History of India-V: Assignment

-Aishwarya Mukhopadhyay
St. Stephen’s College
__________________________________________________________________________________

Account for the emergence of Persian as a language of political and administrative control during the
reign of Akbar
.

Introduction
Persian has had a long history in the subcontinent and with time, according to Muzaffar Alam, it has
come to imbibe indigenous traits of the subcontinent, giving it a distinct Indo-Persian style 1. However,
with Akbar’s reign, there was a distinct increase in patronage and usage.
K. A. Nizami in his book, ‘On History and Historians of Medieval India’ argues that there was a
definite advance in historical literature and medieval historiography. It reflected diverse viewpoints,
like imperial, sectarian and feminine. It represented Persian language un various shades and forms,
both in poetry and verse. It inducted Muslim contribution to the cultural life and historical legacy.
New experiments were made in chronology- the death of the Prophet (rihlat) became the beginning of
the Islamic calendar. It attempted to collect data on the basis of large scale cooperation of different
individuals, including details of both the nobility and the commoners. There was the extension of the
scope of history by taking into account the different roles of mystics and poets. Statistical data became
part of history. There was a new intermingling of different traditions of history. Thus, history as a
discipline was reinvented and seen in new light in Akbar’s time, which was followed by the growth of
Persian.2
Origins
Before we delve into the Mughal times, it will be of some use to understand the position of Persian in
the pre-Mughal times. Persian was prevalent in parts of North India and Deccan, but its roots can be
traced to early Medieval times (around mid-10th century). In the third quarter of the 9th century, when
Sind was integrated into the Saffavid kingdom, Persian was still evolving in the Islamic East. With the
establishment of Ghaznavid power in Punjab, and due to the efforts of Sultan Mahmud and his wazir,
Punjab came to be a major centre for the growth of a high Persian literary culture. 3 Under Mahmud,
there began an institutional innovation, the post of malik al-shu’ara (poet laureate) which according
to Alam helped develop a certain kind of court patronage. From the 12th and 13th century, Persian
flourished eastwards to Delhi, and to Alam, it was a new political development with new soldiers and
adventurers from far regions like Qara Khita’i and Qupchaq coming to Delhi.4
The Delhi Sultanate saw generous patronage to scribes, writers, poets, and the period saw he first
major tazkirah (critical anthology of Persian poetry), Lubab al-Albab (The Essence of Wisdom)
compiled in Qabacha’s court by Sadid al-Din Muhammad Aufi. The invasion of Chinghiz Khan
brought about a wave of significant elite migration in India (including the ruling family members,
1
Alam, Muzaffar. “The Culture and Politics of Persian in Precolonial Hindustan”, Pp 131
2
Nizami, Khaliq Ahmad, “On History and Historians of Medieval India”, Pp 224
3
Alam, Muzaffar. “The Languages of Political Islam in India: c1200-1800”, Pp 116
4
Alam, Muzaffar. “The Culture and Politics of Persian in Precolonial Hindustan”, Pp 133
ulama, Sufi saints). They were given revenue grants and according to Alam, there was thus, a
penetration of Persian to small towns and rural centres, parts of cities and rural areas came to be
named after ethnic Persian groups.
There emerged a distinct Perso-Islamic style in India called Ajam literature. There were many styles
in which it was expressed: masnavis (narrated poems), ghazals (love lyrics), dastan (fables) and
malfuz (conversation or table talk). Persian literary culture went beyond the political elite, its reach
was best showcased in how Hindavi words and concepts were imbibed into it. Indigenous words like
pani, rana, tal were now part of Persian vocabulary, the poet Masud began identifying spring with
Indian rains (unique to India).5 Sermons (tazhur) were exchanged in public spaces, and there was a
cultural exchange between Persian settlers and indigenous communities. Sufi centres, particularly the
khanqahs, also played an important role in popularising Persian. There was thus a distinct Indo-
Persian diction developing as well, called Sabk-i Hind.
This period also saw the Persian translation of Indian texts like the Panchatantra, which according to
Alam showed the expanding territory of Persian and the gradual Indianisation (which according to
some meant the dilution of Persian purity). There were almost 66 dictionaries compiled, and a wide
proliferation of these lexicons show a greater dissemination of language and were primarily meant for
understanding of poetry (sukhanfahmi or appreciation of poetry).
Towards a New Identity for Persian
There was a new socio-political development in the late 14 th century, where linguistic diversity of
Persian became quite pronounced, it was essentially the language of the Iranian Plateau, and with
Timurid rule, there was a distinct Iranian political self-determination, which got consolidated with the
rule of the Safavids.6 This also came to dominate Uzbek identity. In fact, in the 16th century India,
regional sultanates in Bidar saw inscriptions in Persian and Marathi while in Golconda it was deemed
to be the language of the Sultan.7 Most Afghans did not speak Persian and Hindavi was the semi-
official language of the Sur Sultans.
Persian under the Mughals: Akbar’s Court
During the Mughals, there was an unprecedented interest to patronise Persian, and an extraordinary
achievement in poetry was accomplished. According to Alam, Persian came to symbolise the triumph
of Mughal rule in India. However, prior to the Mughals, Akbar in particular, the use of Persian was
not very popular- Babur wrote his memoirs in Persian and Turkish poetry was quite common in
Humayun’s court as well. However, Alam notes that Persian had established a strong place with the
elites of north India by this point. “However, subsequently, there seems to have been a setback to the
literature of the language here. There is hardly a notable Persian writer to be found in the fifteenth and
early sixteenth centuries”8. Alam gives three primary reasons for the growth of Persian.
Historically speaking, the Iranians had helped the Mughals from the beginning. They had helped
Babur in 1571 to fight off the Uzbeks. There were a large number of Iranians who had accompanied
Humayun on his way back from Iran and had helped him reconquer India. Many of them had helped
Akbar as well, especially during the rebellion of the Chagatai nobility.
The patronage of Persian promoted Akbar’s interest of promoting social, cultural and intellectual
contact with Iran. The number of Persian writers came to India to flee the Shah’s persecution. India
came to be a “place of refuge and abode of peace” (dar-al-aman), promising material comforts and
honoured positions. The policy of suhl-i kul (Universal Peace) also added to this idea. The aim of
5
Ibid. Pp 142
6
Alam, Muzaffar. “The Culture and Politics of Persian in Precolonial Hindustan”, Pp 154
7
Ibid., Pp 157
8
Alam, Muzaffar. “The Languages of Political Islam in India: c1200-1800”, Pp 123
Akbar according to Alam was to neutralise the awe the Persian Shah exercised over the Mughal
household.
Also, Mughal India was also the kind of place the Iranians felt they could flourish, and this drew both
the Mughals and the Iranians closer culturally and Persian attained its status. The first literary work
was the Persian translation of the Baburnama, by 'Abd aI-Rahim Khan, Khan-i Khanan, the son of
Bairam Khan, who had been a poet in Turkish. The new court histories began to be compiled in
Persian as well. Humayun-Nama by Gulbadan Begum was also written in Persian, though she herself
spoke Turkish. Tazkira-i-Humayun wa Akbar, Tazkirat al-Waqiat were sources for Abul Fazl’s
Akabr-Nama.
Akbar was not educated but he was always hungry for knowledge- books were read out to him, he
even had a large library and Alam cites that there are sources which say that he even composed
poetry.9 Akbar instituted a formal position of malik al-shu’ara and Persian grew to be the language of
the king, royal household and the high Muslim elite.
The Language of the Empire
Persian extended to far beyond a narrow circle of the emperor and princes and high nobles. Akbar was
the first Indo-Islamic king to make Persian the official language of all levels of administration.
Iranians at this time had proliferated in the administration, though they were not given any special
position. Interestingly, Hindu communities soon took to learning Persian and joined the
administration.
Akbar’s educational reform pertained in the first place to the learning of the Persian alphabet and
basic vocabulary. Children were no longer to spend much time on the alphabet, as had been the earlier
practice. After learning and practicing the shapes and names of the letters, they were required to
commit to memory some Persian couplets or moral phrases and thus, one can understand the growing
importance and stature given to Persian. Then they studied the prescribed curriculum, which included
ethics (akhlaq), arithmetic (hisab), notations peculiar to arithmetic (siyaq), agriculture (falahat),
measurement (masahat), geometry, astronomy, physiognomy, household economy (tadbir-i manzil),
the rules of government (siyasat-i mudun), medicine, logic, mathematics (riyazi) and physical and
metaphysical (tabia and ilahi) sciences10.
The departments of accountancy (siyaq), draftsman ship (insha), and the office of revenue minister
(diwan) were mostly filled by Hindu munshis. Harkaran Das Kambuh of Mullan is the first known
Hindu munshi whose writings were taken as models by later munshis.11 Chandra Bhan 'Brahman' and
Bhimsen were other influential members of this group. There were also a large number of other
Kayastha and Khatri munshis, including the well-known Madho Ram, Sujan Rai, Malikzadah, Bhupat
Rai, Khushhal Chand. Even their writing became part of the syllabus of madrassa. In fact, a letter
from Chandrabhan to his son Khwaja Tej Bhan became a standard source of instruction for all
munshis in training.
There was thus, an increasing appreciative audience among the middle order literati in big and small
towns and in villages and revenue officials. Interestingly, all official Mughal documents were in
Persian, Persian poetry was widely sold and read, and Alam concludes that Persian became the first
language of North india. Alam goes on to say that Persian also acquired a distinct kind of religious
sanctity especially among Muslims, seen in the writing of Jamal al-Din Inju who regarded both
Arabic and Persian to be the language of Islam.12

9
Alam, Muzaffar. “The Languages of Political Islam in India: c1200-1800”, Pp 126
10
Alam, Muzaffar. “The Culture and Politics of Persian in Precolonial Hindustan”, Pp 163
11
Alam, Muzaffar. “The Languages of Political Islam in India: c1200-1800”, Pp 129
12
Ibid., Pp 133
 Persian and Political Culture
Command over Persian became a matter of pride, it became an effective language to express cultural
accomplishment, and Mughal rule helped sustain this status. Persian grew to be a tool to forge links
with the court and the remote villages. The Mughals wanted to develop a political culture, arching
over different identities, adding to the idea of a composite state. Thus, Persian became “a vehicle to
communicate or sustain ideal”.
There were other languages as well, like Hindavi, Sanskrit, Braj and Prakrit, however, each had its
own problems. Hindavi had not evolved a uniform idiom in north India, while Sanskrit was not the
ordinary tongue of the people- mlecchas could not speak a deva-bani, Prakrit was known as the patal-
bani, while Braj was a more of a regional dialect for music and poetry.
Persian poetry had integrated many elements from pre-Islamic Persia, and it was an important vehicle
for liberalism in the empire, and therefore it is more accommodative of diversity. s. Akbar's historian
Abul Fazl is not content in his Akbar-Nama with a mere description of the heroic achievements of his
master; he concludes his account with what he calls the A'in (institutes) of Akbar.13 It included
surveys of people and revenues and caste. It describes social conditions and literary activities. Akbar
took special care to render Indian scriptures to Persian.
Persian helped build a class of heterogenous allies, a composite nobility. The king could blend Hindu
social practices and Rajput court rituals with Islam at the Mughal court. These practices ranged from
applying tika, and jharoka darshan, to the public worship of the sun by Akbar-and this entailing
prostration facing the east before a sacrificial fire and the recitation of the sun's names in Sanskrit. 14
Mughal Persian Poetry
Mughal Persian Poetry was marked by outspoken innovation and experimentation at this time. There
was much use of rhetoric, and Alam characterises Abul Fazl’s ostentatious style by calling it
“grandeur of thought, splendour of ideas”, while Faizi’s work is characterised by “sublimity and
emotional texture”.15
There was a major tenet in Mughal poetry, a certain freshness in the composition called tazah-gu’i,
and its most distinguishing feature was the humanism in it. It emerged in a period specific to its time
and while Mughal poets celebrated victories, they also gave expression to susceptibilities of the
vanquished. It narrated the suffering with the same intensity as their own afflictions.
The Iranian cultural strength and prestige dictated terms to Persian poets. While Indian Persian
matured, Iranian Persian always remained the reference point. There was also a concern for the
purification of Persian (talhi-i-Farsi). Akbar had asked Jamal al-Din Hussain Inju to prepare a
lexicon, to purge the language of non-Iranian words. Although during the Mughal period attempts
were made to make Indian Persian acquire an autonomous position, it always remained feeble.
Interaction with Indigenous Elements
Persian interacted with the Indian elements and Alam points out how we see the appropriated use of
Perso-Islamic expression like Bismillah were used in everyday dialogue. Previously, for Hindus,
education was restricted to twice borns, but now with Persian, it could be learnt by everybody.
However, Alam argues that Persian continued to be taken as a foreign language, and it grew to have
an “unequivocal Iranian identity”.16 Babur mentions many Hindustani words in his memoirs, while
Alam believes that Akbar too must have spoken good Hindavi himself. However, the rise of
13
Alam, Muzaffar. “The Languages of Political Islam in India: c1200-1800”, Pp 138
14
Ibid., Pp 139
15
Alam, Muzaffar. “The Culture and Politics of Persian in Precolonial Hindustan”, Pp 171
16
Alam, Muzaffar. “The Pursuit of Persian: Language in Mughal Politics”, Pp 343
languages like Hindavi can be seen primarily in the 17th century, with the rise of regional sultanates.
In Bijpaur Hindavi was used, while Bidar preferred both Persian and Marathi and Golconda used
Telegu, Dhakni and Persian. According to legend, when Akbar had conquered Gujarat, all the poets of
the local language had fled to the courts of the Deccan Sultans17. There is increasing evidence of the
use of Braj and Hindavi in the 18th century. In fact, this is also the period where we see the
“Persianisation of Hindavi”. By Persianising Hindavi, the Mughals intended to purify the language
and raise it to a level congruent with their culture and lifestyle.
The Scribes of the Court: The Munshi
The discussion on Persian sources is not complete without a discussion on the Munshis, or the scribes
in the court, for they were the agents through which these works were written. According to M. Alam
and S. Subramanyam, in their article, ‘Making of a Munshi’, Persian became the chief language of
power, and there developed elaborate models of etiquette with and statecraft around it. 18 However, the
rulers and nobles seldom drafted their own documents or letters relating to statecraft or otherwise, and
it was the munshis who would be the educated class of draftsmen. The primary requisite for becoming
a munshi was educational qualifications and there are several texts available like Nigarnama-i Munshi
(Munshi’s Letterbook), Insha-i-Harkaran which gives an insight to how exactly they were trained and
their role in the court politic.
As was mentioned earlier, there was a growing perception of knowledge being deemed as secular and
thus, the Persian literati came to include Hindus like the Khatris, Kayasthas and even Brahmans. After
Akbar declared Persian to be the official language, Alam and Subramanyam suggest that “Persian was
… on the ascendant” and had grown from being a court language to a part of the administration. This
period also saw the proliferation of Iranians, though they did not hold any particular position of
privilege. But the Hindus who joined the Iranians as clerks, scribes and secretaries were absorbed into
the system without question.
Akbar reformed the madrassa education, which was planned and executed by Mir Fath-Allah Shirazi.
Akbar’s enlightened policy and the introduction of secular themes in the syllabi at middle levels had
stimulated a wide interest in Persian studies. Hindus, Kayasthas and Khatris in particular joined
madrasahs in large numbers to acquire excellence in Persian language and literature, which now
promised a good career in the imperial service.19 As mentioned earlier, the Hindu munshis
contribution was recognised and many of their works went on to become prescribed texts of the
madrassa.
A letter written by Chandrabhan Munshi to his son, Khawaja Tej Bahadur prescribes that a munshi
must have knowledge of Persian, he must be well read in akhlaqi texts, which will teach them about
the nature and etiquette to be followed, a munshi must be skilled in draftsman ship, calligraphy, must
know different formats of letters, he must be well read in classical Persian- he must read philosophers
like Hafiz, Rumi, and quote poetry and older texts like Taimurnama, he must train himself to be
discreet and diplomatic, and hence his expertise in statecraft and political history is a must.
A munshi would often travel with his patron and record the events and it is through these records that
we get valuable information, like from the time of Aurangzeb (who had stopped the writing of
history) and Nek Rai’s bildungsroman are important examples. There was a steady increase in the
number of munshis in the Mughal court, as well as among the nobility and regional kingdoms. All the
documents of the Mughal empire, included at the village level were exchanged and issued in Persian
and so it was imperative for the munshi to have some knowledge of fiscal management and
accountancy, a point also mentioned in the Nigarnamah-’i Munshi, an important text on this issue.
17
Ibid., Pp 345
18
Alam, Muzaffar and Subramanyam, Sanjay. “Writing in the Medieval World: Studies in Political Culture”, Pp 311
19
Ibid., Pp 314
The Nigarnamah itself is made up of two sections (daftars), which follow an introduction largely
devoted to the subject of insha’ or draftsman ship and epistolography, and the work of prominent
munshis of the past. The second daftar then surveys examples of the work of other prominent
munshis, including royal orders, orders written on behalf of Prince Shah Alam, other letters, and
reports – and includes a particular section devoted to one prominent munshi, Uday Raj Rustamkhani. 20
Thus, the rise of the class of munshis become important as their works not only become important
sources of history, they also went on to establish “this Mughal political and literary tradition” 21 in the
17th century which did develop a unique style, distinct from its Iranian and Central Asian counterparts,
as will be discussed in the following section.
Insha writing
The Arabic word ‘insha’ means creation or construction and was used in the time to denote a prose,
composition, letter, document or state paper. Gradually it came to denote a distinct genre in Arabic
and Persian literature. The term ilm-i Insha is used to denote refined prose writing. According to Jurzi
Zaidan22, insha denotes the expression of inner feelings.
In Persian literature, there are two forms of insha (rasa’il)- tauqiat (consists of ahkam or orders and
misal or directive of rulers) and muhawarat (consists of maktubats or letters and mufawazat or letters
of correspondence). It can also be classified according to relations between addresser and addressee-
muraffaa (when addressee is superior in status), ruqa (when addressee is inferior in status) and
mursala (when they are both equal in status). Letters can also be manshurs, farmans and fathnamas.
There are different letters for different kinds of communications- ahd-nama (covenant), taziat-nama
(letter of condolence), tahiat-nama (congratulatory letters). The form of letter of a superior person
writing to an inferior person and vice-versa is also different. For example, a fathnama can only be sent
by a ruler proclaiming his victory.
There are elaborate rules of writing a letter- for example a manshur which I. A. Zilli describes needs
to have the following: a praise of God, encomium of the Prophet, cause for issue of manshur, praise of
person addressed to, gist of the order, exhorting that it be executed commendably and instructing the
diwan for following the same. The compiler keeps the original text of different royal documents, and
his own works, and hence a student of history has to use these sources judiciously to distinguish
between the two. There is also a need to understand the political context and background behind a
document like this. For example, the fathnama issued by Akbar in Chittor can easily be interpreted to
be communal in nature, whereas it is simply following a set prescribed pattern and could have also
been fabricated. Interestingly, the Mughals used different seals for different people and ranks- the
uzuk (round seal) was the most popular which was only given to the leading Queen, and it goes to
show the power exercised by the harem in power and politics
Under the Mughals there was a new strain of Insha writing especially because local officials were
encouraged to learn Persian, thus creating a considerable mass of Persian literati. The Mughals
brought with them the tradition of Persian prose and insha popular in Timurid regions. According to
Zilli, this tradition was also the contribution of the Mongol legacy. During this period different styles
of Insha writing flourished. A new strain was found in the Munsha’al-i Namakin called nasr-i mujana.
It was a midway styled reproduced by Satujan in his collection of Safavid documents. Also, Persian
prose acquired under the Timurids an increase in the use of Turkish words, seen in the Baburnama. 23
However, there were also authors who used an “unaffected style” like the author of Badao ul-Insha.
Even Humayun’s letters were direct in language.

20
Ibid., Pp 319
21
Ibid., Pp 338
22
Zilli, Ishtiyaq Ahmad. “Development of Insha Literature to the End of Akbar’s Reign”, Pp 76
23
Ibid., Pp 99
However, the most significant contribution was made by Abul Fazl who was the Mir-Munshi during
the rule of Akbar. The features of Insha on interacting with the composite elements in Akbar’s court
acquired a distinct character. When Abul Fazl wrote his letters or official documents he conveyed the
message and also included his philosophical musings using the text at an abstract level for reference. 24
He avoided oft-quoted passages and phrases and would often coin new terms and phrases. He often
used Sufi terminology, especially in Ain-i-Rahnamuni.
We find his letters in two compilations. The Ruqat-i-Abul Fazl is a collection of private letters from
Abul Fazl to Murad, Daniyal, Akbar, Salim etc and was compiled by his nephew Nur al-Din
Muhammad. The Insha-i-Abul Fazl or the Maqtubat-i-Allami contains the official dispatches of
written by Abul Fazl. It has two parts- the first part conatins letters of Akbar to Abdullah Khan Uzbeg
of Turan, Shah Abas of Persia, among others along with his nobles like Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khanan,
and the second part consists of Abul Fazl’s letters to Akbar, Daniyal, etc. this was compiled by Abd-
us-Samad, his son-in law.
Abul Fazl rejected many stylistic features of insha in the Akbarama and he condemned authors who
used ambiguous and ornate language. He excluded Arabic words and expressions and replaced them
with Turkish words and focussed on expression. For example, in writing letters in Akbar’s defence,
especially to Abdullah Khan Uzbeg, Abul Fazl does not offer any explanation for Akbar’s acts and
dismisses all objections alluding to God’s glorious design25. This also shows how the letters were used
to reinforce Abul Fazl’s idea of sovereignty. He was widely appreciated for his correctness of
language while many others criticised him for deviating.
The older brother of Abul Fazl, Faizi, who was also Akbar’s poet Laureate, also enriched the insha
style and often Faizi would advise Abul Fazl on the correctness of language. His collection was
compiled in 1625 and called Lataif-i-Faiyazi.26 There were others also like Hakim Abul Fath and Abul
Qasim, who also reinvented insha writing.
Munsha’at-i-Nammakin by Saiyid Abul Qasim Husaini is the largest surviving work of insha
collection and holds letters on various subjects including the religious, political and cultural aspects of
Akbar’s reign. It was compiled in the 44th regnal year of Akbar and was dedicated him. It highlights
the art of writing, provides guidelines for writing imperial farmans, letters, petitions, etc. several of
these writings did not belong to Hindustan are from the Timurid chancelleries of Central Asia.
The insha literature becomes a valuable source of writing for its diversity, the historical record of the
fathnamas, for showing the international ties, helping to construct early Timurid history and shows the
cooperation of the elite.
Akhlaqi texts
Akhlaqi texts are primarily normative texts, based in ethics and politics. It is rooted in the themes of
human nature, family, household and government. Akhlaqi texts like Akhlaq-i-Humayun provide state
officials a manual for everyday functioning. The origins of akhlaqi texts or texts based on ethics and
etiquette was not new, for example the Siyasatnama, but M. Alam traces the origins of akhlaqi texts
to the Akhlaqi-i-Nasiri by Nasir al-Din al-Tusi, and deals with ethics, domestic economy and politics.
These texts deeply influenced the Mughals, especially Babur and Akbar.
The general texts begin with a discussion on human disposition and the need for discipline. They are
usually interspersed with Quranic verses. It connects man (insan), his living (amr-i-ma’ash) and the
world (alam)27. They deal with the perfection of man and an admiration for divinity. They give
24
Ibid., Pp 102
25
Rizvi, Sayid A. A. “Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar's Reign: 1556-1605”, Pp 306
26
Ibid. Pp 327
27
Alam, Muzaffar. “The Languages of Political Islam in India: c1200-1800”, Pp 54
importance to justice (adl) and cooperation. It advises that a king should not be particular to any
group, should be neutral and not discriminate. Justice should be the cornerstone of social organisation
and mutual love is the highest and most noble means to achieve cooperation. The king is the shadow
of god and looks after people so that they can attain perfection, and this is called ‘siyasat-i-fazila’, or
ideal governance.28
However, different writers have interpreted justice differently, but fundamentally for all, justice is
equated with social harmony and is what balances conflicting claims of diverse interest groups and
hence justice has a secular ethic. Without justice, there would be a constant clash in society. Thus, it is
important for the king to be just for he is the centre of the social organisation and can serve real public
interest in the light of aql (human reason).
Tusi’s and Rumi’s texts were widely read out to Akbar by Abul Fazl, and the influence is clearly
manifested in the Ai’n-i-Akbari. In fact, Alam goes on to show how Abul Fazl also took from
Nasirean texts in his letters, promoting harmony and peace among all elements. Following this
Persian tradition of Akhlaqi texts thus became significant for giving political backing to Akbar’s later
ideas as well as for keeping ties with the Turko-Persian traditions the Mughals were proud of
originating from.
Literature during Mughal times
Three important chronicles were written in this period – Abul Fazl’s Akbar-Nama, Abdul Qadir
Badauni’s Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh and the Tabaqat-i Akbari of Nizam-ud-din Ahmad. These
constitute the important memoir literature. Before discussing these there works in detail, there are also
some other significant writers of the time whom K. N. Nizami mentions. Mir Abdul Latif Qazwini
was a famous historian from Iran, who wrote during the time of Akbar and his son, Naqib Khan also
trained Badauni. Qazwini’s brother Abdullah Latif wrote almost 350 poems. Qazwini complied the
Nafa’is-u’l-Ma’asu in 1569 and dedicated it to Akbar. Faizi, Abul Fazl’s brother penned the Masnavi
Fath-i-Gujarat which Nizami believes may have been part of a larger versified Akbarnama. The
Humayunama was written by his sister, Gulbadan Begum and shows the command of ladies over
Persian, she wrote it at the request of Akbar in Persian, though she used to speak Turani. Haji
Muhammad Arif, the steward of Bairam Khan wrote the Tarikh-i-Akbari which gives a valuable
source of information on the rebellion of Ali Quli Khan, and the text is free of reference to religious
expression. These are some of the important texts of the period and add to the great volume of Persian
literature.
Badauni was born in 1540 in an orthodox Sunni family, which was connected with the lower ladder of
the imperial nobility. He was a student of Sheikh Mubarakh and gained prominence in the Mughal
court. However, after the Mahazar, Badauni was disillusioned with Akbar and this is also the time that
we see the subsequent rise of Abul Fazl. Badauni was confident of his own religious and ideological
convictions, and their correctness and according to Harbans Mukhia, Badauni shared great scorn for
the Ulama, and along with the Ulama, he shared contempt for Abul Fazl.
Badauni was a versatile writer, who translated a number of works in Persian: the Ramayana, the
Mahabharata and the Atharvaveda. The Najat-ul0Rashid which he wrote was a socio-ethical treatise
which was interspersed with anecdotes. He discussed the problems of Akbar’s reign, albeit he did not
name the Emperor himself or his supporters.
But the most important work of Badauni is his Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, written in secret. Badauni
wrote this work, he declares because he could not protest much in court. It has three volumes and is
extremely critical of Akbar’s reign. The first volume is a narrative history of all Muslims till
Humayun. The second volume deals with the reign of Akbar. Badauni has taken the liberty of

28
Alam, Muzaffar. “The Languages of Political Islam in India: c1200-1800”, Pp 56
omitting minor events he feels is unimportant and has included brief biographical sketch of his life
and experiences. The third volume gives a biographical account of the ulama and poets and physicians
of the court.
To Badauni, history was a valuable stream of knowledge, however, only historians who were rooted
in the belief of the sharia’t should be taken seriously, according to Mukhia29. The text provides
important details on the administrative organisation of Akbar and provides additional information like
details on famines and earthquakes. Badauni’s criticism of Akbar becomes crucial and shows how
ideas like suhl-i-kul were not universally received. Badauni was particularly disturbed by the
celebration of festivals like Nauroz but S. A. A. Rizvi criticises Badauni that he was blind to
understanding Akbar’s actions and his reasons for doing so.30 To Athar Ali, the hostile portrayal of
Akbar was used as a reference by the colonial historiographers in the 19 th century.31
Abul Fazl came from a scholarly background and he was acquainted with diverse branches of
knowledge. He greatly resented the orthodoxy. According to Mukhia, he became close to Akbar
because their religious philosophies were congruent. Importantly, he wrote the Insha-i-Abul Fazl
which consist of letters, farmans etc. it gives insight to the operation of the Mughal court and the
relation between nobles and Akbar. He also wrote the Munajat-i-Abul Fazl, an invocation to God
which denounced formal worship of God and raises questions on metaphysics.
The Akbarnama was commissioned by Akbar to record his life and rule. He did not place any
restriction on Abul Fazl’s style. There were to be five volumes of which the first four constitute a
narrative part, each covering 30 years. The author assumed that Akbar would live to be 120 years, but
Abul Fazl could only complete the first two volumes. The fifth volume of the piece is the Ai’n-i-
Akbari. Abu'l Fazl says he prepared five successive drafts, to improve each stylistically. 32 Apparently,
as the re-drafting progressed, the differences in original testimonies were also set aside in favour of
either the consensus approach, or of a decision adopted by Abu'l Fazl himself or obtained from his
sovereign.
The narrative assumes the form of a yearly chronicle and the chronology is often broken as it
describes the affairs as and when the come up. At times, he briefly sketches the history of other
countries and regions. The Ai’n provides information on the Mughal state like details of the various
departments, the price of food stuff, standard wages, it describes different job profiles and the
qualities of various officials like qazi, kotwal. He wrote of the religious practices of Hindus and
Jainas, gave details on practices yogic postures. There is a chapter on immigrants and how the land
was one of opportunities for all.33
However, it does not provide a holistic overview but talks about only what directly affects Akbar.
important events like the Mahazar are not included, which reveal his psychological complexity
according to Nizami34. According to Athar Ali, the redrafting “alienated” the Akbarnama from its
sources.35 According to Harbans Mukhia, Abul Fazl glorified Akbar to express gratitude, and
showcases Akbar as a divine figure36. He used history to establish the supremacy of the ruler. He
wove tales on the importance of light, how the temporal sovereign is above the nobility and closer to
god, in fact, the ruler was insaan-i-kamil, and aware of the welfare of his subjects. Thus, Abul Fazl
used history to reinforce his idea of kingship.

29
Mukhia, Harbans. “Historians and Historiography During Akbar’s Reign”, Pp 124
30
Rizvi, Sayid A. A. “Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar's Reign: 1556-1605”, Pp 295
31
Ali, Athar, “The Use of Sources in Mughal Historiography”, Pp 370
32
Ibid., Pp 372
33
Rizvi, Sayid A. A. “Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar's Reign: 1556-1605”, Pp 276
34
Nizami, Khaliq Ahmad, “On History and Historians of Medieval India”, Pp 159
35
Ali, Athar, “The Use of Sources in Mughal Historiography”, Pp 373
36
Mukhia, Harbans. “Historians and Historiography During Akbar’s Reign”, Pp 62
For Khwaja Nizam-ud-din Ahmad, the main information on him is derived from Badauni and
subsequent writers like Shah Nawaz Khan. There was an impression that Badauni appreciated him
particularly for his orthodox religious beliefs, but Harbans Mukhia has countered these contentions
arguing that Nizam-ud-din Ahmad did not show any extraordinary respect for the Sheikhs and
Ulema.37 Furthermore, based on a study of their works Mukhia concluded that Badauni and Ahmad
had opposing views on a number of issues. Badauni has stated that he never participated in the
controversies at the Court and remained a passive observer of contemporary politics— that giving him
the vantage of neutrality.
Mukhia suggests that Ahmad may have been a deeply religious person in his personal life but he did
not let this influence his historical work. The Tabaqat-i-Akbari (completed around 1592/3) the history
of nine regions- Deccan, Gujarat, Bengal, Malwa, Jaunpur, Sind, Kashmir and Multan. It describes the
history of dynasties ruling in each of these regions to the time of their conquest by Akbar and is thus
valuable. It also gives a fairly neutral unbiased account of Akbar’s period, and highlights how these
regions were inducted into the Mughal fold. He maintains the chronology of events. However, he does
not go into the details of administration, political policies or other aspects.
Mukhia criticises that Mukhia says-Since it is a narrative of events it often seems monotonous, at
times it gives an over simplified account of Bairam Khan and the Mazhar. Ahmad gives the reference
of 28 texts besides Abul Fazl’s Akbarnama and Ai’n-i-Akbari which was available to him in draft.38
But Mukhia argues that Ahmad was “slavish” with regard to his texts and was quite critical of them.
Conclusion
Akbar’s age was one of richness and variety, where culture flourished, therefore to Nizami, it calls for
different principles for the study of history, for it has to be interpreted according to backgrounds,
motivations and ideals. From the fathnamas, to the different sources available to us, the patronage of
Persian showed a distinct increase in the body of Persian literature, but as students of history, we have
to deal with these sources with sensitivity and understand the socio-political context.
Akbar was interested in history and was keen on following Islamic history. He wanted “an indelible
stamp of the contribution of his own and his family” to be remembered by history. He was conscious
of his own nature and impact on contemporary sources and knew about the importance of delineating
his own achievements in the background of the past. History thus, according to him was the
instrument of the pragmatic and important to influence social outlook and political behaviour. He was
anxious to evolve a national culture and outlook and sought to broaden the behaviours and infuse the
consciousness of belonging to one culture. Thus, by pursuing Persian, he not only created a language
which everybody could learn and use, but he created a rich imperial culture that could be used by the
new elements being inducted into court, and this widely read language would be the one where he
would reinforce his supremacy.
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Ibid., Pp 141
38
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