäköisten parlamentaaristen puolueiden toivomusten mukainen.
Sain kenraali v. Moltken esittämään sen valtiokanslerille. Tämä
mahtoi niinikään pitää tilannetta ylenmäärin vakavana, koska hän
paikalla hyväksyi esityksen. Hän antoi sotaministerin laatia
senmukaisen lakiehdotuksen noudattamatta kuitenkaan edes nyt
selvää ja päämäärästä tietoista politiikkaa, joka olisi oikein arvioinut
kansain psyyken. Tämän johtopäätöksen olisi pitänyt olla hänelle
selvä. Miljardi-lakiehdotuksella ei koko sen alkuhistoriakaan
huomioon otettuna ollut mitään hyökkäysluonnetta, se vain tasoitti
pahimman epäsuhteen ja tarkoitti yleisen asevelvollisuuden
perusteellista toteuttamista. Yhä vielä oli tuhansia asevelvollisia,
jotka eivät palvelleet isänmaata. Ei pyydetty ainoastaan
ihmisvoimaa, vaan etenkin linnoitustemme vahvistamista ja
sotatarpeita. Kaikki myönnettiin; mutta harrasta pyyntöäni, että
perustettaisiin kolme uutta armeijaosastoa, ei otettu huomioon. Ei
edes tehty semmoista esitystä. Tämä on kantanut huonoja hedelmiä.
Armeijaosastot puuttuivat sodan alussa ja ne uudet joukot, jotka
meidän täytyi syksyllä 1914 muodostaa, olivat kaikin puolin
puutteelliset, kuten hätävara ainakin. Myöhemmin uudet
muodostukset jo alun pitäen tehtiin voimakkaammiksi, mutta siksi ne
samalla heikonsivat entisiä joukkoja, joiden täytyi niille luovuttaa
paljon voimia. Ennenkuin koko lakiehdotus vielä oli edes loppuun
käsitelty, siirrettiin minut Düsseldorfiin 39:nnen fysilieri-rykmentin
komentajaksi. Kolmen armeijaosaston vaatimuksellani oli tässä
osansa.

II.

Rintamapalvelus on elävää työtä. Vilkas seurustelu ja alituinen

välitön yhteistyö niiden ihmisten kanssa, jotka oli huostaani uskottu,
ja heidän hyväkseen, upseerien, aliupseerien ja sotamiesten opetus,
nuorukaisen sotilaallinen kasvatus mieheksi viehättivät minua nyt
suuresti pitkällisen virastotyön jälkeen. Kolmetoista vuotta olin ollut
erilläni rintamapalveluksesta. Nyt olivat rekryyttien tarkastukset
rykmentissä ensimmäinen virkatehtäväni. Seitsemän kertaa oli
minulla nuorena upseerina viime vuosisadan kahdeksankymmen-
luvulla ollut rekryyttejä, jalkaväenrykmentissä n:o 57 vanhassa
Weselissä ja meri-jalkaväessä Wilhemshavenissa ja Kielissä.
Myöhemmin palvelin jonkun viikon henkikrenatööri-rykmentissä n:o
8 Oderin Frankfurtissa ja olin vuodesta 1898 vuoteen 1900
komppanian päällikkönä Thornissa, jalkaväenrykmentissä n:o 61; se
oli minulle unohtumaton aika. Düsseldorfissa minulle nyt tuotti iloa
se, mitä noilta ajoilta vielä oli mieleeni jäänyt.

Korkeasta edesvastuusta, joka minulla rykmentin komentajana oli,

olin sitä enemmän tietoinen, kun näin tulevan sodan suurin askelin
lähestyvän. Useissa puheissa huomautin upseerikunnalleni ajan
suunnatonta vakavuutta. Armeijaa pidin Saksan turvallisuuden ja
tulevaisuuden perustuksena ja myös sisällisen rauhan suojana. Että
armeijaa täytyisi tähänkin suuntaan käyttää, siitä ei — Jumalan kiitos
— v. 1913 näkynyt vielä pienintäkään merkkiä.

Mieskuri, jonka alainen oli upseeri samoin kuin sotamieskin, oli

minulle se kulmakivi, jolle yksin oli mahdollinen rakentaa armeijan
sodan vaatimusten mukainen opetus. Se oli mahdollinen saavuttaa
vain pitemmällä palvelusajalla. Vain se, mikä on mennyt kurissa
karaistun miehen lihaan ja vereen, pysyy siellä vuosikausia ja kestää
vielä taistelunkin hajoittavat elämykset ja pitkän sodan syvät
sielulliset vaikutukset. Hyvän rauhanaikaisen harjoituksemme tuli
korvata se miesluvun vähemmyys, joka meidän jokaisessa tulevassa
sodassa tuli huomioon ottaa.

Kurin vahvistamassa joukossa tuli minun kasvattaa itsetoimivia ja

vastuunalaisuutta pelkäämättömiä sotamiehiä. Kurin ei pidä
luonnetta tappaa, vaan vahvistaa sitä. Sen tulee saada kaikki
luopumaan omaa itseään ajattelemasta ja tasaisesti
työskentelemään vain yhden päämäärän eteen. Tämä päämäärä on
voitto. Mitä mieheltä taistelussa vaaditaan, sitä on mahdoton sanoin
lausua. Syöksyminen eteenpäin vihollisen tuleen on suuri urotyö. Se
ei vielä likimainkaan ole vaikeinta. Mikä vastuuvalmius, mikä
suunnaton päätösvoima tarvitaankaan, kun tulee johtaa — taikka
lähettää — muita kuolemaan! Ne ovat sanomattoman vaikeita
toimia, joita ei kukaan voi arvostella, joka ei itse ole ollut niitä
suorittamassa.

Samalla kuin pidin huolta sotamiehistä ja aliupseerien

edistyksestä, myös heidän myöhempää ammattiaan silmällä pitäen,
oli minulle upseerikunnan edelleen kehittäminen ja varsinkin nuoren
upseerin kasvatus erikoisen tärkeä tehtävä. Rauhanaikainen
upseerikunta on pysyväinen, kun taas virkavapaitten luokkaan
kuuluvat upseerit, aliupseerit ja miehistö vaihtelevat. Siten siitä tulee
armeijan hengen tuki, sen tulee tuntea sen mainetyöt ja isänmaan
historia, samoin kuin jokaisen johtavassa asemassa olevan miehen
tulee olla tähän historiaan perehtynyt. Ei mitään ole mahdollista
reväistä pois sen historiallisesta yhteydestä suurta haittaa aikaan
saamatta. Upseerista aliupseerien tukemina tulee vaaran hetkellä
valtiojärjestyksen suojelija, sitä ei kenenkään pidä unohtaa. Tähän
etupäässä perustui upseerikunnan eristäytyminen ja upseerien
pysyminen etäällä valtiollisesta elämästä, mikä oli sen kanssa
läheisessä yhteydessä.

Koetin tutustuttaa upseerejani uudenaikaisen sodan olemukseen.

Pyrkimykseni oli vahvistaa heidän itsetietoisuuttaan, joka on tarpeen
heidän vaikean tehtävänsä täyttämiseksi, mutta joka ei saa esiintyä
ylimielisyytenä.

Suurella innolla antauduin rykmenttini kehittämiseen ja minulla oli

se tyydytys, että se on vihollista vastassa kuntonsa osoittanut.
Minulle tuotti syvää iloa, että minut sodan kuluessa asetettiin siihen
à la suite ja myöhemmin nimitettiin sen päälliköksikin. Erotessani
rykmentti sai nimensä minun mukaani. Fysilierirykmentti kenraali
Ludendorff on ylpeyteni.

Huhtikuussa 1914 siirrettiin minut Strassburgiin, jossa kenraali v.

Deimling johti vilkasta sotilaallista elämää. Brigaadinkomentajan
asema oli tuiki toinen kuin rykmentinkomentajan asema
Düsseldorfissa. Puuttui välitön yhdessäolo sotaväen ja
upseerikunnan kanssa. Työni kuului kokonaan opetusalalle. Minulla
oli vielä ilo ennen sodan puhkeamista esitellä brigaadini esimiehilleni
Bitschin harjoituskentällä.

Tuli kysymykseen minun uudelleen käyttämiseni

ylimajoitusmestarina suuressa yleisesikunnassa. Minulle annettiin
yleisesikuntatöitä. Toukokuussa tein suuren yleisesikuntamatkan,
joka alkoi Breisgaun Freiburgissa ja päättyi Kölniin. Hänen
Keisarillinen Korkeutensa Kruununprinssi otti siihen osaa. Vakaasti ja
innokkaasti hän antautui tehtäviinsä ja osoitti samalla hyvää
sotilaallista älyä ja suurien tilanteiden käsitystä. Elokuussa minun piti
johtaa niin sanottua "jauhomatkaa", jolla armeijan muonitusta
harkittiin strateegiselta kannalta.

Itävalta-Unkarin nootti Serbialle heinäkuun lopulla säikäytti

Strassburgissa minuakin. Sen vakavuuden täytyi olla jokaiselle selvä.
Pian kävi sota varmaksi. Diplomatia asetti Saksan armeijan
ratkaistavaksi sanomattoman vaikean tehtävän. Suurella jännityksellä
käänsin katseeni Berliiniin ja tunsin nyt, että seisoin syrjässä kaikista
suurista tapauksista.

III.

Elok. 1 p:nä annettiin käsky panna armeija liikekannalle. Vaimoni

matkusti heti Berliiniin, kaikkien upseeri- ja virkamiesperheitten kun
täytyi lähteä Strassburgista. Emme ole neljänä sotavuotena voineet
laittaa itsellemme omaa kotia. Sangen harvoin, kuin ohimennen vain,
saatoin tavata vaimoani. Perheeni on saanut kärsiä tämän valtavan
ajan, palvelus kun pysyvästi kiinnitti minut.

Elok. 2 p:nä matkustin varhain hevosineni Kölnin kautta Aacheniin,

jonne illalla saavuin. Liikekannallepanomääräykseni mukaan tuli
minusta 2:sen armeijan ylimajoitusmestari; ylipäällikkö oli kenraali v.
Bülow, esikunnanpäällikkö kenraali v. Lauenstein.

Menin ensinnäkin kenraali v. Emmichin luo, jonka tehtävä oli

muutamilla nopeaan liikkeelle lähteneillä seka-jalkabrigaadeilla
yllättämällä vallata Liègen linnoitus. Näissä joukoissa ei vielä ollut
täyttä sotalukua. Armeijalle oli täten avattava tie Belgiaan.
Aachenissa asuin Hotel Unionissa.

Elok. 3:ntena saapui kenraali v. Emmich. Näin hänet ensi kerran.

Syvä kunnioitus yhdisti minut siitä pitäen tähän etevään sotilaaseen
hänen kuolemaansa saakka. Hänen esikuntapäällikkönsä oli eversti
kreivi v. Lambsdorff, oiva upseeri, joka sekä Liègen luona ett
myöhemminkin kunnostautui erinomaisesti.

Elok. 4:ntenä varhain marssittiin Belgian rajan poikki, samalla kuin

Berliinissä valtiopäivät isänmaallisella mielenosoituksella antoivat
hallitukselle kannatuksensa ja läsnäolevat puoluejohtajat
valtaistuinpuheen lukemisen jälkeen juhlallisesti kädenlyönnillä
lupasivat keisarille ehdotonta uskollisuutta myötä- ja
vastoinkäymisessä. Samana päivänä olin Visessä, aivan Hollannin
rajan läheisyydessä, ensimmäisen kerran taistelussa. Oli aivan
ilmeistä, että Belgia jo kauan oli varustautunut tulomme varalta. Tiet
oli niin suunnitelmallisesti hävitetty ja suljettu, että se oli ollut
mahdollista vain pitkällisen työn kautta. Belgian lounaisrajalla emme
huomanneet nimeksikään tämmöisiä sulkuja. Miksi ei Belgia Ranskaa
vastaan ryhtynyt samanlaisiin varokeinoihin?

Erikoinen merkitys oli sillä, vieläkö tapaisimme Visen sillat ehjinä.

Lähdin v. der Marwitzin ratsuväki-osaston luo, joka oli sinne
määrätty. Se pääsi vain verkalleen etenemään, toinen murroseste
toisensa jälkeen kun sulki tien. Minun pyynnöstäni lähetettiin
pyöräilijäkomppania eteenpäin. Pian sen jälkeen tuli muuan pyöräilijä
takaisin: komppania muka oli ajanut Visehen saakka ja kokonaan
tuhottu. Lähdin sinne kahden miehen keralla ja tapasin ilokseni
komppanian terveenä, johtaja vain oli juuri saanut pahan haavan
Maasin toiselta rannalta ammutusta luodista. Tämän pienen
tapauksen muisto on minulle myöhemmin ollut hyödyksi. Kävin
tunnottomammaksi tataari- eli etappihuhuja kohtaan, joksi niitä
myöhemmin sanottiin.

Visen kauniit suuret Maasin yli vievät sillat oli hävitetty: Belgia oli
valmistautunut sotaan.

Illalla olin Hervessä, ensimmäisessä majassani vihollismaassa.

Olimme yötä eräässä ravintolassa asemaa vastapäätä. Kaikki oli
koskematta. Kävimme rauhallisesti maata. Yöllä heräsin vilkkaaseen
ammuntaan, joka kohdistui meidänkin taloamme vastaan. Belgiassa
oli sissisota alkanut. Se virisi seuraavana päivänä kaikkialla ja edisti
siten ratkaisevasti katkeruutta, joka oli tälle sodalle ensimmäisinä
vuosina luonteenomaista läntisellä rintamalla, muodostaen
vastakohdan itärintaman mielialalle. Belgian hallitus otti niskoilleen
raskaan edesvastuun. Se järjesti suunnitelmallisesti kansansodan.
Garde civique, jolla rauhan aikana oli aseensa ja univormunsa,
saattoi esiintyä milloin toisessa, milloin toisessa puvussa.
Belgialaisella sotamiehelläkin varmaan sodan alussa oli yhä
sivilipukukin repussaan. Liègen koillisrintamalla näin Barchonin linnan
luona ampumahaudoissa univormuja, jotka siellä taistelevat
sotamiehet olivat jälkeensä jättäneet.

Moinen sodankäynti ei ollut sotatapain mukaista. Sotaväkeämme

ei voi moittia siitä, että se mitä ankarimmin esiintyi sitä vastaan.
Syyttömätkin ovat voineet joutua kärsimään muitten mukana, mutta
nuo "Belgian hirmut" ovat vain erinomaisen viekas ja kaikella
oveluudella keksitty ja levitetty taru. Ne ovat yksinomaan pantavat
Belian hallituksen syyksi. Minä itse olin sotaan lähtiessäni kuvitellut
ritarillista ja inhimillistä sodankäyntiä. Tämä sissisota ei voinut olla
inhottamatta jokaista sotilasta. Sotilaallinen tunteeni oli kärsinyt
pahan pettymyksen.

IV.

Tehtävä, joka edeltä lähetetyn brigaadin piti Liègen luona ratkaista,

oli vaikea. Ennen kuulumattoman rohkea teko olikin tunkeutua
uudenaikaisen linnoituksen linnakelinjan läpi sen sisustaan.
Sotajoukot olivat painostuneella mielellä. Keskusteluista upseerien
kanssa älysin, että luottamus yrityksen onnistumiseen oli hyvin pieni.

Yöllä elokuun 6:tta päivää vastaan alkoi marssi varustuslinjan läpi

Liègeen. Yleisesikunnan erikoiskertomuksessa, joka on laadittu
Stallingin luona Oldenburgissa, on koko toiminta esitetty. Minun
aikomukseni ei ole sitä toistaa, tahdon vain kuvata omat
kokemukseni.

Puoliyön aikaan 6:tta päivää vastaan kenraali v. Emmich lähti

Hervestä. Ratsastimme lännen — kenraalimajuri v. Wussowin —
jalkaväenbrigaadin kokoontumispaikalle Micheroux'hun, joka on
parin kolmen kilometrin päässä Fléron-linnakkeesta. Tielle, jonka
linnoitus saattoi välittömästi pyyhkäistä, kokoontuivat yön
synkimmässä pimeydessä joukot sangen epäsotamaiseen tapaan
kenttäkeittiöineen, joihin ne vielä olivat koko vähän tottuneet, mutta
jotka kaikille tuottivat mitä suurinta siunausta. Tähän joukkoon
ammuttiin muutamia laukauksia tien eteläpuolella olevasta talosta.
Syntyi taisteluita. Mutta linnake vaikeni, se oli Jumalan ihme. Kello 1
aikaan alkoi eteneminen. Kuljimme Fléron-linnakkeen ohi
pohjoispuolitse Retinnen kautta linnakelinjan taa ja sitten kaupungin
reunalla oleville Chartreusen kukkuloille. Sinne meidän piti päästä
varhain aamupäivällä; muitten brigaadien, joiden piti murtautua
linnakelinjan läpi toisesta kohdasta, tuli samaan aikaan saapua
kaupunkiin.

Kenraali v. Emmichin esikunta oli jotenkin marssikolonnan

loppupäässä. Äkkiä pitempiaikainen seisahdus. Tunkeuduin takaa
marssikolonnan läpi etupäähän. Seisahduttu oli ilman mitään syytä;
päinvastoin oli se käsitys asemasta, joka oli sen aikaan saanut,
sangen valitettava. Minä itse oikeastaan olin vain
"Schlachtenbummler", minulla ei ollut mitään päällikkövaltaa, minun
kun vain piti myöhemmin saapuvalle armeijan ylikomennolleni antaa
tieto Liègen tapauksista ynnä saattaa kenraali v. Emmichin
toimenpiteet sopusointuun kenraali v. Bülowin odotettavain
määräysten kanssa. Minä luonnollisestikin toimitin kolonnan liikkeelle
ja jäin sen etupäähän. Eteenpäin oli yhteys sillä välin katkennut.
Täydessä pimeydessä, vaivalla tietämme kulkien, saavuimme
Retinneen. Yhä vielä olimme vailla yhteyttä eteenpäin. Etujoukon
kanssa astuin eräästä kylästä ulos väärää tietä. Vastaamme sinkosi
luoteja. Oikealla ja vasemmalla kaatui miehiä. Luotien kuuluvaa
iskua niiden ihmisruumiiseen sattuessa en unohda milloinkaan.
Juoksimme muutamia hyökkäyksiä näkymätöntä vihollista vastaan,
jonka tuli kiihtyi. Pimeässä ei ollut helppo löytää. Mutta siitä ei voinut
olla epäilystä, että olimme kulkeneet harhaan. Meidän täytyi
peräytyä tulesta, se oli kiusallista. Miehet eivät voineet muuta luulla,
kuin että minä pelkäsin. Ei auttanut, korkeammat tarkoitukset olivat
vaarassa. Ryömin takaisin ja käskin miehiä tulemaan perässä kylän
laitaan saakka.
 Retinnessä pääsin oikealle tielle. Täällä näin kenraali v. Wussowin
hevospojan kenraalin hevosten kera. Hän arveli, että kenraali oli
kaatunut. Pienen saattojoukon keralla lähdin oikealle tielle, Queue du
Bois'han johtavalle viertotielle. Äkkiä edessäni tulta. Kartessilaukaus
sähähti pitkin tietä, meihin ei osunut. Muutaman askeleen
astuttuamme näimme kasan kuolleita ja haavoitettuja saksalaisia
sotamiehiä. Siinä oli kenraali v. Wussowin johtama kärkijoukko;
varhaisemmin ammuttu kartessilaukaus näytti siihen sattuneen.
Kokosin 4:nnen jääkäripataljoonan ja 27:nnen jalkarykmentin
miehet, sitä myöten kuin niitä saapui, ja päätin ottaa brigaadin
johdon käsiini. Ensinnäkin oli saatava pois tykit, jotka ampuivat
katua. Kapteenit v. Harbou ja Brinckmann, molemmat
yleisesikunnasta, tunkeutuivat muutaman urhoollisen miehen kanssa
pensasaitain ja maatalojen kautta tien kahden puolen tykkien luo.
Niiden lukuisa miehistö antautui. Tie eteenpäin oli vapaa.

Marssimme eteenpäin ja jouduimme pian sen jälkeen Queue de

Bois'ssa vaikeaan kylätaisteluun. Vähitellen valkeni päivä. Molemmat
yleisesikunta-kapteenit, 4:nnen jääkäripataljoonan komentaja majuri
v. Marcard, 4:nnen kenttärykmentin II:sen osaston komentaja majuri
v. Greiff ja hänen oivallinen ajutanttinsa yliluutnantti Neide ja minä
kuljimme muutamien sotamiesten keralla eteenpäin. Joukkomme
kärkeen tuotiin yksi kenttähaupitsi ja myöhemmin toinenkin. Ne
puhdistivat kadut ja ampuivat taloihin oikealle ja vasemmalle. Siten
pääsimme verkalleen eteenpäin. Minun täytyi tiheään kehoitella
miehiä, jotka vain epäröiden etenivät, etteivät antaisi minun lähteä
yksin. Kylä oli vihdoinkin takanamme. Väestö sivumennen sanoen oli
paennut. Täällä taisteltiin Belgian säännöllistä armeijaa vastaan.

Kylästä ulos marssiessamme huomasimme Maasin puolella Liègeen

päin marssivan kolonnan. Minä toivoin, että se olisi 27:s
jalkaväenbrigaadi. Mutta ne olivatkin belgialaisia, jotka suin päin
peräytyivät Maasin poikki, sen sijaan että olisivat kimppuumme
käyneet. Kauan kesti, ennenkuin asemasta oltiin selvillä. Minun
luonani olevat voimat sillä välin vahvistuivat sitä myöten kuin jäljelle
jääneitä sotamiehiä saapui. Linnoituslinjan murto oli onnistunut.
165:s jalkaväen-rykmentti etevän komentajansa, silloisen eversti v.
Ovenin johtamana lähestyi suljetussa järjestyksessä. Kenraali v.
Emmich saapui. Marssia jatkettiin Chartreuseä kohti.

Kenraali v. Emmich antoi käytettäväkseni vielä osia kauemmaksi

etelään määrätystä 11:nestä jalkaväenbrigaadista, otaksuen senkin
murtautuneen läpi. Marssia jatkettaessa ei tapahtunut mitään
erikoista. Liègen pohjoisrintaman varustusten näkyvissä nousimme
Maasin laaksosta Chartreusen itäpuolisille kukkuloille. Brigaadin
sinne saapuessa kello oli kahden vaiheilla. Tykit suunnattiin
kaupunkia vastaan. Silloin tällöin ammuttiin laukaus, osaksi merkiksi
toisille brigaadeille, osaksi komentajan ja kaupungin taivuttamiseksi.
Minun täytyi tarkkaan säästää ampumatarpeita, ne olivat huvenneet
sangen vähiin. Joukkomme oli uupunut ja oli osaksi paljon kärsinyt
rasittavasta taistelusta. Upseerit olivat menettäneet hevosensa.
Kenttäkeittiöt olivat jääneet jäljelle. Annoin brigaadin levätä ja
hankin sille muonaa mitä saatiin, vaatimalla sitä ympärillä olevista
taloistakin.

Pian kenraali v. Emmich uudelleen saavutti brigaadin. Chartreusen

itäpuolella olevilta kukkuloilta näimme mainiosti koko kaupungin. Se
oli jalkaimme alla. Maasin toisella rannalla kohosi siitä kaupunkilinna,
sitadelli. Sinne nostettiin äkkiä valkoisia lippuja. Kenraali v. Emmich
aikoi lähettää sinne sovintoairuen. Minä ehdotin, että odotettaisiin
vihollisen airutta. Kenraali pysyi päätöksessään. Kapteeni v. Harbou
ratsasti kaupunkiin. K:lo 7 aikaan illalla hän palasi takaisin: valkoinen
lippu oli nostettu vastoin komentajan tahtoa. Liègeen emme voineet
marssia, oli jo liian myöhä. Vaikea yö odotti meitä.

Olin sillä välin antanut brigaadin majoittua. Asemamme oli

ylenmäärin vakava. Toisista brigaadeista ei tullut mitään tietoa, ei
edes 11:nnestä. Sananviejiä ei ollut saapunut ainoatakaan. Yhä
selvemmäksi kävi: brigaadi oli yksin linnoituspiirissä, ulkomaailmasta
eristettynä. Meidän täytyi ottaa lukuun, että vihollinen tekisi
vastahyökkäyksiä. Suurta hankaluutta tuotti tuhatkunta belgialaisia
sotavankeja. Kun huomattiin, että edessämme oleva Chartreuse,
vanha linnoitus, oli ilman puolustusväkeä, lähetin sinne yhden
komppanian näiden vankien keralla. Komppanianpäällikkö mahtoi
epäillä järkeäni.

Joukkomme hermostus lisääntyi, kun tuli pimeä. Kävin rintamat ja

kehoitin joukkoja pysymään levollisina ja jäykkinä. "Olemme
huomenna Liègessä"; nämä sanat heitä rohkaisivat.

Kenraali v. Emmich majoittui esikuntineen pieneen

talonpoikaistaloon.

En milloinkaan unohda yötä elokuun 7 päivää vastaan. Oli kylmä.

Tavarani olin jättänyt jälkeen, majuri v. Marcard antoi minulle
viittansa. Jännitettynä kuuntelin, kuuluiko missään taistelua. Toivoin
yhä, että ainakin joku brigaadi olisi murtautunut linnakelinjan läpi.
Kaikki oli hiljaa, aina puolen tunnin kuluttua ammuttiin vain
kaupunkia vastaan haupitsin laukaus. Jännitys oli sietämätön.
Kymmenen aikaan illalla annoin kapteeni Ottin jääkärikomppanialle
käskyn miehittää Liègessä Maasin sillan, jotta se olisi hallussamme
edetessämme ja edessäpäin brigaadille turvana. Kapteeni loi minuun
katseen — ja lähti. Taistelutta komppania saavutti päämääränsä.
Tietoja siitä emme enää saaneet.
 Tuli aamu. Menin kenraali v. Emmichin luo ja keskustelin hänen
kanssaan asemasta. Päätös marssia kaupunkiin pysyi lujana. Kenraali
vain pidätti itselleen oikeuden määrätä hetken, milloin se tapahtuisi.
Parantaessani brigaadin sijoitusta ja koettaessani saavuttaa
11:nnnen jalkaväenbrigaadin etenemistien, sain sitten hyvinkin pian
kenraali v. Emmichiltä käskyn marssia kaupunkiin. Eversti v. Oven
johti etujoukkoa. Loput brigaadista vankien keralla seurasi jonkun
matkan päässä, kenraali v. Emmich esikuntineen ja minä brigaadin
esikunnan keralla sen etupäässä. Meidän kaupunkiin marssiessamme
antautui paljon ympärillä seisovia belgialaisia sotamiehiä. Eversti v.
Ovenin piti miehittää sitadelli. Saamainsa tietojen johdosta hän ei
sitä kuitenkaan tehnyt, vaan jatkoi marssiaan kaupungin
luoteispuolelle Loncin linnaketta kohti asettuakseen tämän Liègeen
vievän tien vartijaksi. Otaksuen eversti v. Ovenin olevan sitadellissa
ajoin sinne ottamassani belgialaisessa voimavaunussa brigaadin
ajutantin keralla. Siellä ei perille tullessani ollut ainoatakaan
saksalaista sotamiestä. Sitadelli oli vielä vihollisen käsissä. Kolkutin
suljetulle ovelle. Se avattiin sisäpuolelta. Parisataa belgialaista
antautui minun vaatimuksestani. Brigaadi marssi nyt eteenpäin ja
miehitti sitadellin, jonka annoin paikalla panna puolustuskuntoon.

Tehtävä, jonka olin itse määrännyt itselleni, oli täten päättynyt.

Saatoin pyytää kenraali v. Emmichiä nyt vapauttamaan minut.
Aikomukseni oli lähteä linnoituksesta samaa tietä, jota olin tullutkin,
antaakseni armeijan-ylikomennolle tiedon siitä, mitä oli tapahtunut,
etsiäkseni muut brigaadit ja johtaakseni tykistön marssia linnakkeita
vastaan. Minun vielä ollessani sitadellissa saapui sinne muutama sata
saksalaista vankia, jotka nyt oli vapautettu. 34:nnen
jalkaväenbrigaadin alkupää oli murtautunut Maasin länsirannalle,
mutta sitten luopunut taistelusta. Läpimurtautuneet osat oli otettu
vangiksi. Sitten tuli 11:s ja myöhemmin 27:s jalkaväenbrigaadi, niin
että kenraali v. Emmichillä minun jättäessäni hänet kuitenkin oli
koossa jommoinenkin voima. Tosin oli saatu tietoja, että ranskalaiset
lähestyivät Namurista käsin. Asema siis pysyi epätoivoisen vakavana.
Sitä ei voitu pitää turvattuna, ennenkuin ainakin joitakuita
idänpuoleisia linnakkeita oli kukistunut.

V.

Jäähyväiseni kenraali v. Emmichistä oli liikuttava. Kello 7 lähdin

Aacheniin paluumatkalle, joka oli sangen omituinen. Yksi mies Garde
civiquesta tarjoutui viemään minut sinne. Hän valitsi voimavaunun,
jota minä en hyväksynyt. Se voimavaunu, jonka minä valitsin, teki jo
kaupunkilinnassa tenän. Minulla ei ollut muuta neuvoa kuin sokeasti
luottaa tähän belgialaiseen sotamieheen. Matka sujui mainiosti.
Ajoimme Herven kautta, kortteerini ja asematalo oli poltettu.
Saksalaisella alueella vaunun ohjaaja äkkiä pysähtyi ja ilmoitti, ettei
hän voinut jatkaa matkaa. Erilaisia liikeneuvoja hyväkseni käyttäen
saavuin sitten myöhään illalla belgialaisen sotamieheni keralla
Aacheniin. Siellä minua Hotel Unionissa tervehdittiin kuin kuolleista
noussutta. Siellä tapasin myös pääosan matkatavaroistamme ja
palvelijani Rudolf Petersin, joka kuusi pitkää vuotta oli pysynyt
minulle uskollisena. Hänen suurin toivonsa oli rautaristi; sitä hän ei
voinut saada, koska sen antaminen hänelle oli minun käsitysteni
kanssa ristiriidassa. Aachenissa hätäpikaa söin ja lähdin sitten yöllä
jälleen matkaan etsimään brigaadeja. Lähes 90 tuntiin en ollut
voinut riisuuntua. Kohtasin sattumalta vanhan rykmenttini, joka
kaikella kiireellä oli otettu junaan Liègen luona auttamaan. Berliinissä
oli ylin armeijanjohtokin ollut kohtalostamme kovin huolissaan.
 Linnoituksessa oli joukkojemme asema sangen jännitetty. Olin
huolissani niiden kohtalosta. Jännitys laukesi, vihollinen ei tehnyt
mitään.

Liègen tapauksien edelleen kehittyminen kuuluu sotahistoriaan.

En enää joutunut myötävaikuttamaan muuta kuin Fort de

Pontissen valloitukseen pohjoisrintamalla ja saavuin paikalle, kun
Fort Loncin kukistui. Yksi laukaus 42 sentin tykistämme oli siihen
sattunut. Ampumatarve-huoneet olivat räjähtäneet ilmaan ja koko
varustus luhistunut. Mustuneita, päästään aivan sekaantuneita
belgialaisia sotamiehiä kömpi esiin rauniokasasta, joukossa elokuun
6 päivän vastaisena yönä otettuja saksalaisia sotavankeja. Verta
vuotaen, kätensä korkealle kohottaen he tulivat vastaamme. "Ne pas
tuer, ne pas tuer" (ei saa tappaa, ei saa tappaa) he sammalsivat. Me
emme olleet hunneja. Sotamiehemme toivat vettä vihollista
virvoittaakseen.

Varustukset saimme toisen toisensa jälkeen siksi ajoissa käsiimme,

että
Saksan armeijan oikea sivusta ehkäisemättä saattoi kulkea Maasin
poikki
Belgiaan. Kivi putosi rinnaltani.

Olen pitänyt erityisenä kohtalon suosiona, että saatoin

myötävaikuttaa Liègen valloitukseen, etenkin kun olin rauhan aikana
myötävaikuttanut hyökkäyssuunnitelman laatimiseen ja olin elävästi
vakuutettu tehtävän tärkeydestä. Hänen Majesteettinsa antoi minulle
brigaadin johtamisesta ritarimerkin "Pour le mérite". Kenraali v.
Emmich luonnollisestikin sai sen ensimmäisenä. Hänhän oli
vastuunalainen johtaja. Liègenkään valloitus ei ollut yhden miehen,
vaan monen miehen teko, jotka keskenään voivat jakaa linnoituksen
valloituksen kunnian.

Marssiessamme etemmäksi Belgiaan olin sitten mukana

ylimajoitusmestarina. Minulla oli tilaisuus perinpohjin perehtyä
kaikkiin armeijan muonitusta koskeviin kysymyksiin, joihin
perehtymisestä minulla myöhemmin päällikön virassa oli suuri hyöty.
Kautta maan matkustaessamme tulin myös Andenneen ja näin siellä
sissisodan hävityksistä hirvittävän ja sydäntä särkevän kuvan.

Elok. 21:senä olin vielä Namurin länsipuolella mukana kaartin 2

divisionan kulkiessa Sambren yli. Taistelu kehittyi levollisesti. Oli
mieltä ylentävää nähdä Augusta-rykmentin kauniitten muhkeitten
miesten marssivan taisteluun.

Elok. 22:sen aamulla sain käskyn lähteä itään.

YLEISESIKUNNAN
PÄÄLLIKKÖNÄ IDÄSSÄ
Elokuun 22 päivästä 1914 elokuun 28 päivään 1916.
TANNENBERG.

I.

Kenraalien v. Moltken ja v. Steinin kirjeet, jotka kutsuivat minut

suureen päämajaan Coblenziin ja ilmoittivat, että minut oli määrätty
Itä-Preussiin 8:nnen armeijan esikunnanpäälliköksi, tapasivat minut
elok. 22:sena k:lo 9 aamupäivällä 2:sen armeijan päämajassa
Wavren ja Namurin puolivälissä. Kapteeni v. Rochow oli sen tuoja.

Kenraali v. Moltke kirjoitti:

"Teidän on ryhdyttävä uuteen tehtävään, joka ehkä on vielä

vaikeampi kuin Liègen valtaus… En tiedä ketään toista, johon niin
ehdottomasti luottaisin kuin teihin. Ehkä vielä idässä pelastatte
tilanteen. Älkää minulle suuttuko, kun kutsun teidät pois toimesta,
jossa ehkä sotatoimet teitä juuri odottivat, toimet, jotka ovat
ratkaisevia, jos Jumala niin tahtoo. Teidän täytyy isänmaalle kantaa
tämäkin uhri. Keisarikin katsoo teihin luottamuksella. Teitä ei
tietystikään voida tehdä vastuunalaiseksi siitä, mitä on tapahtunut,
mutta tarmollanne voitte vielä pahimman torjua. Noudattakaa siis
uutta kutsua, joka teille on kunniakkain, mitä sotilaan osaksi voi
tulla. Te ette saata häpeään osaksenne tullutta luottamusta."
 Kenraali v. Stein, silloinen kenraalimajoitusmestari ja myöhemmin
sotaministeri, lopetti kirjeensä seuraavin sanoin:

"Teidän siis täytyy lähteä. Tässä sitä vaatii valtion paras. Vaikea on
tehtävä, mutta te kyllä siitä suoriudutte."

Kapteeni v. Rochowilta sain vielä kuulla, että kenraali v.

Hindenburgista piti tulla ylipäällikkö, mutta ettei tiedetty, suostuiko
kenraali ottamaan ylipäällikkyyden vastaan.

Olin ylpeä uudesta tehtävästäni ja siitä luottamuksesta, joka

kirjeestä ilmeni. Mieltäni ylensi se ajatus, että saisin pahimmassa
pulassa ratkaisevalla tavalla palvella keisaria, armeijaa ja isänmaata.
Isänmaanrakkaus ja uskollisuus kuningasta kohtaan ynnä se selvä
taju, että jokaisen yksityisen velvollisuus on elää perheen ja
isänmaan hyväksi, ne olivat se perintöosa, jonka isänkodista sain
mukaani elämään. Vanhempani eivät olleet varakkaita, maallista
palkintoa heidän uskollinen työnsä ei saanut. Elimme sangen
säästäväisesti ja onnellisesti sopusointuista ja onnellista perhe-
elämää. Sekä isäni että äitini omistivat kaikki huolensa meille
kuudelle sisarukselle. Olkoot vanhempani tästä kaiken maailman
edessä kiitetyt.

Nuorena upseerina täytyi minun kaikilla voimillani ponnistaa

eteenpäin. Elämäniloni ei siitä kärsinyt. Suuren osan ajastani vietin
vaatimattomassa luutnantinasunnossani Weselissä,
Wilhelmshavenissa ja Kielissä ja luin historiaa, sotahistoriaa ja
maantieteellisiä kirjoituksia. Mitä lapsena olin vastaanottanut, se nyt
laajeni. Kävin ylpeäksi isänmaastani ja suurista miehistämme.
Hehkuen kunnioitin Bismarckin valtavaa ja intohimoista suuruutta.
Selvänä esiintyi minulle hallitsijahuoneemme vaikutus Preussin-
Saksan hyväksi. Uskollisuudesta, jonka olin vannonut, kehittyi syvä
sisällinen antautumuksen tunne. Saksa on ollut yhä ja alati Euroopan
taistelutantereena ja armeijan ja laivaston ratkaiseva merkitys
turvallisuudellemme kävi minulle sitä ilmeisemmäksi, kuta
kauemmaksi askel askelelta seurasin historiaa. Elämään tutustuen
samalla älysin isänmaan rauhallisten saavutusten suuruuden ja
merkityksen kulttuurille ja ihmiskunnalle.

Kun minut 1904 siirrettiin suuren yleisesikunnan

rintamaansijoitusosastolle, alkoi välitön työni armeijan hyväksi. Se
päättyi esiintymiseeni miljardi-lakiehdotuksen puolesta.

Kauan aikaa oli liikekanta-määräykseni: ylimmän armeijanjohdon

sotaliike-osaston päällikkö. Tämä tietysti lakkautettiin samalla kuin
sain Düsseldorfissa rykmenttini. Sen sai seuraajani suuressa
yleisesikunnassa. Liikekanta-määräys 2:sen armeijan
ylimajoitusmestariksi oli minulle Liègen vuoksi tärkeä, vaikk'ei
muutoin erikoisen miellyttävä.

Olin kenraali v. Moltken johdon aikana tehnyt hänen kanssaan

useita suuren yleisesikunnan matkoja ja päässyt luomaan suureen
sotaan syvällisen katseen. Uusi asemani tarjosi minulle tilaisuuden
näyttää, kykeninkö teoiksi muuttamaan yleisesikunnan suuren
oppimestarin, kenraali kreivi v. Schlieffenin ajatukset, vaikkapa vain
ahtaammallakin alalla. Enempää ei sotamiehelle voitu sodassa
tarjota. Syvästi valitin sitä, että sain tämän aseman isänmaalle niin
erinomaisen vakavassa tilanteessa.

Koko sisäinen olemukseni ja saksalainen tunteeni kannusti minua

työhön.

Neljännestunnin kuluttua istuin voimavaunussa ajaakseni

Coblenziin. Kuljin Wavren kautta. Edellisenä päivänä olin nähnyt sen
rauhallisena kaupunkina, nyt näin sen palavan. Sielläkin oli väestö
noussut taisteluun. Näin hyvästeli minut Belgia.

Kello 6 illalla olin Coblenzissa. Ilmoitin itseni heti kanaali v.

Moltkelle, joka minusta näytti väsyneeltä. Nyt sain tarkemmin kuulla,
millä kannalla asiat olivat idässä. 8:s armeija oli elokuun 20 p:nä
Gumbinnenin luona hyökännyt venäläisten Niemenin-armeijan
kimppuun, jota Rennenkampf johti. Vaikka hyökkäys alussa
menestyi, ei se kuitenkaan johtanut ratkaiseviin tuloksiin. Taistelu oli
täytynyt keskeyttää. Armeija oli siitä pitäen kaikkineen peräytynyt
Mauer-Seen ja Pregelin välillä Angerapin kautta länttä kohti ja
Pregelin pohjoispuolelle Deimen taa, joka oli Königsbergin
linnoituksen etumainen varustuslinja. I:n armeijaosaston piti
Insterburgin länsipuolisilta asemilta ajaa junalla Gosslershauseniin
armeijan-ylikomennon käytettäväksi ja 3:nnen reservidivisioonan
Angerburgista Allenstein-Hohensteiniin XX:n armeijaosaston
vahvistukseksi.

Järvilinja Nikolaiken-Lötzen, joka oli vain kevyesti varustettu, oli

meidän hallussamme. Sitä oli lähestynyt vain heikonlainen vihollinen.

XX:n armeijaosaston komentava kenraali, kenraali v. Scholtz, oli

ylijohtajana Itä-Preussin etelärajalla. Divisioonansa, johtoonsa
kuuluvan 70:nnen maanpuolustus-brigaadin, ynnä Thornin ja
Veikselin muitten linnoitusten sota-varusväkien osat hän oli koonnut
Gilgenburgin luo ja sen itäpuolelle, kaiken aikaa taistellen venäläisten
Narewin-armeijaa vastaan, jota Samsonow komensi. Tämä ahdisti
häntä ankarasti.

Oli otettava lukuun, että molemmat vihollisarmeijat etenisivät

järvisulun kahden puolen. Kenraali v. Moltke sanoi minulle, että 8:s
armeija aikoi luopua Veikselin itäpuolella olevasta maasta, linnoihin
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