Pakistan Journal of Criminology Volume 8, No.3. July 2016, pp.

74-90
74
Honor, Revenge in Socio-Geographic Space of Pashtuns
Fida Mohammad,
Alexander R. Thomas & Iffat Tabassum
Abstract
Honor, shame and revenge play and important social role in collectivistic
communities where either there is no formal government or they inhabit
geography that is remote, mountainous and not easily accessible. Most of the
Pashtuns live in treacherous mountain terrain and hence generally free from
governmental interference in their everyday life. In spite of outward anarchy,
there is a stable social order guided by an unwritten code of honor called
Pashtunwali. Honor and revenge are essential components of Pashtunwali
and functionally speaking keep order and conformity in Pashtun communities.

Keywords: Revenge; traditional cultures; Pakistan; Afghanistan

Introduction
In the Epic of Gilgamesh, arguably the world‘s first major
work of literature, the goddess Ninhursag creates the wild man Enkidu to cure
the hero-king Gilgamesh of his arrogance. The two fight but eventually
become friends who travel on many adventures together before Enkidu‘s
untimely death, and Gilgamesh returns to his city—Uruk, in what is today
southern Iraq, to mourn. Gilgamesh gazes upon the city walls and basks in
pride for the city is both civilization itself and his claim to immortality
(Dalley, 1998). In the myth, the city and urban life generally is equated with
―civilization‖ and all that goes with it: infrastructure, power, and above all the
rule of law. In contrast was Enkidu, born in the hinterlands away from cities
and urban life, portrayed as wild and respected as such. It is quite possibly the
earliest myth that assumes the normality and superiority of city life and
people over those in more rustic environment, a condition termed
urbanormativity (Thomas et al., 2011).
The distinction between cities and the countryside, and one
presumes the cultural divide between the people who live in each
environment, evolved over thousands of years (Thomas, 2010; Maisels,
1990). Although it is commonly assumed that modern cities and their
relations with people in the countryside are a recent phenomenon, after
allowing for differences in technology and culture the basic spatial and social
structural relations between city and country are remarkably similar between
modern and ancient cities (Thomas, 2012). An important feature of this
75 Fida Mohammad, Alexander R. Thomas & Iffat Tabassum
relationship is the use of one‘s environment (e.g., rural versus urban) as a
source of identity (Bell, 1992).Geographic isolation can produce a culture that
stresses self-reliance and is wary of centralized authority, and this can be
confused for a lack of sophistication and lawlessness (Redfield, 1947). This
urbanormative assumption about rural people is perhaps nowhere more
evident than with the study of revenge.

The Pashtuns
Pashtuns live in South-East Afghanistan, the North-West Frontier of
Pakistan (new name of the region is Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa) and Pakistani
Baluchistan. They generally inhabit areas that are treacherously mountainous
and rather inaccessible to outsiders. Governmental writson both the Pakistani
and Afghan sides of the Pashtun belt tend to be weak or even non-existent.
Pashtunsare enclosed by the:
. . . imposing Pamirs, and the lofty Himalayas, that is drawn out and
crisscrosses the mightyHindu Kush ranges. Its southern section
touches the Indian Ocean, in the north
the Oxus River separates the region from the former Soviet
Republics(Wilber, 1953, p. 486).
Pashtuns cherish this inaccessibility and in the past did not allow the
government to build roads and other infrastructure because many believed
that an increased government presence would diminish their freedom. Scott
(in Ginsburg, 2011)referred to this attitude as ―anti-state nationalism,‖
resulting in a tribal confederacy that is quasi-stateless. State organizations are
certainlyfrail in the region, but Pashtuns do not live in a lawless environment.
The vacuum created by governmental weakness is compensated by the Code
of Pashtunwali,and that arbitrates day-to-day life.
The Pashtun are a traditional people, living a lifestyle referred to by
Ibn Khaldun called Umran al Badawi, i.e., Bedouin Civilization (1969).This
concept is similar to that founded in Western Sociology: Durkheim
(2014)called it Mechanical Solidarity and Tönnies (2001) termed it
gemeinschaft.All three concepts refer to homogeneous communities where
relations are personal, withhigh esprit de corps, and extraordinary cooperative
spirit, accompanied by a marked emphasis on conformity that can itself breed
harsh punishments for violations of social norms (Brint, 2001).Of course,
Pashtunwali should be seen as an ideal type that governs daily behavior, and
―ideals never come up to reality. . .but they serve as important guiding
principles for behavior‖ (Rzehak, 2011, p. 1).Pashtunwali definesamodel of
 Pakistan Journal of Criminology 76
the way of life for Pashtuns, and ideal that includes the kindred spirit of the
Pashtuns, a sophisticated code ofhonor, moral and ethical rules of behavior,
the demand for fierce bravery, sensible actions and consultation, a system of
customary legal norms and also belief in Islam (Rzehak, 2011, p. 3). Since the
invasion of Afghanistan by the Soviets until the present day, Afghan society
has undergone radical changes. Soviet Occupation, Mujahideen, Taliban, Al-
Qaida and the US occupation have each presented considerable challenges
and dangers to the traditional structure of tribal social organization.

Pashtun Culture and Revenge

Pashtunwali is an unwritten code of social practices and dispute
resolution mechanisms that offer some direction in everyday disputes. One
indicator of its resilience is that ordinary people continue to rely on the time-
honored rules of Pashtunwali for settling their disputes. (Haring, 2010).Jirga
is a socio-political institution that settles the dispute within the frame workof
Pashtunwali (Ginsburg, 2011); it is an institutional mechanism for the
interpretation and enforcement of the Code of Pashtunwali (Kakar, 2004, p.
2). One major strength of Pashtunwali is its plasticity: the code can be
adjusted to realities on the ground and the changing social environment.
Their decisions may at times seem barbarous to outsiders, but such decisions
serve as a strong deterrent to a would-be offender in this ostensibly lawless
rural region. Functionally speaking it has maintained a social orderfor
centuries (Ginsburg, 2011).
Pashtunwali as a way of life for Pashtuns is a mixture of different
values. Nang, or honor, is the keystone of Pashtun culture. Other key
elements are Sharam (disgrace and shame), Paighore (derision) and Badal
(revenge and retribution). Sharam (shame) encompasses the disrespect of
women, family, clan, tribe and local ethos (Khattak et al., 2009). The
intensity of Nangis determined by situational dynamic and the type of affront,
and ―a person who lives up to this standard is held in high esteem and will be
called nangyalai (honourable)‖ (Rzehak, 2011, p. 9).The concept of honor
cannot be fully understood without analyzing the concept of shame. In
Pashtun culture shame has a specific meaning that does not translate well to
the concept of shame in the English language. Sharam has three constituents:
shame, taunt and revenge. Sharam in Pashto also means decorum and
unpretentiousness. Pashtuns do not like braggadocio behavioras if somebody
is slighted it may result in insult, and that could further escalate into
retributive violence to repair honor.
77 Fida Mohammad, Alexander R. Thomas & Iffat Tabassum
It is within this cultural context that Pashtun revenge violence must be
understood. In a region without effective state controls, the community must
police itself through the use of informal means. Informal mechanisms develop
to ensure that acts of deviance or criminality are quickly punished, even if
only through social ostracism, thereby making the deviance unprofitable to
the offender (Axelrod, 2009, p. 138). In environments where people can rely
on a central authority there is less need for retribution per se as the state may
attempt to rehabilitate the offender, and a balancing act of sorts develops
between the desires of the victim and the role of the community at large. In
contrast, the lack of such an authority necessarily lends itself to the creation of
inducements to elicit conformity and minimize deviance, and such
inducements are likely to require a more nuanced approach to punishment
than a bureaucratic system can typically contend; law becomes a guideline
around which individuals make decisions in favor of the community as a
whole, not a series of sentencing guidelines (Axelrod, 2009, pp. 137-138).
Revenge is thus ―a targeted imposition of costs or withholding of benefits, in
response to a cost-inflicting (or benefit withholding) event, that results from a
cognitive system designed (i.e., selected) for deterring other organisms from
imposing costs (or inducing other organisms to confer benefits) upon oneself
or other individuals in whom one has fitness interests‖(McCollough et al.,
2013, p. 4). Revenge is often mistaken as an act of retaliation in response to a
perceived wrong, but it more coomplex in its intricacies. It can occur after a
considerable period of time—decades even—and thus is not simply about
reversing injustice (McKee & Feather, 2008, pp. 138-9). Its motives involve a
backward-looking desire for retribution but, just as important, a forward-
looking strategy for deterring future deviance. (Crockett, Özdemir, & Fehr, E.
(2014, p. 2279). As such, revenge and the threat of revenge may paradoxically
reduce conflict over the long run (Amegashie & Runkel, 2012, p. 314).
In the absence of formal governmental and judicial services, there
tributive aspect of Pashtunwali has a deterrent effect in maintaining social
order. It makes a would-be offender take into account the consequences of
his deed not merely for himself but also for his household and future
generations. In this way revenge can be viewed as a preventive mechanism for
checking impulsive behavior:
. . .and the surety bond that any wrong will not go unpunished.
Moreover, badal (revenge)is considered a right and the one who does
not take badal is looked down upon, and is also liable to paighur
(taunt)‖ (Sultan-I-Rome, n.d., p. 4).
 Pakistan Journal of Criminology 78
Violentacts are common in those communities where the stable
government is absent (Elster, 1990).Irrespective of intent, the danger of
reprisal dissuades impending aggressors as the knowledge of the likelihood of
revenge causes potential offendersto be hesitant about eschalating conflict
(Gould, 2000).
Elster defines revenge as ―the attempt, at some cost or risk to
oneself, to impose suffering upon those who have made one suffer‖(1990, p.
862). Revenge isan intentionally harmful act directed against a person whose
actions the avenger feels caused injury based in the avenger‘s resentment of
the offender(Rosebury, 2008). Stainton (2006) argues that revenge has the
following characteristics:
1. the thing which gets revenge must be an agent who intends things,
and has reasons;
2. that agent must also have the concept revenge, because what
ultimately distinguishes revenge from merely intending to cause harm to the
thing which harmed you is that it is revenge which is sought;
3. the agent must have a reason for wanting revenge, which will be some
specific harm(s) or wrong(s) of which he is aware;
4. he must also intend a specific target, or cluster of targets, and he must
take them to be intentional agents who were the source of the perceived harm;
he must intend something to befall the recipient which he takes to be harmful
to them; moreover, at least in clear-cut cases, that something should strike
him as roughly proportional to the harm he takes himself to have suffered
(2006, pp. 15-16).

Groups with strong solidarity and a warrior ethos typically have a

strong sense of honor and retributive values if somebody is undeservedly
slighted. In such machismo cultures, thethreshold for insultcan be very low,
and insult could trigger retaliatory violence to recover one's lost honor. Most
feuding beginswith a minor insult toone'sreputation that, if it escalates,
couldresult in homicidal retaliation. Sexual indiscretions in particular are
subject to extreme forms of revenge, e.g., "abduction of a maiden to marry
her, seductions of maidens, adultery, runaway wives, and breach of betrothal
agreements, as well as disputes over pastures"(Boehm inElster, 1990, p. 869).
Retribution in honor cultures has a deterrent effect on a would-be offender
living in tribal societies. If one has a reputation that one will not tolerate even
a small insult, "then potential offenders are far less likely to take advantage of
79 Fida Mohammad, Alexander R. Thomas & Iffat Tabassum
you. . . After insults or offenses occur, there is great normative pressure on the
insulted person to avenge himself‖(Sommers, 2009, p. 39).Norms of revenge
in honor-based societies apply social pressure for vengeance and convey a
message to the offender that transgressions will have enormous
consequences(Sommers, 2009).

Revenge in Culture and Practice

Revenge as an application of the Retaliatory Theory of
Justice prohibits killing or punishment of the innocent, but this proscription is
not applicable when family honor is attacked. In a honor-based society
revenge may not be exacted upon the offender immediately, but rather it is the
concept of shared or collective responsibility that is important and as such an
important member of the perpetrator‘s family may be targetedin order to
weaken their enemy (Sommers, 2009).This retributive justice is not guided by
lex talionis, and instead two or three individuals could potentially be killed for
one; definitely, it is not ―one-for-one‖ justice (Elster, 1990). Sommers further
elaborate shared responsibility:
The important thing is that the injured party retaliates against
someone, someone who bears a connection to the offender. Otherwise,
honor is lost. Of course, the most suitable target is the murderer (as
long as he is of equal status to the victim). But there is no prohibition
against punishing relatives or associates of the offender, since the
primary function of retaliation is to restore the reputation of the
offended party. The result is that individuals in honor cultures may
have radically different ethical perspectives about justice, courage, and
the appropriate targets of punishment— perspectives that the language
of moral responsibility cannot capture (Sommers, 2009, p. 42).

Related to badal is another concept called tura. The literal meaning of

tura is 'sword,' butin real life tura refers to a demonstration of gallantry in a
fighting situation. A person who fights valiantly and fearlessly is an honorable
person called turyalay (brave). Tura must be in service of a just cause and be
guided by far-sightedness (Rzehak, 2011). Rzehak notes:

Escaping from the battle is seen as an act of cowardice and

a Pashtun must not even turn his back to his enemy.
Otherwise he will be called dawus(cuckold), i.e. he is
compared with a man whose wife has been unfaithful. The
 Pakistan Journal of Criminology 80
ideal of a fearless warrior is preached in various genres of
the Pashtun folklore(Rzehak, 2011, p. 11).

Khadirn and Lindholmassert that Pashtuns are ferociously

independent, strong-willed, and generally sincere in everyday interaction. The
true meaning of the word badal is ―give-and-take,‖ but with the passage of
time its meaning was reduced to ―compensation and retaliation.‖Badal in
Pashtun culture means reciprocity both in good deeds (nekai) and bad deeds
(badai).In Pashtunwali, it is the sentiment of indebtedness that must be
reciprocated at the appropriate time(in Rzehak, 2011).Pashto oral folk
literature romanticizes significance of revenge, e.g.,
‫د پښتٌ کاڼے پو اًبٌ کښې نو ًرضتيږي‬
(Pashto Proverb)
(The stone of Pashto doesn’tgetrusted in water).
ٌ‫ًې ئې چې زر ئې ًاخطت‬،ٌ‫پښتٌى شل کالو پص بذل ًاخطت‬
(Pashto proverb)
(The Pashtun took revenge after a twenty years and another said that it was taken
soon, hurriedly.)
Pashtuns are devout Muslims, and for many their attachment is
generally devotional and less theological. Many Pashtunswill comment
that Pashtunwali and Islam are mutually compatible, but an oft quoted
and famous Pashto proverb notes:
‫پښتٌ نيوو کافری دے‬
(half of Pashtunwali practices are un-Islamic)
For example, the concept of shared responsibility is not entirely
consistent with the Islamic concept of Qisas‫( قصاص‬Lex Talionis) where
punishment is based on the principle of individuality of responsibility
and proportionality.
The concept of shared responsibility allows for a potentially
substantial delay in the administration of revenge. If the present time is
not yet deemed appropriate for vengeance, retaliation can be deferred
and the responsibility to take revenge (por, literarly 'debt') can even be
left to the future generation (Rzehak, 2011). ―There is no limit of time
or place for badal” (Sultan-I-Rome, n.d., p. 3), and in this sense it might
81 Fida Mohammad, Alexander R. Thomas & Iffat Tabassum
be said thata Pashtun may be wary to ―forgive and forget.‖Not
surprisingly, at times when taking revenge is not possible it is passed to
future generations. There is afamous Pashto proverb:
‫بذل پو بذل خالصېږي‬
(Retribution can end cycle of revenge)
Nang can only be repaired by revenge whensomebody is injured. The great
Pashto poet Khushal Khan Khattak describes nang in the following verse:
‫څٌ ًانخلي لو غليوو انتقام‬
‫هرد نۀ خٌب کا نۀ خٌراک کا نۀ آرام‬

(in Kamil edition, 1960, p. 554).

(Unless one takes revenge from one’s enemy, the genuine man does not
rest, eats, and rest.)

One of the key themes of Khushal Kattak‘s poetry is Nang, and

hereprimands those who do not fight for honour (Khushal in Kamil,
1960).
The concept of ghairat is probably the most complex
tenet of Pashtunwali. The word ghairat means:
1. dignity, self-esteem, pride, ambitiousness;
2. zeal, eagerness, passion;
3. bravery, courage, audacity;
4. indignation, anger;
5. Modesty (M. G. Aslanov).
Thus the concept of ghairat pools almost all values and rules of
behaviour of the code of honour of the Pashtuns. A person to whom ghairat is
attributed is respectfully called ghairatman. Such a person is not simply doing
Pashto but he is anxious to do so and leaves no doubt that he does his utmost.
Such a person is held in high esteem because a ghairatman Pashtun
personifies the 'ideal Pashtun'(Aslanov, Alfred Janata and Reihanodin Hassas
in Rzehak, 2011, p. 16).
 Pakistan Journal of Criminology 82
According to the classification of traditional cultures by Edward T.
Hall(1976), Pashtun society could be considereda high-context culture. High-
context culturesare collectivistic and individuals see themselves through the
eyes of the community. Much of the communicationis achieved by non-
verbal cues and the meaningful use of silence. Basically, in high-context
cultures messages are conveyed by inferring meaning that is explicitly not
said, and ―this includes the situation, behavior, and preverbal cues as integral
parts of the communicated message‖ (Würtz, 2005, p. 274). Silence and what
is not said in a conflictual situation carries a great message. Consider a
situation in which a powerful individual injures the pride of a poor individual:
the poor person may not say anything, but that does not mean he is not going
to do anything for restoring his honor.
Arguably the worst injury on a Pashtuns‘ honor could be
inflicted by taunt and insult. ―In honour societies, one‘s prestige is built on the
opinion of others, so where such a culture demands an aggressive response, it
must be forthcoming‖ (Lacey, 2011, p. 81).Humiliation is a strong human
emotion tied to anunwarranted discourteous or demeaningtreatment of others
by the powerful(Lacey, 2011).Coleman describes humiliation as
an emotion, triggered by public events, which evokes a
sense of inferiority resulting from the realization that one is
being, or has been, treated in a way that departs from the
normal expectations for fair and equal human treatment (in
Lacey, 2011, p. 42).
Humiliation can trigger resentment, and that could escalate to anger
and retaliation (Lacey, 2011). Both Weber (1978) and Durkheim (2014)
recognized the significance of emotion as an important part of socially
organized life where losing face has tremendous consequences. ―Shame, an
emotion connected to the face, may be described. . .as a complex array of
emotions, including humiliation, embarrassment, and resulting feelings of
failure‖ (in Welden, 2010, p. 384).
Loss of face, as theorized by Goffman (1955), is incompatible with
Pakhtunwali. As noted by Goffman (1955) and others,
A person may experience embarrassment or blushing when the person
perceives his/her face has been discredited in a particular encounter.
Embarrassment felt by a person could disrupt the interaction, and thus,
the person and the other participants have vested interest in protecting
the person's face to keep the social encounter smooth. Goffman called
 83 Fida Mohammad, Alexander R. Thomas & Iffat Tabassum
this effort to maintain or to save face facework. (Cited in Kim & Nam,
1998, p. 523)
Face is lost when an individual fails to meet social expectations,
either through her or his own actions or of those closely related to them (Yau-
fai Ho, 1976, p. 866). It occurs ―when conduct or performance falls below the
minimum level considered acceptable or when certain vital or essential
requirements, as functions of one's social position, are not satisfactorily met‖
(Ibid., p. 871).
The Pashtun people, interacting with hostile geography and
decentralized social organization, had evolved a warrior ethos with the
passage of time. Pickering (2011) described mountain people beautifully:
Savage yet of rigid morality. . . Lawless yet united. Healthy yet
closely intermarried. (They) are warlike, courageous, wretched,
brigands, brave, lovers of liberty, half barbarian, isolated, poverty-
stricken, reactionary, exponents of retarded civilisation, rude and
simple, proud, vigorous, rustic, honourable, industrious, frugal, and
even
Short.(p. 4)
As if wishing to add to this description, Ghani Khan (Pathans,n.d.1)
depicted the character of a typical Pakhtun in the following words:
The Pathan has a tender heart but tries to hide it under a rough
and gruff exterior. He is too good a fighter to leave his weakest part
uncovered. ―Don‘t be so sweet,‖ he says, ―that people may swallow:
nor so bitter that people may spit you out.‖ ―So he covers his
sweetness with bitterness, self-preservation pure and simple. His
violent nature, strong body and tender heart make a very unstable
combination for living but an ideal one for poetry and colour. He
keeps a rough face ―because he does not want you to see his soft
eyes. He would rather you thought he was a rogue than let you see
him weep his eyes out for his wife. (para. 27)
Being direct and rather thick between the ears, every Pathan
imagines he is Alexander the Great and wants the world to admit it.
The result is a constant struggle between cousin and cousin, brother
and brother, and quite often between father and son. This has
provided his sole undoing through the ages. They have not

1
This book was originally published in 1956 but wee accessed it online and there was no date
on it. Under the APA style n.d. stands for no date. Para means paragraph.
 Pakistan Journal of Criminology 84
succeeded in being a great nation because there is an autocrat in
every home, who would rather burn his own house than see his
brother rule it. (para. 108)
He suffers from a pronounced lack of tact and a distinct excess of
practical self-expression. He would rather shoot his way out of a
problem than get a headache thinking about it. He has great
ambition and no patience that is why he usually dies rather young.
He has a great heart and a thick head; that is why he makes a
charming friend and a fine host. He has a proud head and an empty
stomach that is why he is a great dacoit [i.e., a bandit]. (para. 110)
As noted earlier, Pashtun culture holds life as subservient to honor
and living with dignity: the impeccable life is the life of a Nangyalai (Life
lived honorably). Ghani Khan writes in existential spirit:
‫ ضتا د هرګو نۀ ًيرېږم‬،‫زۀ پښتٌى ين‬
‫خٌ هې تش ژًنذًى اؤ خٌشي هرګ تو قار شي‬
(Ghani, 1986, p.339)
(I am a Pashtun and am not afraid of death, but I despisemere living for the
sake of living and dying for no meaningful cause.)
Or, as the great Pashto poet Khushal Khan Khattak (1613-1689) wrote in one
of his couplets,

‫هرګ زها پو پٌىو ښۀ تر دا ژًنذًى دے‬

‫د عست ضره چې نۀ ًي زيطت رًزګار‬
(In Kamil2, 1960, p. 528)
(If one is not living honorably then death is superior to degrading existence.)
Khushal Khan Khattak has written that
‫کۀ دا نۀ ًي جياى ړنګ دے‬........‫جياى شرم نام ً ننګ دے‬
(Khushal in Kamil, 1960, p. 351)

2
Dost Mohammad Kamil edited and compiled works of Khushal Khan Khattak.
 85 Fida Mohammad, Alexander R. Thomas & Iffat Tabassum
(Cardinal principle of existence in this world is honor and have a sense
of shame; Life without honor is meaningless)
People unable to fight for their honor occupy the lowest social status.
For instance, in a situation where an individual may not be capable of
confronting a powerful person, it is the collective responsibility of a tribe to
punish the perpetrator and restore the honor of the persecuted person (Haq,
n.d.). Pashto poet Abdul Hameed Baba described this sentiment in following
verse:
‫چې د بل ننګ ً ناهٌش ضاتلے نشي‬
‫ً بو نۀ ضاتي څٌک خپل ننګ ً ناهٌش‬
(Hameed, 1958, p. 39)
(Those who cannot protect the honors of others will not be able to keep their
honors.)

Khushhal Khan Khattak,in his famous book of poetry Dastarama

(Book of the Turban), wrote with a proverbial brevity about honor:
‫چو دضتار تړۍ ىسار دئ‬
‫خٌ دضتار ضړۍ پو شوار دۍ‬
(There are many who wear aturban but in reality, there are very few who are
worthy of wearing turban).3

In Pashtun culture Dastar (turban) is a symbol of pride and wearing it means

one has to honor the code of Pashtunwali; those who bring shame to Pashtun
society should not wear it. It is said that a Pashtun wearing turban should not
bow to anybody because his turban could fall from his head and that is
considered a disgrace. A renowned Pashto Poet Amir Hamza Khan Shinwari
describes significance of keeping one‘s head up in this verse:

3
This is a popular couplet and is like proverb. One of the authors remember it from memory
and does not have access to the book, therefore no page number is available.
 Pakistan Journal of Criminology 86
‫ها کٌز ًرتو ليوۀ کړۀ زها ضر نو ټيټيذۀ‬
‫شايذ چې پو الفت کښې ىن افغاى پاتې کيذم‬
(I lowered my gaze in the presence of my beloved, but I couldn’t bow my
head. Even in affection I have to observe ettiquets of Pashtunwali)
(Shinwari, 2000, in Preface to Ghazawani)
Khushhal Khan Khattak echoed the same sentiment in next verse
‫پو خپل نام ً ننګ چې راشن ليٌنے شن‬
‫خبردار کلو پو ضٌد اؤ زياى د لک ين‬
(When it comes to the protection of my honor then my rage does not
care about benefits and loss of millions.)
(Khushal in Kamil, 1960, p. 564).
In this way the turban becomes the earthly embodiment of honor.

Conclusion
Revenge is often considered the act of a lawless society, but this itself
is an urbanormative assumption. The Code of Pashtunwali is not an artifact of
a primitive or inferior culture, but rather a rural equivalent to the written law
codes of urban societies. The logic underlying its specified behaviors do not
conform to those found in urban centers because Pashtunwali has not
developed within an urban environment: within the context of a mountainous
rural region with little effective state control such an honor code addresses the
concerns for social order that the Code of Hammurabi or the American
Constitution addressed for urban societies.
 87 Fida Mohammad, Alexander R. Thomas & Iffat Tabassum
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About the authors

The author Fida Mohammad, Ph. D is Professor in Department of
Sociology/Criminal Justice Major, State University of New York, Oneonta, NY 13820
USA. He can be reached at [email protected]
The author, Alexander R. Thomas, Ph. D is Professor & Chair in Department of
Sociology State University of New York, Oneonta, N. Y. 13820 USA. He can be
reached at [email protected]
The author, Iffat Tabassum, Ph. D is Assistant Professor, Geography Department,
University of Peshawar, Peshawar, KPK, Pakistan. She can be reached at
[email protected]