PCR 104: INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF NIGERIA (2 UNITS) C

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 CHAPTER 1
THE MEANING OF HISTORY AND HISTORICAL SOURCES
Introduction
Man, and time have not been static but ever dynamic. Often, there have been changes in
man’s activities because of challenges posed by his environment and his fellow man. These
challenges are either between man and his environment or between man and man. The
challenges are also enormous. Although, the activities might have happened in the past, they
usually left behind relics, traces and marks that become subjects of collection and
interpretation. Bards, witch doctors, folk singers, poets, etc., who were responsible for
preserving and recounting stories of the past activities of any person, tribe or society can be
regarded as historians as they have been dated back to the earliest human societies. History
has been developed as a discipline through the efforts of the above-listed preservers of
tradition and culture. In this Chapter, the meaning and scope of history will be examined.
Meaning of History
History as an academic field of study defies a single universally acceptable definition as there
exists a long list of interpretations regarding the conceptualization of the discipline.
Therefore, various authorities have given different definitions of history. We shall examine
some of these definitions. Barnes (1962) defined history as ‘the sum total of human activities
of the past’. It is imperative to note that this definition refers to all that had taken place
whether naturally or through human activities and other agents. However, history as an
academic subject can only focus on those aspects that appeal to the historian in his effort to
reconstruct the past based on the traces left behind by such occurrences as past phenomena
are not locked up in a store to be accessed at will by the historian. There is no way the
historian can recapture the past in its entirety. In addition, facts do not become history until
the historian has put in his own judgement or interpretation. In his own definition, Elton
(1967) regarded history as “the study of human sayings, thoughts and sufferings which
occurred in the past and have left present deposit; and it deals with them from the point of
view of happenings, changes and particulars,” Elton added that not all the past is available to
the historian. Osokoya (1996) argued that history is an organized narrative of the past events,
He was quite conscious of the fact historical reconstruction depends on the historian who has
to select from the pool of data available to him, interpret them and translate them into a
narrative form. This signifies that information on their own are not history until they are
processed by the academic or professional historian who applies his craftsmanship. In this
respect, Ajetunmobi (2010) submitted that history refers to what actually happened in the

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past; the activity of enquiry into the past, based on the rigorous study of sources; the
interpretation(s) produced by this activity, the accumulated body of knowledge about the
past: based on the interpretations of fallible human beings (historians) using often
fragmentary and imperfect source of materials. This connotation of history by Marwick
underscores the fact that neither the source materials nor historians are perfect while writing
history. According to Collins Essential English Dictionary (2006), history is ‘a record or
account of past events and developments.’ Similarly, Crabtree (1993) quoting his graduate
advisor said that ‘history is the story about the past that is significant and true.’ Two words of
importance in the last definition of history are ‘significant’ and ‘true’. By significance,
history is to tell a story about the past which captures the essence of an event while omitting
superfluous details. The historian analyzes evidences and presents only that which is
significant as perceived by his particular world view. At the same time, the historian in
narrating his story is influenced by the community of historians who must have approved his
narration. Therefore, historians tend to tell stories which reflect the values of the society in
which they live. The other aspect of the above definition is truth in any historical narration.
Truth depicts any evidence that is supported by facts. Wikipedia organization (2009) defined
history as ‘the study of the past, focused on human activity and leading up to the present day.’
One key factor in these different definitions is that history deals with man’s past activities
which include his political, economic and social activities that have subsequently impacted
on the present. Ajayi (1991) conceptualized the subject in this way: “the word History has to
be understood in its two-fold meaning. History is both the past and the study of the past. Its
meaning covers both the reality of past events and the effort of historians to capture or
retrieve and interpret something of that reality.” This definition affirms that what the historian
is writing about actually took place in the past, whether in the remote or recent. In a similar
vein, Akinjogbin (1977) in Ajetunmobi (2010) asserted that “History is an organized critical
study of such past activities of human beings as had produced significant effects on
subsequent course of events or on other human beings in the course of events. It is not just a
study of the past, nor is it an uncritical cataloguing of significant past events or is it the study
of all past events.” This implies that history involves critical analysis of the available data and
their sources by the historian trying to write about any aspect of the past. He must therefore
have sound understanding about the events and characters involved through rigorous
academic discipline. For Osokoya (1996), in the contemporary time history is commonly
used in three ways. First, it means the entire human past as it actually happened. Second, it is
used to refer to man’s attempt to describe and interpret the past. Third, it is used to refer to a

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field of study called History like other subjects such as English, Biology, Chemistry, Yoruba,
and so on.
It is instructive to know that historical scholarship transcends mere cataloguing of past
episodes. It involves looking at causes, course or process and effects of past phenomena the
historian is interested in. That is why Herodotus, who is regarded as the father of history,
simply described it as “enquiry”, that is, rigorous probing into the past (Erinosho, 2007). It is
in the light of this reality that it is apposite to agree with Carr (1985) who averred that history
is “a continuous interaction between the historian and his facts, an unending dialogue
between the present and the past.” A working definition of History can therefore be given as
the study of man and his environment in relation to past activities. From the above
interrogation about the meaning of History, it quite axiomatic that we have as many
connotations as the number of scholars, researchers, and writers who have engaged in
historical writing. One major truth is that records on their own do not make history but the
critical analysis, interpretation, and conclusion arrived at by historians that ultimately make
history. That is why the historians often offer widely dissimilar accounts of the same
historical phenomena even when using identical or the same sources and evidence. The
account of the same event in oral tradition may have inconsistent and divergent versions. The
divergent approaches of history to analysis and interpretation of the same evidence may lead
to differences in conclusions and this development has made history an academic discipline
(Ajetunmobi, 2010). As a discipline, history encompasses many subfields and ancillary
fields, which include chronology which treats events in sequential manner, that is, in order of
occurrence. Genealogy in history focuses on the study of the development of families or
lineages, their ancestors, heroes and heroines and their contributions to the advancement of
the society. Historiography which has to do with historical professionalism. Paleography and
cliometrics, among many others exist as subfields of History and related disciplines.
Sources of History
Sources are the pillars of history from which historians interpret events in the course of
practicing their professional calling; sources of history are the working materials or evidence
a historian consults in the reconstruction of the past. It is through source materials that serve
as the backbone of any historical research because historians are guided by the information
derived therefrom. They provide clues which the professionals collect, collate and interpret
before producing any reliable history. The sources are paramount since historians do not have
direct access to the phenomena they are working on. Without sources no historical

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reconstruction will be possible because they provide and constitute the basic foundation of
historical scholarship. Sources of history are classified into, namely, primary and secondary.
1. Primary Sources: These refer to original or direct information and these consist of two
types. The first strand is comprised of documents, whether written or printed, which
are generated by the events such as annual reports, letters and memoranda, speeches,
official reports, and charters. Oral sources which basically include oral traditions and
oral evidence fall under this category. Oral traditions refer to historical information
being transmitted from generation to generation through word of mouth. Examples of
oral traditions are folklores, songs, stories, proverbs, legends, tales, wise sayings,
eulogies and ballads of all sorts (Adesote & Falade, 2020). Oral evidence deals with
eye-witness accounts of the past or firsthand information provided by somebody who
witnessed an event. This is also being transmitted through word of mouth. Another
term or concept for oral evidence is oral testimony and it deals with recent or
contemporary events or occurrences. Archival materials occupy a pride of place under
this classification, especially those having to do with Intelligence Reports by colonial
officials and records dealing with colonial policies, programmes and proclamations.
Personal letters, Arab records, and diaries belong to primary source. According to
Ajetunmobi (2010) poetry, private papers, party manifestoes, colonial government
papers, Muslim travelers accounts, missionary diaries are also part of primary sources.
2. Secondary Sources: Secondary sources refer to sources of historical information,
whether published or not, on which personal biases, prejudices, opinions and
conclusions have been made or imposed (Ajetunmobi, 2010). These are made up of
written materials or documents including books, biographies, and journal articles.
These are from official, private and legal documents, autobiographies, memoirs,
encyclopedia, journals, newspapers, magazines, newsletters or bulletins, manuals,
directories, guide books, constitutions, maps, staff lists, budgets, speeches, censuses
and development plans. It is important to note that research reports carried out by
students are part of the secondary source materials. Thus, long essays, project essays,
dissertations, theses, seminar, workshop, and symposium papers fall into this
categorization. In addition to the listed secondary sources are Internet materials which
have tremendously facilitated an enhancement of historical data base.
To make the writing and study of History a robust engagement, experts have adopted
interdisciplinary approach to the study of the discipline. As a result, historians sometimes

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seek sources from other disciplines like geography, economics, political science, serology,
linguistics, archaeology, ethnology, botany, sociology, fine art, and zoology, and demography.
The Scope of History
History as an academic discipline covers a wide range of issues that relate to human
experiences across time and space. There is no aspect of man’s existence that does not have a
history behind it. The activities that man engaged himself in the past and the circumstances
that had influenced his life are all responsible for his contemporary existence. Moreover,
since man did not and cannot live in an immune island, he has had cause to relate with those
around him and people outside his settlement. As a result, man’s involvement in economic,
social, cultural, political and relations with his neighbours and distant individuals and groups
had shaped man’s life and these formed his historical process. the areas of specialization or
scope of history covers the following areas:
Regional and Local History: Any attempt aimed at history teaching and learning must
consider the history of the locality and region of the learners, pupils or students. This will
enable them to know the history of their immediate environment and region which will help
them to appreciate their own common and peculiar origin, distinct from others. This division
deals with the origins of villages, towns, chiefdoms, kingdoms, and city-states, as well as the
history of heroes and heroines some of those who became deified as exemplified by Alaafin
Sango of the Old Oyo Empire (Johnson, 1921) and Lisabi Agbongbo-Akala of the Egba
Kingdom (Ajisafe, 1964, Biobaku, 1991). The study of regional groups such as the Kanuri,
Hausa, Ijaw, Yoruba, Igbo, Bogawa and sub-groups of these and other numerous mega ethnic
stocks should be made possible and encouraged. It is not proper for any Nigerian child not to
be familiar with the history of his own family, immediate environment and region.
Culture History: Culture refers to the sum total of people’s ways of life. Historians have
interest in carrying out research into the culture of those people whose communities they
have interest in. Culture historians therefore study cultural values of groups, communities and
peoples, traditional costumes of groups, peoples and communities, as well as festivals among
groups and communities and how such festivals originated, developed and their significance.
As a result, Nigerian culture historians have beamed their searchlight on festivals like Boat
Regatta, costumes, New Yam Festival, Zangbeto, Egungun, Gelede, Oro, Ogun, among many
others (Ajetunmobi, Yonlonfoun, Osiyale & Erinosho, 2020). This branch of history also
covers African Traditional Religions (ATR), local deities, communal taboos and rituals, the
advent, growth and development, and impact of Christianity and Islam while not glossing
over traditional methods of non-verbal communication, that is, signs and symbols.

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Economic History: Economic history deals largely with production and exchange as
economy serves as the life-wire of other sectors of the economy of any given community,
state or nation. Economic history, according to Osokoya (1996) “deals with the way men
have produced, consumed, exchanged and distributed goods and services with all the
subsidiary considerations of prices, rents, wages, rates of interest and others.” This area of
history examines growth, stagnation or decline of economies, the well-being of individual
groups in the course of economic change. The internal trade among people and their
economic contacts with their neighbouring communities and response to foreign or European
merchants are considered. Ajetunmobi et al (2020) have indicated that economic history also
has under its umbrella indigenous industries, traditional and modern means of exchange, the
trans-Saharan trade, pre-colonial trade relations with the Europeans especially the trans-
Atlantic slave trade, marketing boards, farming in specified communities particularly
agricultural plantations, botanical gardens, rubber plantations, groundnut pyramids, oil palm
plantations, all these and innovations introduced by the British colonial administration. The
post-colonial economic development plans, banking and finance, multi-national corporations,
insurance as well as regional and global economic initiatives receive the attention of
economic historians who focus mostly on economic factors and economic motives in history.
The economic diplomacy that the country is involved in through bilateral and multilateral
treaties and conferences form part of economic history.
Political History: Political history has similarly received considerable attention of historians
who have carried out research in the area of power sharing or power relations in pre-colonial,
colonial and post-colonial Nigeria and beyond. This aspect of history has to do with state
creation, political organization and political institutions or organs, the relationship between
the rulers and the ruled, diplomatic or external relations between and among pre-colonial
Nigerian polities, war and peace, the colonization of Nigeria and the British political
structures and policies. Also under political history are nationalism, constitutional
development, emergence of political parties, constitutional conferences, attainment of
political independence and the First Republic political crises, military incursion into politics,
the civil war, the various military regimes culminating in 1999 with the birth of the Fourth
Republic. Political historians deal with how politics had shaped and is shaping intergroup
relations among the people of Nigeria from the time immemorial till now. Hence, problems of
nation building such religious violence, marginalization, ethnic militia, imbalanced federal
system of government, corruption, electoral irregularities and violence, resource control
agitation, imperfect federalism besides others have attracted the attention of historians (Ajayi,

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1992; Adesina, 2015; Erinosho, 2016). International relations and diplomatic history fall
under political history. Thus, the internationalization of the pre-colonial Nigerian societies,
kingdoms and empires in the areas of economy, military, social and cultural contacts with the
wider world have been studied by historians. More importantly are Nigeria’s external
relations with her sister African states, Europe, America, Latin America, and Asia as well as
the nation’s membership and activities on international organizations like the United Nations
Organization, the Commonwealth of Nations, the defunct Organization of African Unity now
African Union, the Economic Community of West African States to mention a few are under
the purview of political history.
Social History: Social history entails the study or the structure and process of human action
and interaction as they have occurred in socio-cultural contexts in the recorded past. Social
historians’ primary pre-occupation is society and social change by paying attention to
people’s habits. beliefs, pleasure as well as their art (Ajetunmobi, 2010). Social history
includes inter-group relations spanning the pre-colonial, colonial and post-independence eras,
history and policy of education with the allied agencies, commissions, professional ethics,
indigenous education, Koranic and nomadic forms of education, ceremonies like marriage,
naming, burial, traditional and other forms of music, festivals, gender studies, racism,
ethnicity, church history and Islam among others constitute social history.
Medical History: This sub-field of history has to do with health-related issues in remote past,
recent past and in the contemporary times. Indeed, every ailment has a history and this is
revealed after the doctor’s diagnosis carried out on the patients. Thus, traditional medicine,
child delivery, birth control, male and female circumcisions, and cure of insanity attract the
attention of medical historians. With the explosion in medically related research outputs and
the development of modern health sciences with the numerous areas of specializations and
establishment of health institutions, medical historians can carry out research in any branch of
medicine. They can study the history of medical institutions such as general hospitals,
universities’ teaching hospitals, maternity centers and even schools of nursing and psychiatric
hospitals or pharmaceutical companies. The main aim is to find out how such medical
institutions and facilities have enhanced the health profile of the people that have patronized
them and the general impact of health facilities and services where they are made available.
The medical historians may study the life, times and career of prominent medical experts like
the late Prof. Adeoye Lambo, the late Prof. Olikoye Ransome-Kuti and his late younger
brother, Dr Bekolori Ransome-Kuti, Prof. Adenike Crainge, Prof. Isaac Adewole and their
contributions to the field of medicine in their various areas of specialization.

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Legal History: Legal history is another branch which has received the interest and attention
of historians. Laws are enacted to regulate social interactions and protect the citizens and
properties. Legal historians are engaged in the origins of laws, their implementation and
interpretation. The dispensation of justice is a major objective of professional historians in the
sub-field. They therefore concern themselves with legislative functions carried out by
lawmakers and the interpretation of laws being made under civilian governments and decrees
or edicts under military autocracies. Resolution of electoral, political, land, marriage,
industrial disputes and constitutionalism among several other matters fall under legal history.
The proceedings of customary courts, high courts, courts of appeal, supreme court, military
and election tribunals, sharia courts and industrial courts are veritable mine of the
practitioners that are involved. Biographies of distinguished legal luminaries also attract the
interest of researchers and scholars who specialize in legal history (Okai & Mezieobi, 2022).

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 CHAPTER 2
ETHNOGRAPHY OF NIGERIA
Introduction
Nigeria, country located on the western coast of Africa. Nigeria has a diverse geography, with
climates ranging from arid to humid equatorial. However, Nigeria’s most diverse feature is its
people. Hundreds of languages are spoken in the country, including Yoruba, Igbo, Fula,
Hausa, Edo, Ibibio, Tiv, and English. The country has abundant natural resources, notably
large deposits of petroleum and natural gas.
Brief about Nigeria
The national capital is Abuja, in the Federal Capital Territory, which was created by decree in
1976. Lagos, the former capital, retains its standing as the country’s leading commercial and
industrial city. Modern Nigeria dates from 1914, when the British Protectorates of Northern
and Southern Nigeria were joined. The country became independent on October 1, 1960, and
in 1963 adopted a republican constitution but elected to stay a member of the
Commonwealth.
Land
Nigeria is bordered to the north by Niger, to the east by Chad and Cameroon, to the south by
the Gulf of Guinea of the Atlantic Ocean, and to the west by Benin. Nigeria is not only large
in area—larger than the U.S. state of Texas—but also Africa’s most populous country. In
general, the topography of Nigeria consists of plains in the north and south interrupted by
plateaus and hills in the centre of the country. The Sokoto Plains lie in the northwestern
corner of the country, while the Borno Plains in the northeastern corner extend as far as the
Lake Chad basin. The Lake Chad basin and the coastal areas, including the Niger River delta
and the western parts of the Sokoto region in the far northwest, are underlain by soft,
geologically young sedimentary rocks. Gently undulating plains, which become waterlogged
during the rainy season, are found in these areas. The characteristic landforms of the plateaus
are high plains with broad, shallow valleys dotted with numerous hills or isolated mountains,
called inselbergs; the underlying rocks are crystalline, although sandstones appear in river
areas. The Jos Plateau rises almost in the centre of the country; it consists of extensive lava
surfaces dotted with numerous extinct volcanoes. Other eroded surfaces, such as the Udi-
Nsukka escarpment (see Udi-Nsukka Plateau), rise abruptly above the plains at elevations of
at least 1,000 feet (300 metres). The most mountainous area is along the southeastern border
with Cameroon, where the Cameroon Highlands rise to the highest points in the country,

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Chappal Waddi (7,936 feet [2,419 metres]) in the Gotel Mountains and Mount Dimlang
(6,699 feet [2,042 metres]) in the Shebshi Mountains.
Drainage
The major drainage areas in Nigeria are the Niger-Benue basin, the Lake Chad basin, and the
Gulf of Guinea basin. The Niger River, for which the country is named, and the Benue, its
largest tributary, are the principal rivers. The Niger has many rapids and waterfalls, but the
Benue is not interrupted by either and is navigable throughout its length, except during the
dry season. Rivers draining the area north of the Niger-Benue trough include the Sokoto, the
Kaduna, the Gongola, and the rivers draining into Lake Chad. The coastal areas are drained
by short rivers that flow into the Gulf of Guinea. River basin development projects have
created many large man-made lakes, including Lake Kainji on the Niger and Lake Bakolori
on the Rima River. The Niger delta is a vast low-lying region through which the waters of the
Niger River drain into the Gulf of Guinea. Characteristic landforms in this region include
oxbow lakes, river meander belts (see meander), and prominent levees. Large freshwater
swamps give way to brackish mangrove thickets near the seacoast.
Climate of Nigeria
Nigeria has a tropical climate with variable rainy and dry seasons, depending on location. It is
hot and wet most of the year in the southeast but dry in the southwest and farther inland. A
savanna climate, with marked wet and dry seasons, prevails in the north and west, while a
steppe climate with little precipitation is found in the far north. In general, the length of the
rainy season decreases from south to north. In the south the rainy season lasts from March to
November, whereas in the far north it lasts only from mid-May to September. A marked
interruption in the rains occurs during August in the south, resulting in a short dry season
often referred to as the “August break.” Precipitation is heavier in the south, especially in the
southeast, which receives more than 120 inches (3,000 mm) of rain a year, compared with
about 70 inches (1,800 mm) in the southwest. Rainfall decreases progressively away from the
coast; the far north receives no more than 20 inches (500 mm) a year. Temperature and
humidity remain relatively constant throughout the year in the south, while the seasons vary
considerably in the north; during the northern dry season the daily temperature range
becomes great as well. On the coast the mean monthly maximum temperatures are steady
throughout the year, remaining about 90 °F (32 °C) at Lagos and about 91 °F (33 °C) at Port
Harcourt; the mean monthly minimum temperatures are approximately 72 °F (22 °C) for
Lagos and 68 °F (20 °C) for Port Harcourt. In general, mean maximum temperatures are
higher in the north, while mean minimum temperatures are lower. In the northeastern city of

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Maiduguri, for example, the mean monthly maximum temperature may exceed 100 °F (38
°C) during the hot months of April and May, while in the same season frosts may occur at
night. The humidity generally is high in the north, but it falls during the harmattan (the hot,
dry northeast trade wind), which blows for more than three months in the north but rarely for
more than two weeks along the coast.
People
Ikime (1980) in Groundwork of Nigerian History asserts that the people of Nigeria can be
classified into two major groups, depending on their geographical locations. According to
him, the first group can be classified as the forest people, and the second, grassland people.
These two groups were discussed as follows:
The Forest Peoples: The following groups are classified as peoples of the forest: (1) the
Yoruba and Edo speakers of the West and Southwest; (2) the Igbo, Ibibio and Efik peoples of
the East and Southeast. The list is more than this; I only mention the few ones with large
population. It is important to note the fact that a large number of the forest ethnic groups
belong either to the same linguistic family or sub-families. It is also necessary for you to note
that the peoples of the forest share common resource endowments; other than that, most of
them share nothing in common in terms of social and political organisation. This is to say that
there are areas of dissimilarities in the social and cultural organisation among the peoples of
the forest. Perhaps the only exceptions in this region are those located in the West and
Southwest: the Yoruba and Edo speaking peoples. This group of forest dwellers can be said
to have similar socio-political and cultural organisation. Both groups are known to have a
successful tradition of kingdom and empire building. The Igbo, Ibibio, and the Efik peoples
in the East and Southeast are known to have loose social organisation and fragmented
political structure, with no clear identifiable leaderships. The political system these groups
operate is what anthropologists called stateless society. Among these groups, there is no
strong evidence to suggest the economic and social contacts with the peoples of the savannah
regions. However, studies by experts are indicative of wide contacts between the Igbo and
their immediate neighbours in the Middle Belt and the Southeast region. The other important
aspects to indicate is that, for a long time, the Yoruba and the Edo speaking peoples had had
economic, social and cultural contacts with those in the Savannah region (Hausa and Fulani)
with whom they also share similar political structure. On religious matters, studies have
shown widely shared practice among the forest peoples. The shared practice is reflected in
the 'diffused monotheism', centered on a belief in a supreme deity. This deity is worshipped
through a multiplicity of divinities and ritual sacrifices. For example, the Ifa of the Yoruba

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and its derivation, such as Afa among the Igbo, Fa among the Aja, Ilia of Edo/Benin, Eva
among the Isoko and Eba among the Nupe. All these religious beliefs suggest the
extensiveness of the communication networks among the forest peoples in the past. The
introduction of Islam through the Kanem-Borno and Hausa in the 10th and 12th centuries
began a process of religious changes among the numerous indigenous culture areas of
Nigeria. A significant number of people were converted into Islam. It is necessary to indicate
strongly that the main routes through which the cultural diffusion took place were rapid
migrations and trade. There was also Europeans trading pact with the forest peoples along the
Atlantic Coast.
The Grassland Peoples: The grassland region of Nigeria (also called Savannah zone) can be
divided into two: the northern and central zones, (if you like you can refer to the two as far
north and middle belt respectively). The predominant groups in this zone are the Kanuri,
Hausa, and lately the Fulani. There are other minority groups sandwiched in between the
major groups. During the pre-colonial period, the Kanuri people were known to be governed
within a single stateKanem-Borno. At different times of its history, the Kanem state covered
the eastern and western sections of Lake Chad basin. There was consensus among historians
that Borno empire was established in the 9th century, and that makes the empire to be one of
the earliest kingdoms in Nigeria. The Kanuri king is normally addressed as Mai. One
significant contribution of Borno on the kingdoms cultural aspect is the fact that it was the
first area of Nigeria to record or proselytise Islam religion. To the west of Borno, live the
Hausa peoples. They were known to have been established before 1800 and with some
independent states. The myth of their origin suggests that Hausa states were founded by the
descendants of one Bayajidda. The myth claims that he fled from persecution in his homeland
in Baghdad (in the Middle East). It was said that he first sojourned in Borno and from there
moved to Daura in Hausaland. The ethnographic source of Hausa states is quite interesting
and worth discussion as narrated by Hausa historians. It runs thus: Bayajidda on arrival in
Daura killed a snake that had been terrorizing people, depriving the inhabitants of the use of
the town's well. It was said that the Queen of Daura later married Bayajidda in gratitude for
his efforts in eliminating the snake. The union between Bayajidcla and the Queen produced a
son called Bawo. Bawo in turn, gave birth to six sons. These were the sons who established
the states of Daura, Katsina, Kano, Rano, Zazzau and Gobir. It is also claimed that another
son of Bayajidda (the seventh son) through a previous marriage to the daughter of the king of
Kanem, established Hadejia, making Hausa states to be seven (Hausa Bakwai). There were
other seven states established by the seven children of Bayajidda through concubines. These

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seven states are referred to as Hausa Banza (Bastard states) and they include Zamfara, Kebbi,
Gwari, Yauri, Nupe, Jukun and Yoruba (i.e. old Oyo kingdom). Murray Last in his book —
The Early Kingdoms, through linguistic and anthropological data argued that the
incorporation of Hausaland into trans-Saharan trade network between 1100— 1400 A.D.
stimulated a complex series of intergroup fusions which eventually gave rise to centralised
politics. Such cultural and economic fusions, he concluded, is represented by the notion of
marriage in the Bayajidda myth, namely that kingdoms are founded in alliance. The seven
Hausa Banza (Bastard) are probably to be interpreted as constituting a mirror image of the
Hausa Bakwai, thereby reflecting the influence of large neighbouring societies in Hausa
history. In the case of the latecomers to the region, the Fulani (Fulbe) are known to have
spread across the entire West African Savannah region. They were supposed to have entered
Hausaland between 12th-13th century from their homeland in Senegal valley. Although they
can be found all over Nigeria, their population is concentrated in Sokoto, Bauchi, Gombe and
Adamawa States. There are two major groups of Fulani: the migratory pastoralists and
sedentary pastoralists. The sedentary groups are in most cases referred to as town Fulani and
are Muslims. The other group is referred to as cattle Fulani. Most people regard them as
animists. A significant number among the sedentary who are Muslims played major roles in
the proselytisation of Islam religion. They also served as tutors, advisers and administrators.
It was suchlike capacity that produced Uthman Dan Fodio's Jihad revolution in 1804.
Other grassland peoples are those in the Middle Belt or Central zone. This zone embraces
these states: Kwara, Niger, Kogi, Benue, Nasarawa, Plateau, Kaduna, Bauchi, Adamawa and
Taraba. As I have already indicated, there are over 200 ethnic groups in this zone. The major
groups that are easily identifiable, especially around Niger- Benue confluence area are the
following: Igala, Bassa and Bassa-nge. The Bassa and Bassa-nge are found today in four
different states — Kogi, Niger, Kaduna and Nasarawa. Ethnographic materials on them show
that they are the same people, dispersed across the Niger-Benue confluence. For example,
take the case of Bassa-nge and Nupe people and their languages. The two languages am
supposed to be different, but it was discovered by linguists that in reality, one is a dialect of
the other. Due to this linguistic affinity, a Bassa-nge man considers the Nupe man as his
kinsman, rather than an Igala man who shares the same territory with him. Similarly, a Bassa
man believes he is a native of Niger, Kaduna and Nasarawa and related to Gwari people. He
considers people from these states his kinsmen because he understands Gwari; Nupe and
Gwari are variants of Bassa language spoken in the states mentioned above. The other ethnic
group along Niger-Benue confluence is the Idoma. It also comprises other linguistic variants

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of Idoma such as Igade and Agatu. The others are: Alaga, Tiv, Ebira, Kakande, Gwari, Nupe
and Northern Yoruba people. Further Northeast and West of the confluence are found Jukun,
Bata, Chamba, Tangale and Waja, Berom, Ngas, Jarawa, Taroh, Mbula, Mumuye and
Bachama people, to mention a few. The ethnography and history of these peoples show that
they probably have been living in this area long before the 17th century in small
noncentralised communities, unlike the Yoruba and Hausa. Little is known of their earliest
history.
Ethnic Groups
There are an estimated 250 ethnic groups in Nigeria. Each inhabits a territory that it considers
to be its own by right of first occupancy and inheritance.
Table 1: Names and Locations of Nigeria's Ethnic Groups

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Among the people of Nigeria, Hausa, Yoruba and Igbo are the major ethnic groups, and in
fact their numerical strength provides the avenue for political dominance. The northern-
dwelling Hausa, one of the most numerous groups in the country, have become integrated
with the smaller Fulani group, whose members conquered Hausaland in the early 19th
century; the great majority of both are Muslims. Town-dwelling Fulani intermarry freely with
the Hausa and other groups, and they continue to control the administration of the Hausa
towns. The cattle-herding rural Fulani, who generally do not intermarry, speak the Fulani
language, Fula, rather than Hausa. Another large and politically dominant group is the Yoruba
of southwestern Nigeria. They consider the city of Ile-Ife their ancestral home and the deity
Oduduwa their progenitor. Most Yoruba are farmers but live in urban areas away from their
rural farmland. Each Yoruba subgroup is ruled by a paramount chief, or oba, who is usually
supported by a council of chiefs. The ooni (oni) of Ile-Ife, who is the spiritual leader of the
Yoruba, and the alaafin (alafin) of Oyo, who is their traditional political leader, are the most

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powerful rulers, and their influence is still acknowledged throughout the Yoruba areas. The
third major ethnic group, the Igbo of southeastern Nigeria, lives in small decentralized and
democratic settlements. The largest political unit is the village, which is ruled by a council of
elders (chosen by merit, not heredity) rather than by a chief. A smaller proportion live in large
towns and are culturally much closer to the Edo of neighbouring Benin City (in Edo state)
than to the Igbo east of the lower Niger valley.
Besides the Igbo, in the east of River Niger are other notable peoples, such as the Ijo, Efik
and Ibibio. These groups occupy the Niger Delta area in a belt, stretching from Ondo State
On Yorubaland) to Bayelsa and Rivers. The Ijo specifically are known to have developed
small states of which the most prominent ones are Ibani (Bonny) Elem Kolabari (Calabar),
Nembe (Brass) and Okrika. According to historical sources, Ijo small states were established
in the 16th century as a response to the Atlantic trade. During the Atlantic trade, villages that
were able to control the commerce brought by Europeans, became the nucleus of the new
states. This transformed some of the chiefs, especially the Amayanabo into political officials.
Less numerous are the Ibibio, who live near the Igbo and share many of their cultural traits,
and the Edo, who created the important precolonial kingdom of Benin. In the middle belt,
where the greatest concentration of ethnic groups (more than 180) occurs, the Tiv and the
Nupe are the largest groups. Both are settled cultivators, but, while Nupe society is
hierarchical, that of the Tiv tends to be decentralized.
Languages of Nigeria
The languages of Nigeria are classified into three broad linguistic groups: Niger-Congo, Nilo-
Saharan, and Afro-Asiatic. The huge Niger-Congo group is further subdivided into nine
major branches, including the Kwa subgroup, spoken in the extreme southwestern corner of
the country; the Ijoid branch, spoken in the Niger Delta region; the Atlantic subgroup, which
most notably includes Fula; the extensive Benue-Congo subgroup, which includes Tiv, Jukun,
Edo, Igbo, Igala, Idoma, Nupe, Gwari, Yoruba, and several languages of the Cross River
basin such as Efik, Ibibio, Anang, and Ekoi; and the Adamawa-Ubangi languages, such as
Awak, Waja, Waka, and Tula, spoken in northern Nigeria. The Nilo-Saharan group is
represented in Nigeria principally by Kanuri, although speakers of Bagirmi and Zerma are
also present in the country. Afro-Asiatic is a much larger linguistic group and comprises
Hausa, Margi, and Bade, among others. Some peoples (such as the Fulani and the Tiv) are
relatively recent immigrants, but, on the basis of modern linguistic research, it is thought that
the great majority of Nigerian languages—specifically the Kwa subgroup—have been spoken
in roughly the same locations for some 4,000 years. Hausa was an official language of the

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northern states from 1951 to 1967. It is the most widely spoken language, although English is
the official language of Nigeria. In addition to English, Hausa, Yoruba, Igbo, Fula, and
English Creole are widely spoken. Many of the languages exist in written form.
Religion
At the beginning of the 20th century, most Nigerians were followers of traditional religions,
but British colonial policies discouraged this to such an extent that by the time of
independence in 1960 the great majority of the people were classified as Muslims or
Christians. At the beginning of the 21st century, about half of the population was Muslim,
slightly less than that was Christian, and only a small number claimed to follow traditional
religions. However, many of those professing to be Muslims and Christians also openly
performed certain rites or rituals of traditional religions that were no longer condemned as
they had been during the colonial period. While a supreme god (called Olorun Olodumare in
Yoruba, Chukwu in Igbo, Osalobua in Edo, and Abasi Ibom in Ibibio) is central to many of
the traditional religions, the deity is worshipped through a number of intermediaries or lesser
gods. Religious freedom is guaranteed by the constitution, and Muslims and Christians live
and work together, although there is continuing conflict between the two groups and between
them and adherents of traditional religions. The greatest concentration of Muslims is in the
northern states. There three-fourths of the people profess the religion of Islam, which also is
the dominant faith in a few of the southern states. Christians make up more than three-fourths
of the population in the eastern states.
Geographic regions
Marked differences exist between north and south, not only in physical landscape, climate,
and vegetation but also in the social organization, religion, literacy, and agricultural practices
of the people. These differences form the basis of the division of Nigeria into three
geographic regions: the south, or Guinea coastlands; the central region; and the north, or
Nigerian Sudan.
South: The south is the most economically developed part of Nigeria. Its forest resources are
intensively exploited, and its tree crops are harvested on peasant farms and commercial
plantations. All of the country’s major industrial centres and oil fields, as well as its seaports,
are concentrated in the region. Important cultural centres are also found in the south, such as
those of the Yoruba in the western part of the region, the Edo in the region’s midwestern
section, and the Igbo-Ibibio in the east. Parts of the country’s Igbo and Ibibio-inhabited areas
are the most densely settled areas in sub-Saharan Africa. The Yoruba-inhabited areas where
cacao is grown are also densely settled and attract many migrants from the congested Igbo

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and Ibibio-inhabited areas. The eastern Cross River area is virtually uninhabited owing to the
poor soil and climate.
Central region: The central region is the most sparsely settled and least developed part of
Nigeria, comprising about two-fifths of the country’s land area but supporting less than one-
fifth of the total population. Small pockets of dense population occur in the tin fields of the
Jos Plateau and in the southern Tiv-inhabited area. The remaining, and by far the greater, part
of this region is virtually uninhabited owing to the poor soil and climate. Before 1970, large-
scale development in this region, often referred to as the middle belt, was restricted to a few
government-supported projects, such as the Kainji Dam and the Bacita sugar project (both in
the northwestern part of the region) and a few industries in the towns of Jos and Kaduna (now
the capitals of Plateau and Kaduna states, respectively). After the national administrative
reorganization of 1975, this central region gained importance because 7 of the then 19 (now
36) state capitals, as well as the approximately 2,800-square-mile (7,250-square-km) Federal
Capital Territory were located there. In addition, during the early 1980s a giant iron and steel
complex was built at Ajaokuta, near Lokoja.
North: The north, or Nigerian Sudan, underwent significant change in the beginning of the
20th century, when a new economic pattern was created by the construction of a railroad that
connected the region to the country’s coastal ports. Before then, the Nigerian Sudan was more
outward oriented through regular trans-Saharan contacts with North Africa, the
Mediterranean, and the Middle East. Except in the Lake Chad basin, where the Kanuri people
established the state of Borno, the Nigerian Sudan has been dominated by a blend of the
cultures of the Fulani and Hausa. The former are traditionally nomadic cattle herders, the
latter settled cultivators; both groups are predominantly Muslim. Two regions of dense
population are found in the extreme north: the Sokoto area and the Kano-Katsina area. The
Kano concentration is based on intensive agriculture in an area of relatively fertile soils, but
the densely settled areas around nearby Katsina have impoverished soils and do not produce
enough food for the local population.

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 CHAPTER 3
HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF PRE-COLONIAL NIGERIAN STATES
Introduction
The history of the territories which since ca. 1900 have been known under the name of
Nigeria during the pre-colonial period (16th to 18th centuries) was dominated by several
powerful West African kingdoms or empires, such as the Oyo Empire and the Islamic
Kanem-Bornu Empire in the northeast, and the Igbo kingdom of Onitsha in the southeast and
various Hausa-Fulani kingdoms. Past archaeological digs have uncovered the fairly advanced
lifestyle of some of the Hausa civilizations. Some were able to work iron which helped with
tool and weapon making. They also showed a vast advancement in cultural expression which
was rare for civilizations in the area around that time. Many of the settlements also contained
expertly coursed stone walls which showed the need for either protection from animals or
other settlements. These various settlements would later clash, craving a rise in power which
may explain these elements uncovered in the archaeological sites.
Northern kingdoms of the Sahel
The Songhai Empire, c. 1500
Trade is the key to the emergence of organized communities in the sahelian portions of
Nigeria. Prehistoric inhabitants adjusting to the encroaching desert were widely scattered by
the third millennium BC, when the desiccation of the Sahara began. Trans-Saharan trade
routes linked the western Sudan with the Mediterranean since the time of Carthage and with
the Upper Nile from a much earlier date, establishing avenues of communication and cultural
influence that remained open until the end of the 19th century. By these same routes, Islam
made its way south into West Africa after the 9th century. By then a string of dynastic states,
including the earliest Hausa states, stretched into western and central Sudan. The most
powerful of these states were Ghana, Gao, and Kanem, which were not within the boundaries
of modern Nigeria but which influenced the history of the Nigerian savanna. Ghana declined
in the 11th century but was succeeded by the Mali Empire which consolidated much of
western Sudan in the 13th century. Following the breakup of Mali, a local leader named
Sonni Ali (1464–1492) founded the Songhai Empire in the region of middle Niger and
western Sudan and took control of the trans-Saharan trade. Sonni Ali seized Timbuktu in
1468 and Djenné in 1473, building his regime on trade revenues and the cooperation of
Muslim merchants. His successor Askia Muhammad Ture (1493–1528) made Islam the
official religion, built mosques, and brought Muslim scholars, including al-Maghili (d.1504),
the founder of an important tradition of Sudanic African Muslim scholarship, to Gao.

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Although these western empires had little political influence on the Nigerian savanna before
1500 they had a strong cultural and economic impact that became more pronounced in the
16th century, especially because these states became associated with the spread of Islam and
trade. Throughout the 16th-century much of northern Nigeria paid homage to Songhai in the
west or to Borno, a rival empire in the east.
Kanem–Bornu Empire
Kanem can be seen on the northeastern part of the al-Qâsimî's copy and the southwestern part
of Spamer's version. Borno's history is closely associated with Kanem, which had achieved
imperial status in the Lake Chad basin by the 13th century. Kanem expanded westward to
include the area that became Borno. The empire covered the region around the Lake Chad
and at one time stretched as far as Fezzan, in southern Libya. The Mai (king) of Kanem and
his court accepted Islam in the 11th century, as the western empires also had done. Islam was
used to reinforce the political and social structures of the state although many established
customs were maintained. Women, for example, continued to exercise considerable political
influence, particularly the Magira (Queen Mother) and Magara (the Mai's official 'elder
sister'). The first ruler of Kanem was Saif who founded his dynasty, the Sayfawa, which ruled
the empire for a millennium (800 AD–1846 AD), believed to be one of the longest lasting
dynasties. The first Muslim ruler of Kanem was Mai Umme Jilmi (r. 1085–1097), who died
in Egypt on his way to Mecca. His son and successor Dunama I (r. 1097–1150) is said to have
made the pilgrimage to Mecca twice and, on his third pilgrimage, was drowned by Egyptians
at Suez. During the late 12th-century, Kanem had established friendly relations with Tunisia,
and occasionally sent ambassadors. Around this period, Kanem also maintained a madrasa
(hostel) in Cairo, meant for students and pilgrims from its domain. Due to the growing
influence of Kanem in North Africa and its territorial expansion it achieved during the 12th
and 13th centuries, the empire became well known in the Islamic world at the time. The Mai
employed his mounted bodyguard and an inchoate army of nobles to extend Kanem's
authority into Borno. By tradition, the territory was conferred on the heir to the throne to
govern during his apprenticeship. In the 14th century, however, dynastic conflict forced the
then-ruling group and its followers to relocate in Borno, as a result the Kanuri emerged as an
ethnic group in the late 14th and 15th centuries. The civil war that disrupted Kanem in the
second half of the 14th century resulted in the independence of Bornu.
The Sayfawa, who fled to Bornu, were severely weakened by the dynastic struggles during
the late 14th and early 15th centuries. However, Mai Ali Ghaji (r. 1470–1508) ushered in a
new age for the dynasty. He established a large capital named Birnin N'gazargamu, which

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was the centre of Bornu until its destruction during the 19th-century Sokoto jihad. Ali Ghaji
implemented governmental reforms and brought an end to the civil strife. With a revitalised
army, he expanded Bornu's influence over neighbouring regions and even extracted tributes
from some Hausa states. He also restored diplomatic and trade ties with North Africa. Ali's
successors continued to dominate Kanem, maintaining it as a province of Bornu until the 19th
century. The most prosperous era in the history of the empire was during the reign of Idris
Alauma (1571–1603), which also stands as its most well documented period prior to the 19th-
century. This documentation owes largely to the efforts of his Imam Ahmed ibn Fartua, who
chronicled the first twelve years of Alauma's reign. Alauma assumed the throne following an
interregnum during which Bornu was governed by his mother, Aicha. Shortly after his
ascension, he obtained Turkish musketeers from North Africa, along with horses, camels, and
various arms for his troops to improve Bornu's military might. He led numerous campaigns to
pacify Bornu's neighbours and conquer territory. His troops conducted far-reaching
campaigns: to the North, from Fezzan in southern Libya to Kawar in northern Niger; to the
east, from the Kanem region in eastern Chad to the Mandara region in northern Cameroon; to
the south, he quelled rebellion from a Marghi prince, who ultimately submitted to his
authority; and to the west, he subdued Kano and exacted tributes from the Hausa state. Apart
from waging wars, Alauma undertook administrative reforms. He began the replacement of
customary law with Shari'a (Islamic Law) in certain matters and appointed qadis (judges) to
preside over legal matters independently of traditional rulers. In an attempt to revive Islam in
Bornu, he sponsored the construction of several mosques built using burnt bricks rather than
reeds. He also undertook the pilgrimage to Mecca and financed the construction of a hostel
for Bornu pilgrims there. Borno's prosperity depended on the trans-Sudanic slave trade and
the desert trade in salt and livestock. The need to protect its commercial interests compelled
Borno to intervene in Kanem, which continued to be a theatre of war throughout the 15th
century and into the 16th century. Despite its relative political weakness in this period,
Borno's court and mosques under the patronage of a line of scholarly kings earned fame as
centres of Islamic culture and learning.
Hausa Kingdoms
The Hausa Kingdoms began as seven states founded according to the Bayajidda legend by
sons of Bawo, the son of the hero and the queen Magajiya Daurama: Daura, Kano, Katsina,
Zaria (Zazzau), Gobir, Rano, and Biram. According to the Bayajidda legend, the Banza
Bakwai states were founded by sons of Karbagari, the son of Bayajidda and the slave-maid,
Bagwariya. They are called the Bastard Seven on account of their ancestress' slave status:

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Zamfara, Kebbi, Yauri, Gwari, Kwararafa, Nupe, and Ilorin. Since the beginning of Hausa
history, the seven states of Hausaland divided up production and labor activities in
accordance with their location and natural resources. Kano and Rano were known as the
"Chiefs of Indigo." Cotton grew readily in the great plains of these states, and they became
the primary producers of cloth, weaving and dying it before sending it off in caravans to the
other states within Hausaland and to extensive regions beyond. Biram was the original seat of
government, while Zaria supplied labor and was known as the "Chief of Slaves." Katsina and
Daura were the "Chiefs of the Market," as their geographical location accorded them direct
access to the caravans coming across the desert from the north. Gobir, located in the west,
was the "Chief of War" and was mainly responsible for protecting the empire from the
invasive Kingdoms of Ghana and Songhai. Islam arrived at Hausaland along the caravan
routes. The famous Kano Chronicle records the conversion of Kano's ruling dynasty by
clerics from Mali, demonstrating that the imperial influence of Mali extended far to the east.
Acceptance of Islam was gradual and was often nominal in the countryside where folk
religion continued to exert a strong influence.
Nonetheless, Kano and Katsina, with their famous mosques and schools, came to participate
fully in the cultural and intellectual life of the Islamic world. The Fulani began to enter the
Hausa country in the 13th century and by the 15th century, they were tending cattle, sheep,
and goats in Borno as well. The Fulani came from the Senegal River valley, where their
ancestors had developed a method of livestock management based on transhumance.
Gradually they moved eastward, first into the centers of the Mali and Songhai empires and
eventually into Hausaland and Borno. Some Fulbe converted to Islam as early as the 11th
century and settled among the Hausa, from whom they became racially indistinguishable.
There they constituted a devoutly religious, educated elite who made themselves
indispensable to the Hausa kings as government advisers, Islamic judges, and teachers. The
Hausa Kingdoms were first mentioned by Ya'qubi in the 9th century and they were by the
15th-century vibrant trading centers competing with Kanem–Bornu and the Mali Empire. The
primary exports were slaves, leather, gold, cloth, salt, kola nuts, and henna. At various
moments in their history, the Hausa managed to establish central control over their states, but
such unity has always proven short. In the 11th-century, the conquests initiated by Gijimasu
of Kano culminated in the birth of the first united Hausa Nation under Queen Amina, the
Sultana of Zazzau but severe rivalries between the states led to periods of domination by
major powers like the Songhai, Kanem and the Fulani. Despite relatively constant growth, the
Hausa states were vulnerable to aggression and, although the vast majority of its inhabitants

2
were Muslim by the 16th century, they were attacked by Fulani jihadists from 1804 to 1808.
In 1808 the Hausa Nation was finally conquered by Usman dan Fodio and incorporated into
the Hausa-Fulani Sokoto Caliphate.
Southern Kingdom of Yorubaland
Ife, Oyo, and the Igodomigodo of Benin
The history of the Yoruba people begins in Ile-Ife(Ife Empire). This kingdom was founded by
the deity Oduduwa, who is believed to have created the world. Oduduwa was the first divine
king of the Yoruba people. It is said the Yoruba people believe that their civilization began at
Ile-Ife where the gods descended to earth. The ethnic group became popular internationally
due to their trading with the Portuguese who gave them guns for their trade. The Yoruba were
invaded by the Fulani in the early 1800s, which pushed the people to the South. In the late
1800s, they formed a treaty with the British Empire and were colonized by Britain beginning
in 1901. The people who lived in Yorubaland, at least by the seventh century BC, were not
initially known as the Yoruba, although they shared a common ethnicity and language group.
The historical Yoruba develop in situ, out of earlier (Mesolithic) Volta-Niger populations, by
the 1st millennium BC. Archaeologically, the settlement at Ile-Ife can be dated to around the
10th to 6th century BC, with urban structures appearing in the 4th-7th Centuries. "Between
700 and 900 A.D., the city began to develop as a major artistic center," And "by the 12th
Century Ife artists were creating luxury and religious bronze, stone, and terracotta
sculptures." The phase of Ile-Ife before the rise of Oyo, ca. 1100–1600, is sometimes
described as a "golden age" of Ile-Ife.
Ife was surpassed by the Oyo Empire as the dominant Yoruba military and political power
between 1600 and 1800 AD. The nearby Benin Empire was also a powerful force between
1300 and 1850. Oyo developed in the 17th century and become one of the largest Yoruba
kingdoms, while Ile-Ife remained as a religiously significant rival to its power at the site of
the divine creation of the earth in Yoruba mythology. After Oduduwa's ascension in Ile-Ife, he
had a son. This son later became the first ruler of the Oyo empire. The Oyo kingdom
subjugated the kingdom of Dahomey. It traded with European merchants on the coast through
Ajase. The wealth of the empire increased, and its political leader's wealth increased as well.
This state of affairs continued until Oba Abiodun, Oyo's last great ruler, engaged his
opponents in a bitter civil war that had a ruinous effect on economic development and the
trade with the European merchants. The downfall of the kingdom came soon after, as
Abiodun became concerned with little other than the display of royal wealth. Oyo's empire
had collapsed by the 1830s. Like Oyo itself, most of the surrounding city states were

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controlled by Obas, elected priestly monarchs, and councils made up of Oloyes, recognised
leaders of royal, noble, and often even common descent, who joined them in ruling over the
kingdoms through a series of guilds and cults. Different states saw differing ratios of power
between the kingship and the chiefs' council. Some, such as Oyo, had powerful, autocratic
monarchs with almost total control, while in others such as the Ijebu city-states, the senatorial
councils were supreme and the Ọba served as something of a figurehead. In all cases,
however, Yoruba monarchs were subject to the continuing approval of their constituents as a
matter of policy, and could be easily compelled to abdicate for demonstrating dictatorial
tendencies or incompetence. The order to vacate the throne was usually communicated
through an àrokò or symbolic message, which usually took the form of parrots' eggs delivered
in a covered calabash bowl by the Oloyes.
The Yoruba eventually established a federation of city-states under the political ascendancy
of the city state of Oyo, located on the Northern fringes of Yorubaland in the savanna plains
between the forests of present Southwest Nigeria and the Niger River. Following a Jihad led
by Uthman Dan Fodio and a rapid consolidation of the Hausa city states of contemporary
northern Nigeria, the Fulani Sokoto Caliphate invaded and annexed the buffer Nupe
Kingdom. It then began to advance southwards into Ọyọ lands. Shortly afterwards, its armies
overran the Yoruba military capital of Ilorin, and then sacked and destroyed Ọyọ-Ile, the
royal seat of the Ọyọ Empire. Following this, Ọyọ-Ile was abandoned, and the Ọyọ retreated
south to the present city of Oyo (formerly known as "Ago d'oyo", or "Oyo Atiba") in a
forested region where the cavalry of the Sokoto Caliphate was less effective. Further attempts
by the Sokoto Caliphate to expand southwards were checked by the Yoruba who had rallied
in defense under the military leadership of the ascendant Ibadan clan, which rose from the old
Oyo Empire, and of the Ijebu city-states. However, the Oyo hegemony had been dealt a
mortal blow. The other Yoruba city-states broke free of Oyo dominance, and subsequently
became embroiled in a series of internecine conflicts that soon metamorphosed into a full
scale civil war. These events weakened the southern Yorubas considerably as the Nigerian
government pursued harsh methods to bring an end to the civil war. In 1960, greater
Yorubaland was subsumed into the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The historical records of the
Yoruba, which became more accessible in the nineteenth century with the more permanent
arrival of the Europeans, tell of heavy Jihad raids by the mounted Fulani warriors of the north
as well as of endemic intercity warfare amongst the Yoruba themselves. Archaeological
evidence of the greatness of their ancient civilization in the form of, amongst other things,
impressive architectural achievements like Sungbo's Eredo that are centuries old, nevertheless

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abound. The Yorubaland now consists of different tribes from different states which are
located in the Southwestern part of the country, states like Lagos State, Oyo State, Ondo
State, Osun State, Ekiti State and Ogun State, among others.
In most theory, Yoruba and Benin history were interconnected. In fact, areas to the west of
Nigeria, in the modern Republic of Benin, were also closely associated with same history,
both in the period before 1500 and afterward. During the 15th century Benin Empire was
referred to as Igodomigodo. The first dynasty of the Empire was the Ogiso dynasty, rulers
who were known to their people as the kings of the Sky. Ogiso is the first ruler in West Africa
Region to receive foreign traders. The West African empire centered on Benin City, in
modern-day Nigeria. The ancient Benin homeland (not to be confused with the modern-day
and unrelated Republic of Benin, which was then known as Dahomey) has been and
continues to be mostly populated by the Edo (also known as the Bini or Benin ethnic group).
Igbo Kingdom of Nri
The Igbo people had a unique system centered around the Nri Kingdom. Nri, located in
present-day Anambra State, held religious and spiritual significance. The Kingdom of Nri is
considered to be the foundation of Igbo culture and the oldest Kingdom in Nigeria. Nri and
Aguleri, where the Igbo creation myth originates, are in the territory of the Umueri clan, who
trace their lineages back to the patriarchal king-figure, Eri. Eri's origins are unclear, though he
has been described as a "sky being" sent by Chukwu (God). He has been characterized as
having first given societal order to the people of Anambra. Archaeological evidence suggests
that Nri hegemony in Igboland may go back as far as the 9th century, and royal burials have
been unearthed dating to at least the 10th century. Eri, the god-like founder of Nri, is believed
to have settled in the region around 948 with other related Igbo cultures following in the 13th
century. The first Eze Nri (King of Nri), Ìfikuánim, followed directly after him. According to
Igbo oral tradition, his reign started in 1043. At least one historian puts Ìfikuánim's reign
much later, around 1225. Each king traces his origin back to the founding ancestor, Eri. Each
king is a ritual reproduction of Eri. The initiation rite of a new king shows that the ritual
process of becoming Ezenri (Nri priest-king) follows closely the path traced by the hero in
establishing the Nri kingdom.
The Kingdom of Nri was a religio-polity, a sort of theocratic state, that developed in the
central heartland of the Igbo region. The Nri had a taboo symbolic code with six types. These
included human (such as the birth of twins), animal (such as killing or eating of pythons),
object, temporal, behavioral, speech and place taboos. The rules regarding these taboos were
used to educate and govern Nri's subjects. This meant that, while certain Igbo may have lived

2
under different formal administrations, all followers of the Igbo religion had to abide by the
rules of the faith and obey its representative on earth, the Eze Nri. With the decline of Nri
kingdom in the 15th to 17th centuries, several states once under their influence, became
powerful economic oracular oligarchies and large commercial states that dominated Igboland.
The neighboring Awka city-state rose in power as a result of their powerful Agbala oracle and
metalworking expertise. The Onitsha Kingdom, which was originally inhabited by Igbos
from east of the Niger, was founded in the 16th century by migrants from Anioma (Western
Igboland). Later groups like the Igala traders from the hinterland settled in Onitsha in the
18th century. Kingdoms west of the River Niger like Aboh (Abo), which was significantly
populated by Igbos among other tribes, dominated trade along the lower River Niger area
from the 17th century until European explorations into the Niger delta. The Umunoha state in
the Owerri area used the Igwe ka Ala oracle at their advantage. However, the Cross River
Igbo state like the Aro had the greatest influence in Igboland and adjacent areas after the
decline of Nri.
The Arochukwu kingdom emerged after the Aro-Ibibio Wars from 1630 to 1720, and went on
to form the Aro Confederacy which economically dominated Eastern Nigerian hinterland.
The source of the Aro Confederacy's economic dominance was based on the judicial oracle of
Ibini Ukpabi ("Long Juju") and their military forces which included powerful allies such as
Ohafia, Abam, Ezza, and other related neighboring states. The Abiriba and Aro are Brothers
whose migration is traced to the Ekpa Kingdom, East of Cross River, their exact take of
location was at Ekpa (Mkpa) east of the Cross River. They crossed the river to Urupkam
(Usukpam) west of the Cross River and founded two settlements: Ena Uda and Ena Ofia in
present-day Erai. Aro and Abiriba cooperated to become a powerful economic force. The
Igbo-Igala Wars were a series of conflicts between the Igbo people and the Igala people in
pre-colonial Nigeria. The wars occurred in the 18th and 19th centuries and were primarily
driven by territorial disputes, competition for resources, and political power struggles
between the two ethnic groups. The Igbo and Igala engaged in military confrontations, with
both sides vying for control over strategic territories. These wars were part of the complex
dynamics and inter-ethnic relations that characterized the region during that historical period.
The outcomes of specific battles and the overall impact of the Igbo-Igala Wars varied, and the
conflicts eventually contributed to shaping the socio-political landscape of the region. Igbo
gods were numerous, but their relationship to one another and human beings was essentially
egalitarian, reflecting Igbo society as a whole. A number of oracles and local cults attracted
devotees while the central deity, the earth mother and fertility figure Ala, was venerated at

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shrines throughout Igboland. The Kingdom of Benin had influence on the western Igbo, who
adopted many of the political structures familiar to the Yoruba-Benin region, but Asaba and
its immediate neighbours, such as Ibusa, Ogwashi-Ukwu, Okpanam, Issele-Azagba and
Issele-Ukwu, were much closer to the Kingdom of Nri. Ofega was the queen for the Onitsha
Igbo.
Akwa Akpa
The modern city of Calabar was founded in 1786 by Efik families who had left Creek Town,
farther up the Calabar river, settling on the east bank in a position where they were able to
dominate traffic with European vessels that anchored in the river, and soon becoming the
most powerful in the region extending from now Calabar down to Bakassi in the East and
Oron Nation in the West. Akwa Akpa (named Calabar by the Spanish) became a center of the
Atlantic slave trade, where African slaves were sold in exchange for European manufactured
goods. Igbo people formed the majority of enslaved Africans sold as slaves from Calabar,
despite forming a minority among the ethnic groups in the region. From 1725 until 1750,
roughly 17,000 enslaved Africans were sold from Calabar to European slave traders; from
1772 to 1775, the number soared to over 62,000. With the suppression of the slave trade,
palm oil and palm kernels became the main exports. The chiefs of Akwa Akpa placed
themselves under British protection in 1884. From 1884 until 1906 Old Calabar was the
headquarters of the Niger Coast Protectorate, after which Lagos became the main center.
Now called Calabar, the city remained an important port shipping ivory, timber, beeswax, and
palm produce until 1916, when the railway terminus was opened at Port Harcourt, 145 km to
the west.

From the various epoch of the various kingdoms, one could say that, the pre-colonial
epoch was dynamic, characterized by diverse political systems—centralized states, city-
states, and stateless societies. Monarchs, such as the Alaafin, Sarki, and Eze Nri, held
authority, often grounded in religious beliefs or economic power. These rulers governed
alongside councils, creating complex hierarchical structures within their realms. These
kingdoms also developed in the context of the trans-Saharan slave trade, but they peaked in
power in the late 18th century, thriving on the Atlantic slave trade due to the great demand for
slaves by the European colonies.

The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade

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The origin of the trans-Atlantic slave trade in Nigeria could be traced back to as early as the
middle 15th century — 1441 to be precise. Portuguese navigators, full of overzealousness for
profit and glory, had arrived at the West African coast. By 1471, their ship had reconnoitered
the coast and went as far as the Niger Delta. Tapping into the fabled gold trade in the Saharan
region was their great dream. At first, the Portuguese captured Nigerians during raids on local
coastal communities, but as the demand for slaves multiplied, they began to rely on trading
slaves with local rulers in exchange for items and industrial products. In 1481, emissaries sent
by the king of Portugal visited the Oba of Benin’s court. This singular sparked the possibility
of a close relationship between Portugal and Benin. Portuguese soldiers lent their hands to the
Benins during their wars. Later, the Portuguese (language) was spoken at the court of the
Oba. The Oba of Benin offered ivory, pepper and a significant number of slaves in exchange
for coral beads, rum, horses, industrial products, muslin cloth, imported textiles from India,
European-made articles, including tools and weapons; and manillas (brass and bronze
bracelets that were used as currency and also were melted down for objets d’art). Manillas are
also known as “slave trade currencies”. They are a kind of brass or bronze metal bracelet or
armband that served as a form of payment during the Atlantic slave trade. Manillas are
usually melted down for objets d’art. The Benin kingdom tightens their hold on the lower
Niger area by exploiting the guns and firearms they got from, the Portuguese. The close ties
between Portugal and Benin continued to flourish as it benefitted both sides. By 1490, over
3000 slaves per year were conveyed to Spain and Portugal from Africa. However, the spread
of Benin and Portugal’s influence was soon put in check. The reason was that Portugal, due to
the availability of other spices in the Indian Ocean region, stopped purchasing pepper from
Benin.
Another reason was that Benin had placed an embargo on any exporting of slaves. This move
by Benin dragged her backwards in the “slave-trading business” which was just about to
boom in Nigeria. Benin continued to capture slaves from neighbouring communities but
employed them for domestic purposes. They became isolated from the new trade happening
along the Nigerian coast. Initially, the Portuguese bought the slaves to re-sell them on the
“Gold Coast” (present-day Ghana), where slaves were traded for gold. Owing to this, the
coast along South-Western Nigeria and areas neighbouring Nigeria’s border with the
Republic of Benin became popularized as the “Slave Coast”. When the expanding and
colonizing power of the Europeans plunged the West Indies and America, the slave trade in
Nigeria took a bigger turn — it was transformed into a gargantuan, global trade. In the final
third of the 1600s, the African coast supplied slaves to the Americas, while the Portuguese

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got their slaves from the Bight of Benin. Around this time, slave trading in Africa was much
more concentrated on the Angolan coast. The ¨Americas¨ is used to refer the North and South
America and the Caribbean colonies. In fact, about two-thirds of all slaves conveyed by ship
to the Americas during the Trans-Atlantic trade were from the Angolan. Still, some slaves
were shipped from the Nigerian coast. The days of the Portuguese monopoly on West Africa
and Nigeria’s trade were finally over as they could not resist the enormous power of the
Netherlands’s navy. So, the Dutch (used to refer to people from the Netherlands) took over all
the trading stations on the coast that supplied the American slaves. Later, competition rose
from the French and English. This undermined the position of the Dutch in the slave trade
market. Though several European-maritime countries (like Denmark, Sweden, and
Brandenburg) and North American colonies were pegging their flags in slave ports across
Lagos to Calabar, Britain was a far dominant and powerful side in the 18th century. British
ships conveyed forty per cent of “trans-Atlantic” slaves in the 1800s. The French and
Portuguese were responsible for another forty per cent.
Throughout this period of the Great expansion of the Trans-Atlantic Slave trade, Nigeria
maintained its crucial position as a source of slaves. In fact, in the 1800s, more slaves were
exported from the Nigerian coast than from Angola. Three polities in Nigeria the Oyo, the
Hausa and the Arochukwu Confederacy — were largely responsible for the exporting of
slaves from Nigeria. Within related ethnic groups, internecine wars ensued. They were
fighting for one reason — who would hold control of the slave trade export? For example, the
Yoruba civil wars ensued during this period, causing the fall of Oyo in the 1820s. Slaves from
these wars were later sold. Two reasons fueled the increasing demand and supply of slaves
from Nigerians. The first reason is that alcohol and guns were scarce and something of high
importance in Nigeria at the time. The second reason was that there was a demand for more
labour in Europe for the production of more sugar and cotton, particularly cheaper ones. Over
this trade period, over 3.5 million slaves were sent to America from Nigeria. Most of whom
were Igbo or Yoruba. Certain ethnic groups such as the Hausa and Ibibio were also
prominent. Local brokers were employed to supply captives. This system destroyed and
degraded pre-existing political, religious and social structures.
Major Slave-Exporting States in Pre-colonial Nigeria
Though the Europeans did forcefully capture slaves from Nigeria, the fact that
Nigerians were willing to sell/enslave their fellow Nigerians was crucial because then, the
Europeans couldn’t go deep into the inland. For one, the Europeans were susceptible to
mosquitoes. They needed collaborators. Some Polities in Nigeria helped serve their needs.

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They sold off fellow Nigerians to the Europeans. Aro, Edo and Ashante are some of the best
examples of people who turned their neighbours into slave depots. Now, let’s look at how
they contributed to the slave trans-Saharan trade in Nigeria:
1. Oyo: Following the expansion of Oyo in the middle of the sixteenth century, they
became very significant in the growth of slave exporting across the Atlantic. The
Oyo’s calvary journeyed southward along the path opened up by the Benin Gap and
thereby gained access to the coastal ports. Benin or Dahomey gap is the natural
opening in the forest where the savanna stretches to the Bight of Benin. Later, Oyo
experienced a series of internal and tribal power struggles in the eighteenth century
that was related to its enormous success as a dominant slave exporter. Most of the
slaves sold in the nineteenth century were from the Yoruba civil wars that led to the
fall of Oyo in the 1820s.
2. Aro: Arochukwu confederacy, also known as Aro, is comprised of a mixed clan of
Igbo and Ibibio origins. In the late sixteenth century, the Aro took its root from
treaties and arbitrations with several Igbo clans. Whenever disputes ensued
throughout the Igboland, the Aro served as arbitrators. Their famous oracle at
Arochuckwu was treasured as the court of appeals for different disputes. The Aro
were untouchable by custom. Some Igbo clans gave them mercenaries to serve as
guards. The Aro also collected payment in the form of slaves. Also, masters usually
dedicate their slaves to the gods as sacrifices for their sins. Thereby, these slaves
became Aro’s property who had the freedom to sell them anytime. After the collapse
of Oyo in the 1820s, Aro enjoyed a virtual monopoly in the slave trade. Any village
suspected of going behind the treaties with Aro was subject to raids that produced
several slaves for exports. Aro had a powerful influence. They had treaties with
coastal ports from which people were exported in branches in Bonny, Elem Kalabari
and Calabar.
3. Ijaw: The Ijaw occupied a tidal area in the south-east, close to the Igbos. Before the
slave trade began, they lived frugally from the sale of dried fish and salt (which they
got from the sea) to communities inland. After the advent of the slave trade, the major
Ijaw villages grew into cities with thousands of inhabitants ruled by strong men. The
Ijaw became slave middlemen — they received slaves from Aro and resold them to
the Europeans. They were an entrepreneurial community. Amongst the Ijaws, personal
wealth mattered more than individual status; it was the basis for political power.
Typically, the government of Ijaw was controlled by councils composed of wealthy

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 merchants, headed by an amanyanabo (means chief executive). Later, the office of the
head became hereditary.
4. Igbo: Traditionally, the Igbo followed the Osu caste system of the Odinani religion.
Those regarded as Osu were Igbos too, but they were considered spiritually inferior,
and hence were segregated. Osu were either left to remain as slaves or sold in the
slave markets. When the slave trade in Nigeria was in its heyday, the Igbos only sold
“Efulefu”. Efulefu are people who are deemed “lazy” and “worthless” in the Igbo
culture.
5. Yoruba: Slavery had been in practice among the Yoruba people before the emergence
of the Trans-Atlantic slave trade. In the Yoruba society, slaves were seen as a symbol
of status. The wealth or influence of a Yoruba person can be judged by the number of
slaves he/she owned. Slaves in Yoruba land were usually captured during territorial
expansion and intertribal and internal wars. For instance, if a town wins against
another in a war, the residents of the defeated town would be enslaved. Some of the
slaves acquired typically worked for powerful Yoruba elites who tasked them with
farm works such as cultivation and clearing of land. Of the categories of slaves in the
Yoruba societies are the “Iwofa”. The term “ìwọ̀fà” is used to denote slaves who were
willingly given by one family to another as “collateral to settle a debt. The popularity
of slavery among the Yoruba people was enhanced by their contact with the
Europeans and Arabs. Powerful Yoruba elites such as warriors, influential kings,
nobles, and affluent traders, engaged in the slave trade because it proved to be a
lucrative means of earning money. In return, foreign merchants supplied Yoruba
trading associates with potent firearms, like rifles, in return for enslaved individuals.
6. Sokoto Caliphate: The Sokoto Caliphate was a powerful 19th-century Sunni Muslim
caliphate with its capital Sokoto located in northern Nigeria. The caliphate brought
decades of economic growth throughout the region. An estimated 1-2.5 million non-
Muslim slaves were captured during the Fulani War. Slaves worked plantations but
may also have been granted freedom conditional on conversion to Islam. By 1900,
Sokoto had "at least 1 million and perhaps as many as 2.5 million slaves".
Abolition of Slave Trade
There has been a great deal of controversy that surrounds the abolition of slave trade. Some
historians, mostly British like Coupland, Mathieson and Mellor, attributed the abolition of
slave trade and slavery to purely humanitarian or moral and religion considerations. On the
other hand, some historians, William and Dike, have argued that the abolition can be traced to

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economic reasons. One of such writer Conton, states, “That the slave trade was abolished
largely because it had now become more profitable to seek in West Africa raw materials and
markets rather than slaves.” A more careful study of slave trade abolition can both to be said
to be humanitarian and economic reasons. According to Adu Boahen (1964), ‘In the first
place, it should not be forgotten that the attacks on the slave trade did not really begin in
Europe and England until the eighteenth century – the very century when in the realms of
literature, philosophy and religion, emphasis was being placed in the equality, fraternity and
the liberty of man!’ This was the same century that John Wesley preached the equality of
man. And that all men are equal before God. He condemned the slave trade on the grounds
that it was ungodly and inhuman. Rousseau, Adam Smith, Samuel Johnson and Davie Defoe
all condemned the slave trade and slavery mainly on moral and humanitarian grounds.
The second group of people who actually organized and launched the attack on slave trade
and remained persistently in their frontal attack were men who were filled with humanitarian
and evangelical outlook in their approach. They were Granville Sharp, Thomas Clarkson,
Henry Thornton, William Wilberforce, and later Fowell Buxton and James Stephen. It was
this people who formed the society for the abolition of slave trade in May 1787 and British
Anti-Slavery in 1823. By the end of eighteen century, the British West Indian Island had had
enough slaves for the plantation. In fact about fifty per cent of the slaves imported were re-
exported to the Islands of other European powers. The British conquest of new fertile French
and Dutch islands between 1792 and 1803 led to stiff competition with other European
countries. So, they hoped that the abolition of slave trade would halt the expected gain to the
economy. Again, since Brazil and Cuba had more sugar and produced at a cheaper rate than
theirs, and there was a surplus sugar in England that needed buyers, Britain would prefer to
have markets rather than slaves. A writer, William contended that it was the accumulation of
unsold sugar in Britain and the subsequent need for market that engineered the passing of the
abolition bills in 1807 and 1833. That Britain relied on African slaves for her economy is not
in doubt. The textile, the sugar refinery, the shipping, which Britain is known for, and the
iron industries all depended indirectly on the slaves shipped to West Indian Islands. But
things took another dimension when Britain started her industrial revolution – that is the
change from production by hand to production by machines. All these industries ceased to
rely on human cargo (slaves) from West Indian Islands. The ship owners were making more
profits from conveying raw cotton and unrefined sugar from Brazil and United States to
Europe and Britain than from conveying slaves to the West Indians. Then the traffick in slave
dropped. The demand for raw material arose as more and more machines were put into use.

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The industrialists and humanitarians agreed that instead of importing Africa labour (slaves),
they could start to encourage Africa to grow their raw materials for their industries. Thus by
the early nineteenth century, it had become clear that African slaves had ceased to be an
economic factor in Britain, and that Africa could serve Britain effectively by producing cash
crops and finished goods could be sold to Africa too. In Britain, especially in Liverpool, the
major slave port had by 1800 become less dependent on slave cargoes. British merchants that
used the port for slave cargo had shifted their attention to cotton and other goods. Profit from
this business, slave trade, declined considerably and shrewd business men moved their money
to more lucrative business.
In 1805 the House of Commons passed a bill that outlawed any British subject to capture and
transport slaves to British shores. This measure was blocked by the House of Lords. In
February 1806, Lord Greenville formed a whip administration. Greenville and his foreign
secretary, Charles Fox, were strong opponents of slave trade. Fox and William Wilberforce
led the eradication campaign in the House of Common. Granville was left with the task to
persuade the House of Lords to back abolition campaign. He presented a critical argument in
a speech to the House of Lords on the obnoxious slave trade. He argued that the trade was
‘contrary to the principle of justice, humanity and sound policy’ and he criticised fellow
members for not having abolished the trade long ago. When the vote was taken the Abolition
of Trade Bill was passed in the House of Lords by 41 votes to 20. In the House of Commons
it was carried by 114 to 15 and it became law on 25th March, 1807. British captains who
were caught with slaves in their ships were fined 100 pounds per slave found on board. In
order to circumvent the law, ships that were about to be caught by Naval Ships, dumped
slaves into the sea. Thomas Clarkson and Thomas Fowl Buxton argued that the best way to
stop slavery was to ban slave trade. However, it was not until 1833 that Parliament passed the
slavery Abolition Act. British anti-slave campaign was one of the most important reform
movements in the nineteenth century. But the history is not without ironies. During the course
of eighteenth century, Britain was one of countries that participated in the obnoxious trade.
Indeed, it has been estimated that between 1700 and 1810 British slave merchants imported
about three million slaves from Africa across the Atlantic. Paradoxically, the same Britain,
that championed slave trade, also championed the anti-slave trade campaign. Before the bill
was passed into law in 1833. Several efforts were made to halt the trade. The Quakers, for
instance, petitioned Parliament against slave trade as early as 1783 and similar petition was
submitted in 1785. This time, in 1785, the petition was sent in by inhabitants of Bridgewater
in Somerset. In 1823, some of the leading members of African institutions including

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Clarkson, Wilberforce and Zachary Macaulay organized a new anti-slavery society. Like
other anti-slave trade societies, this new one was a national organization with branches and
network of regional and local auxiliaries.
Resistant to Abolition
The abolition of slave trade or the Atlantic Slave Trade left two regions of Africa completely
unaffected. Instead of stoppage, the export of slaves in the direction of East and North Africa
was on the increase. The East Africa slave trade was handled by the Arabs who had settled in
the coastal towns of East Africa. A few of them might have found the ways to the hinterland,
but most of them relied on African leaders to sell slaves to them. The position of the region in
terms of sale of slaves was made manifest in 1840 when the Arab ruler of Oman, Seyyid
Said, decided to transfer his court from Muscat to Zanzitar. The aim was to inaugurate a
systemic exploitation of resources of East Africa. One of these resources was the Africa
slave. The expansion of crops and other plantation by Said, requested more slaves to work on
these plantations. The demand for more slaves in Middle East and Arabia, prompted East
Africa rulers to continue the trade. Under the tutelage of Said, and assisted by Indian finance,
more and more Arab organized caravans which penetrated the whole of East Africa for
slaves. These activities of the Arab reached the lakes of Central Africa and beyond. In a
number of places, the Arabs established ‘colonies’ as centres for the collection of slaves. In
the upper region of River Congo, the Arabs attacked the organizational system, which were
poor, raided their villages and seized men and women for slaves.
The Nile Valley and Saharan trade routes provided other avenues for the export of Negroes to
North Africa and Mediterranean. The war precipitated by the Fulani jihadist in 1804, in
Hausa land, also provided opportunities for the capture of pagans for the slave trade. The
Benue trough low population is traceable to the many slaves taken from the region in the past
by the Jihadists. This region, called the Middle Belt in Nigeria of today, was termed pagan
zone. In Bornu, the leader continued to raid for slaves in the regions South of Lake Chad; in
Kano, Katsina and other towns, there were open slave markets. Slaves were the main article
of trade. The same can be said of Bornu-Fezzan and Wadai Benghazi routes during the
nineteenth century. The trans-Saharan trade in slaves had a unique feature of Trans Atlantic
route. Apart from the fact that many of the slaves were young woman and eunuchs. The long
march across the desert and heavy death toll it involved had no parallel in the history of slave
trade.
Other European nations and United States did not co-operate with Britain because of the need
to protect their own economy. Most of the economies of these countries depended largely on

2
slave trade. They prevented British interference in their own affairs. The African middlemen
that had made fortunes from this trade were against the abolition as stated earlier. The co-
operation between slave dealers especially Spanish and the Portuguese and their ally- African
merchants constituted a great obstacle to abolition of the trade. It was not easy for British
naval officers to arrest slave dealers on the Atlantic Ocean. The humanitarians and
philanthropists were faced with problems after the abolition of slave trade. Thousands of
freed slaves were returned to West African Coast. As early as 1772, with the efforts of
Granville Sharp, one of the abolitionists, the Chief Justice Lord Mansfield, had decreed that
any slave that sets his feet on the soil of England was a free slave. The result of this was that
most recaptured slaves became free and thousands of them remain in England. Most of these
freed slaves became unemployed and destitute persons. To overcome the plight of these
slaves, the humanitarians found a colony on the West Coast of Africa. A site on the coast of
modern Sierra Leone was chosen. In early “1787, 290 black men, 41 black women, 70 white
prostitutes, and six white children, 38 officials and craftsmen with their families, and one
private passenger, set sail from England.” They formed the modern Sierra Leone. In the
United States, the fear that Freed Slaves might instigate the enslaved to rebel or might
increase the agitation for independence led to the foundation in 1821 of the colony of Liberia
which attained its independence in 1847. By 1830’s most European nations had passed the
abolition act. By the end of mid nineteenth century when the impact of industrial revolution
(mass production of goods based on the use of machines) was being felt in all the European
countries and in the United States, the need for slaves gradually diminished and slave trade
became unnecessary.

CHAPTER 4

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 THE DYNAMICS OF THE EVOLUTION OF NIGERIA

Introduction
Colonialism, an imperialist project a la Lenin, no doubt altered the socio-political lives of
communities it had encountered. Wherever it found a foothold, it brought exploitation. In the
case of Nigeria, the British state, as we know, was the arrowhead of this exploitation. In fact,
British colonial penetration of the Niger area began from the annexation of Lagos in 1861 on
the grounds of stopping the slave trade. The assignment ended with the seizure of what is
today known as Nigeria by 1900 following the defeat of one indigenous community after
another. The strategies adopted by the British to achieve this goal have been well documented
in literature; they need no rehash here. By 1900, the territories of the north, east and west had
come under colonial administration. In 1906, the vast territory had been constituted into two
entities: the northern and the southern groups of provinces. By 1912, the two disparate
entities were placed under one man, Sir Fredrick Lugard, with the instruction to unite the two
entities. In 1914, the amalgamation of the northern and southern groups of provinces took
effect under the stewardship of Sir Fredrick Lugard. In this regard the dynamic and evolution
of Nigeria was discussed under the following sub-headings:
The British and the Creation of Nigeria
The British who have often been credited with the creation of Nigeria were not the first
Europeans to land in Nigeria. The Portuguese were the first Europeans to arrive Nigeria
through Bini Kingdom. According to Hodgkin: “the second half of the century (fifteenth) saw
the arrival of the first Europeans in Benin, the Portuguese Ruy de Sequeira in 1472 in
Ewuare’s reign and Alfonzo de Aviero in 1484 in Ozolua’s reign”. However, the presence of
the British in the various territories now known as Nigeria began under the pretense of
policing the slave trade. Britain outlawed slavery in 1807 and pushed for forms of “legitimate
commerce” such as palm oil and cotton, and in so doing developed an internal infrastructure
to facilitate these markets. By the 1820s, the British had made connections with the Sokoto
Caliphate, whose highly structured society, aristocracy, and religion struck colonial
administrators as more “civilized” than the war‐torn groups they encountered in the South.
With the discovery of quinine in the 1850s, colonial explorers and missionaries who had been
unable to enter the southern interior due to risk of malaria began contacting a wider range of
groups; the British then had treaties and trade policies in place throughout the North and the
South. In the 1850s, the British used trade policies to influence African politics, including
deposing rulers who stood in the way of the lucrative palm oil trade. In the 1860s,

2
competition with French colonial powers in Africa prompted a policy shift and in 1863
English Law was introduced in Lagos with effect from March 4, 1863. Prior to the cession of
Lagos to the British in 1861, and by virtue of the Supreme Court Ordinance No II of 1863,
the first Supreme Court of the Colony was established. Prior to the advent of the European
colonialists, there existed numerous indigenous communities, which organized themselves
internally by different methods. In the Northern part of Nigeria, there were the all-powerful
Emirs who were both political as well as spiritual heads. In the West, there were the Yorubas
who had Obas who were usually assisted by their chiefs-in-cabinets but were not as strong as
the Emirs autocracy. In the East, there was the government by the age grades. With these in
view and perhaps to fulfill their own selfish political and economic whims, the British
Colonial Government adopted indirect rule for their colonies. With this short history at the
back of our mind, it should be relatively easier to understand the intricacies that trailed the
activities of the colonial masters while their rule lasted.
One most significant fact worthy of note is the fact that the name ‘Nigeria’ was said to have
been suggested by a certain Miss Flora Shaw, at a press correspondent in Cairo. In an article
in January 1897, she wrote: ‘In the first place, as the title Royal Company's Territories is not
only inconvenient to use, but to some extent is also misleading, it may be possible to coin a
shorter title for the agglomeration of pagan and Mohammedan status which have been
brought by the exertions of the Royal Niger Company, within the confines of a British
protectorate and thus for the first time in their history, need to be described as an entity by
some general name.’ Further to this, she suggested that the name 'Nigeria' applying to no
other portion of Africa, may without offence to any neighbors, be accepted as coextensive
with the territories over which the Royal Niger Company has extended British influence. It is
on record that Miss Shaw later got married to Lord Fredrick Lugard, the first colonial
Governor General of Nigeria.
The Amalgamation Processes
Before the year 1900, all the different parts of Nigeria conquered by the British were still
under their original administration. Following the acquisition by the British Government, the
sovereignty of the indigenous societies divested to Britain. Accordingly, the legislative,
judicial and executive powers of these territories were vested in the imperial Government
without limitation. By virtue of 1863 Supreme Court Ordinances, native laws which were not
incompatible with the due exercise of the power and jurisdiction were rendered enforceable.
Also, by virtue of the Southern Nigerian Order in Council 1899, the Niger South Coast
Protectorate and the territories of the Royal Niger Company of Idah were amalgamated. Both

2
became known as Protectorate of Southern Nigeria with effect from January 1, 1900. With
respect to the Northern part of Nigeria, some British firms traded along the banks of River
Niger. They later formed a coalition and received a Royal Charter called National African
Company in 1886, then revoked in 1899. The British established the Northern Nigeria Order
in Council in 1899 with effect from January 1, 1900. It is noteworthy that the period between
1472 and 1863 and by extension 1899 could practically be said to be the period of pre-
colonial administration in Nigeria. It was during this period that the Whiteman expanded their
slave trade business and introduced the Christian religion and other high profile businesses
into the present day Nigeria.
May 1906 amalgamation
The May 1906 amalgamation is known as the first ever amalgamation of the British in
Nigeria. British government amalgamated Lagos colony and protectorate with the
protectorate of Southern Nigeria to form the new colony and protectorate of Southern
Nigeria. You should know that since the whole Nigeria was under the responsibility of the
British government they did not bother to seek the views of Nigerians in the two territories as
to whether or not they supported the amalgamation. Besides, Tamuno (1980) observes that
the primary aim of the 1906 amalgamation was purely economic, that is, “to use the better
financial position of the protectorate of Southern Nigerian to cover the costs of administration
and development in the financially weak colony and protectorate of Lagos, then saddled with
the white elephant of a railway in need of extension since 1901”.
January 1914 amalgamation
The second amalgamation was that of 1914. In January 1914, the British government
amalgamated Northern and Southern Nigeria. The principal reason for this is the same as that
of May 1906. The Northern protectorate was not as economically buoyant as the colony and
protectorate of Southern Nigeria. That was why, for the British imperial offices, since the
Southern trade was booming, amalgamation would allow the surpluses acquired in the south
to be used in the North, and this was expected to reduce British Treasury responsibility. Sir
Frederick Lugard (later became Lord) is best known as the father of the “January 1914”
amalgamation.
Some Consequences of the Amalgamation
It can be argued that even if the initial intention of the amalgamation process was to make of
Nigeria a political unit, it did practically fail. According to Hatch (1970) the amalgamation of
Nigeria was carried out with many unanswered questions such as: What would be the effect
of uniting the Fulani emirates – with their comparatively static, traditionalist outlook – with

2
the thrusting, competitive, individualistic society of the south, now acquiring knowledge from
a growing number of mission schools, which were making available an expanding clerical
class? How would societies that only a few years earlier had been rival and often hostile
states live together under one administration? Should they form a single nation? If so, how
could a single allegiance be created? In any case, what was the central objective of British
policy? Was it to build an empire permanently subordinate to Britain, to act as a trustee for
some shadowy African future, or to encourage a natural spirit leading to ultimate self-
government?” (p.55) Today, it is obvious that the tragedy of Nigeria’s history and its people
is not so much to be found in the diversity of these groups that were brought together under
amalgamation. Rather, the real tragedy is that British colonial policy in Nigeria after
amalgamation tended to be divisive and isolationist in terms of keeping the peoples of the
two main protectorates separate. For instance, while the 1914 amalgamation gave the
northern and southern provinces a common political head in the person of Lugard, no
uniform style of administration developed in either group of provinces. Despite the
amalgamation of 1914, Nigeria still operated as a federation of two groups of provinces
between 1914 and 1939. Later on April 1, 1939, the British government split the former
Southern provinces into Eastern and Western provinces. This tripartite division of Nigeria
remained well into the independence period, until 1963 when the Mid Western region was
created, and the Northern Region was split for the first time in 1967.

CHAPTER 5

2
 NIGERIAN NATIONALISM
INTRODUCTION
Nationalism is one of the most ancient forces that influence world events. Objectively, it can
be said to play a dual role in International Politics. Nationalism is one of those things that
most of us take for granted, but which nobody ever stops to think about. Nationalism, like
ethnicity, is something whose exact definition is elusive. Just as there are many definitions of
ethnicity, many have tried to exactly define what nationalism is, with no clear consensus.
Still, there are a few factors that are common in the discussions of nationalism, such as
language, ancestry, and nationality.
Meaning of Nationalism
Nationalism, in particular, remains the pre-eminent rhetoric for attempts to demarcate
political communities, claim rights of self-determination and legitimate rule by reference to
“the people” of a country. Nationalism is defined as a collective sentiment or identity,
bounding and bindingtogether those individuals who share a sense of large-scale political
solidarity aimed at creating, legitimating, or challenging states. As such, nationalism is often
perceived or justified by a sense of historical commonality which coheres a population within
a territory and which demarcates those who belong and others who do not (Greenfeld, 1991).
According to Greenfeld (1991) such “a specific sentiment of solidarity may be linked to
memories of a common political destiny.” But such boundedness is not one that is historically
given; instead such cohesion must be and has been actively constructed by both elites and
commoners. It may then be solidified as a fundamental political belief, inspiring and inspired
by engagement with state authority. For nationalism as a particular collective sentiment and
related discourse to become a historical force, it must so refer to a state as an existing
structure or potential object of engagement. This definition of nationalism does not specify
the locus of its initiation. It instead only stipulates that such a subjective collective sentiment
or identity claim coincides with or refers to existing or emergent institutionalized state power.
Nationalism often inspires support for elites ruling a state, though its basis is not necessarily
an elite ideology but rather a more widespread sentiment that may or may not be inspired by
an elite or coincide with the interests of a particular elite nor is it necessarily in opposition to
such an authoritative elite. So defining nationalism as a mass sentiment for or against state
power specifies our subject. If nationalism is not defined with reference to the state, then it
would remain too vague a subject of analysis.

The Emergence of Nationalism

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Historically, an important part played by nationalist ideologies in many contemporary nation-
states has been to integrate an ever larger number of people culturally, politically and
economically. The French could not be meaningfully described as a 'people' before the French
revolution, which brought the Ile-de-France (Parisian) language, notions of liberal political
rights, uniform primary education and, not least, the self-consciousness of being French, to
remote areas - first to the local bourgeoisies, later to the bulk of the population. Similar large-
scale processes took place in all European countries during the 19th century, and the modern
state, as well as nationalist ideology, is historically and logically linked with the spread of
literacy (Goody, 1986), the quantification of time and the growth of industrial capitalism. The
model of the nation-state as the supreme political unit has spread throughout the 20th century.
Not in the least due to the increasing importance of international relations (trade, warfare,
etc.), but rather the nation-state has played an extremely important part in the making of the
contemporary world. Social integration on a large scale through the imposition of a uniform
system of education, the introduction of universal contractual wage work, standardization of
language, etc., is accordingly the explicit aim of nationalists in, for example, contemporary
Africa. It is, of course, possible to achieve this end through contrasting the nation with a
different nation or a minority residing in the state, which is then depicted as inferior or
threatening. This strategy for cohesion is extremely widespread and is not a peculiar
characteristic of the nation-state as such: similar ideologies and practices are found in tribal
societies and among urban minorities alike. Insofar as enemy projections are dealt with in the
present context, they are regarded as means to achieve internal national cohesion since
international conflicts are not considered. Nationalism as a mode of social organization
represents a qualitative leap from earlier forms of integration. Within a national state, all men
and women are citizens and they participate in a system of relationships where they depend
upon and contribute to the existence of a vast number of individuals whom they will never
know personally. The main social distinction appears as that between insiders and outsiders;
between citizens and non-citizens. The total system appears abstract and impenetrable to the
citizen who must nevertheless trust that it serves his needs. The seeming contradiction
between the individual's immediate concerns and the large-scale machinations of the nation-
state is bridged through nationalist ideology proposing to accord each individual citizen
particular value. The ideology simultaneously depicts the nation metaphorically as an
enormous system of blood relatives or as a religious community.

The Nigerian Nationalism

2
To begin with, the British colonial system described as one of indirect rule did not aim to
unity disparate groups but to divide them. In fact, it was a deliberate British policy to prevent
people of Africa from forming a united front against it. In the case of Nigeria, between 1914
and 1945 the two protectorates were prevented from mixing politically. For example, while
the Clifford Constitution of 1922 empowered the Legislative Council (LEGCO) to make laws
for the southern protectorate, where the Yorubas habituated, the northern protectorate was
governed through the Governor’s proclamation. Also, when the democratic torch was being
lit in Lagos and Calabar, other areas were excluded from such a process. As it would soon be
seen, this had implications for subsequent political developments in the country. As Nnoli
(1995:47) succinctly remarks: Colonial policy ensured that the various parts of the country
did not share a common experience for a long time. In fact, from the time of the
amalgamation of the north and south of Nigeria in 1914 until 1946 when the Richards
constitution was introduced, the two sections of the nation were only tenuously linked in law.
They maintained political identities and separate administrations. Even by 1946, when the
two disparate entities were brought together for the purpose of interaction, the 1946
constitutional order reinforced regionalism and sectionalism. Rather than attempting to really
unite the various groups, it further divided the country into three entities: the north, the east
and the west. This arrangement set the stage for the regionalization and ethnicisation of
politics. With the new order, each region came under the political dominance of a major
ethnic group. In real terms, the Hausa-Fulani, Igbo and Yoruba became the political
champions of the north; east and west respectively. The minorities in these regions soon
resented the majority ethnic groups and even sought to work with like-minded groups in other
regions.
It is obvious that the British colonial rule alienated Nigerians at different levels.
Nigerians became foreigners in their own country! For instance, it became very difficult, if
not impossible, for them to effectively participate in both the economic and governmental
processes of their own country. The immediate result to such unfortunate situation was the
birth of Nigerian nationalism. Like in other parts of Africa, some brave Nigerians stood up
and decided to champion the cause for reforms in the system. The Nigerian nationalism was
welcome both in the country and abroad. Three major trends characterized the strength of
nationalistic spirit:
a) The peoples protest against the colonial system in their desire to alter the existing
colonial system so that they could benefit from it,

2
 b) The activities of black diasporas in the New World- the Americas such as Marcus J.
Garvey and Wilmot Blyden who were exponents of the dignity of the African person,
and
c) The presence of an articulate class of Nigerian elites who through their acquisition of
western education were in the vanguard of those agitating for change in the status
quo.
“The West African Pilot” and Garvey’s “the Negro World”
These are the most prominent newspapers that contributed seriously to the emergence of
Nigerian nationalism. Besides, some other factors also contributed to the Nigerian
nationalism: the development of political parties, and the election of the labour party in
Britain with its anticolonialism agenda. Nigeria became independent on October 1st 1960.
The Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM)
This movement is best known as the “first true nationalist organization” that emerged in
Nigeria in 1936. It was headed by Samuel Akinsanya, H.O Davies, Ernest Ikoli and Dr. J.C
Vaughan. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and Chief Obafemi Awolowo later joined the movement in
1937.
The National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroon’s
This movement was created on 26th August 1944. It was headed by Herbert Macaulay as
president and Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe as its secretary. In 1945, the movement made one of its
aims very clear: “to achieve internal self-government for Nigeria whereby the people of
Nigeria and the Cameroons under British mandate shall exercise executive, legislative and
judicial power”.
The Igbo domination within the party brought in a feeling of resentment. The true nationalist
spirit started giving way to “tribal interest”. On this note, the Action Group (AG) was
founded in 1948 by Obafemi Awolowo to defend the interest of the Yoruba. Strategically, it
was to serve the interest of the Yorubas. During the same period, another ethnoregional party,
the Northern People Congress (NPC) was formed by Mallam Aminu Kano and Mallam
Abubakar Tafawa Balewa to defend the interests of the Northerners; the Igbos in the eastern
region of the country embraced the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroon (NCNC),
originally formed by Herbert Macaulay, a Yoruba man. With the electoralisation of politics by
the colonial authorities in the 1950s, these ethno-regional parties contested and won regional
elections and formed regional governments.
In the western region, where Chief Obafemi Awolowo held sway, politics in the beginning
was characterised by serious inter-ethnic horse trading. This form of politics may probably

2
have laid the foundation for the mutual hatred and animosities that characterized future
politics in Nigeria. For the sake of emphasis, they need a brief account here. The first was the
cross-carpeting drama in the western region in 1953, when the leader of the NCNC, Dr.
Nnamidi Azikwe, was betrayed by the Yoruba NCNC parliamentarians. He was prevented
from becoming the premier of the western region. Obafemi Awolowo who in a normal
situation ought to have been the opposition leader, through “ethnic cross-carpeting” became
the premier of the western region. After the imbroglio, Dr. Azikwe relocated to his ethnic
base, and subsequently became the premier.
The second event was the independence motion crisis that culminated in the Kano riots of
1953 which seriously threatened the unity of the country. Taken together, these two main
events, together with some minor events sowed the seed of distrust between the North and the
South on the one hand and between the Yoruba and the Igbos on the other hand. As it would
soon be established, they laid the foundation for the events of the first six years of Nigeria’s
independence. However, as independence approached, constitutional conferences were held
in both Lagos and London to prepare the country for self-rule. By this time, the Yorubas,
conscious of their identity and of what might befall them should they lose power at the
centre, sought accommodation with minorities, mostly from the North. Indeed, for the
purposes of the 1959 general elections, the Action Group (AG) sought alliances with the
northern minority parties, notably the United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) of Sir Joseph
Tarka. As it turned out, the AG like other parties could not win a majority in the federal
parliament. At this stage, political alliance among the parties became inevitable. Dr. Azikwe’s
NCNC, rather than teaming up with Awolowo’s AG, chose to rather work with the NPC. The
direct outcome was that the AG was relegated to becoming the opposition party; its leader,
Chief Obafemi Awolowo, became the chief opposition leader in the Federal parliament. On
October 1, 1960 the country entered the post-colonial era with a federal parliamentary
constitution. This new order required politics to be played at both the horizontal and vertical
levels in the most civilized way.

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 CHAPTER 6
POST-COLONIALISM AND THE NIGERIAN REPUBLIC
Introduction
The post-colonial era and the formation of the various Nigerian republic from the first to the
fourth shall form the center of discussions of this Chapter.
Independence, First Republic (1960/1963 - 1966)
On 1 October 1960, Nigeria gained full independence from the United Kingdom on the basis
of a federal constitution, with three large states having a weak central government over them.
NCNC Chairman Nnamdi Azikiwe replaced the colonial Governor-General James Wilson
Robertson in November 1960 and Elizabeth II remained head of state for the time being. The
NPC and NCNC remained the governing parties, with the AG now in opposition. In this AG,
the Yoruba party, there was a bitter power struggle between Obefemi Awolowo, who
advocated a socialist course and sought to close ranks with the Soviet Union, and the
conservative Prime Minister of the South-West, Samuel Akíntọ́lá, who wanted to improve co-
operation with the Northern Party (NPC). This internal party dispute became so heated that
the central government under Balewa had to impose a state of emergency on the south-west
in May 1962. Akíntọ́lá eventually founded a new party, the NNDP, which would win the
disputed 1964 elections in an electoral alliance with the NPC. From then on, Akíntọ́lá was
seen in his region as a vicarious agent of the backward and feudal north, which would cost
him his life in 1966.
Abubakar Tafawa Balewa
On 1 June 1961, Nigeria received the "North Cameroons", a Muslim-dominated strip of land
on the border with Cameroon, following a referendum. The predominantly Christian
inhabitants of the South Cameroons (bordering Biafra) decided against the Muslim-
dominated and unstable Nigeria and in favour of belonging to Christian-dominated
Cameroon. Both "Cameroons" were previously under UN administration; the Bakassi
peninsula remained disputed. Nigeria received a new constitution in 1963. Nigeria became a
republic. The British system of government was retained. Abubakar Tafawa Balewa remained
Prime Minister and British Queen's Governor Nnamdi Azikiwe became president. In 1964, a
new House of Representatives was elected. The NPC and NNDP electoral alliance won 198
of the 312 seats. The Yoruba and Igbo (who generated the lion's share of tax revenue) now sat
in opposition, while the Hausa/Fulani dominated politics and the lower ranks of the army up
to the sergeant major ranks. Their northern state was larger than would have been suggested
by the border between the three main ethnic groups or between the predominant

2
denominations of Islam and Christianity. The Northern Region therefore included not only
Muslim Hausa and Fulbe (for whom it was politically in favour, but who made up barely
more than a quarter of the population), but also considerable minorities of Christians,
followers of natural religions, Yoruba, Igbo and other minorities such as the Tiv. When the
politically and militarily dominant Northern Region, which was chronically short of funds,
wanted to impose a special tax, the Jizya, on the predominantly Christian Tiv in the same
year, riots broke out in the affected region. 4,000 people were killed. One had to wonder how
many lives would be lost if, for example, the much more numerous Igbo were to rise up and it
was not about a special tax, but about the lucrative oil business in Igboland. In the south-
west, the unrest worsened in 1965 because the election results had apparently been falsified
or were the result of intimidation and the government had halved the state-guaranteed
producer prices for cocoa immediately after the election. There was arson and looting.
Dozens of political opponents were tracked down in places like Ekiti or Ijebu-Ode (both not
far from Lagos), doused with petrol and set on fire ("Operation Wetie"). Thugs controlled the
streets. By the end of 1965, the south-west was in a state of complete anarchy. On 1 May
1965, Sir Christopher Welby-Everard, the Chief of the General Staff of Nigeria and the last
British officer from colonial times, retired. He was succeeded by Johnson Agulyi-Ironsi, an
experienced officer, former military attaché in London and commander of the UN protection
force in the Congo in 1964.
The January Coup, dictatorship Aguiyi-Ironsi (1966)
On 15 January 1966, six majors, including five Igbo, staged a coup (ethnicity was to be
relevant to all the protagonists in the years to come). The officers were around 27 years old,
had received their commission in Britain in 1959–61 with honours at Sandhurst and
Aldershot and recognised, not without some justification, the backwardness and anarchy of
the country they were returning to. The conspirators assassinated 22 leading politicians,
ministers and military officers, including the head of government, Balewa, and the prime
ministers of the North and South-West, Bello and Akíntọ́lá. Among the 22 victims was only
one Igbo, although according to later statements, the coup plotters were not pursuing ethnic
goals, but wanted to strike at the heart of a backward state dominated by the North. Following
the violent death of Prime Minister Balewa Parliamentary President Orizu, an Igbo,
transferred government power to the army chief Agulyi-Ironsi, also an Igbo. With his first
decree, he abolished the constitution and freedom of the press and dissolved parliament.
Remaining ministers were forced to resign, and from then on, the head of state ruled by
means of directives issued by his staff. Ironsi abolished the three federal states and made

2
Nigeria a unitary state for the first time: a country in which all laws, all taxes etc. applied
equally everywhere, without regional variations. Nigeria was to be forced to progress by
directive, so to speak. This was inevitably viewed badly in the backward north. In addition,
the military government was reluctant to take action against Igbo involved in the coup. Ironsi
was Igbo himself and used the more highly educated Igbo in the north to implement the
supposedly progressive decisions of the central government on the ground. For other ethnic
groups, it must have seemed as if the Igbo wanted to take over the country.
Another coup, dictatorship Gowon, Biafra (1966 - 1975)
However, the Nigerian army in 1966 did not consist predominantly of south-eastern majors
with British Sandhurst training, but, as in Lugard's time, mainly of soldiers and sergeants
from the north with very limited education. On 29 July 1966, soldiers staged a coup in
Abeokuta in the south-west and murdered Agulyi-Ironsi, who was visiting nearby Ibadan.
Pogroms against the Igbo broke out across the country, with sources claiming 30,000 victims,
mostly children. In this situation, the coup plotters appointed Lieutenant Colonel Yakubu
("Jack") Gowon as the new military and state leader and reintroduced federalism. Gowon did
not belong to any of the three predominant ethnic groups and was confronted with the task of
keeping the three divergent parts of his country and ethnic groups together and putting an end
to the pogroms. Under these circumstances, it seemed unlikely that Yakubu Gowon's rule
would last comparatively long - nine years. However, one of the worst humanitarian disasters
of modern times occurred during this period: the Biafra War. In September 1966, the pogroms
against the Igbo reached their peak. An estimated 1 million Igbo fled from all over the
country to the south-east, where they believed they were safe. In May 1967, the governor of
the eastern region, Lieutenant Colonel Emeka Ojukwu, proclaimed it an independent state,
the "Republic of Biafra." Following this declaration of independence, the remaining Nigerian
forces attacked Biafra at Garkem on 6 July 1967. Nigeria was ill-prepared for this situation
due to the liquidation of leading officers during the previous coups. As a result, the Biafran
forces were able to advance westwards to Benin City in August 1967. Biafra was besieged
and cut off from trade without either side being able to make decisive military movements. It
was not until December 1969 that Colonel Obasanjo advanced to Umuahia with 30,000
troops, splitting Biafra in two. This decided the war. The hostilities finally ended after 30
months in January 1970. The Biafra region, which had already had to cope with an
unprecedented wave of refugees, was no longer able to feed its inhabitants due to the trade
blockade. Estimates of the number of deaths caused by hunger and acts of war during the
civil war range from one to three million. Photographs of starving children in Biafra went

2
around the world and characterised the image of post-colonial Africa. The federal government
was only able to defeat the insurgents in Biafra with great difficulty. The fact that they
succeeded in the end was mainly due to the officers Murtala Muhammed and Olusegun
Obasanjo, who themselves became dictators a few years later after Gowon's overthrow.
Gowon had increased the number of federal states in Nigeria to 12 in 1967. With this
strategic move, he blocked the realistic opportunity for both the south-east and the north to
establish their own state, won over the minorities (to which he himself belonged and which
make up 30% of the Nigerian population) and, by skilfully drawing the borders of the federal
states, deprived the Igbo of control over both the oil wells and the seaports. This
fundamentally changed the federal character of Nigeria, but it remained federal. Nigeria
joined OPEC in 1971. It experienced a dynamic economic boom during the 1974 oil crisis,
which mainly triggered inflation, and was confronted with declining demand and mass
unemployment in 1975. During these years, the north also experienced the worst drought
since 1914. Dictator Gowon's 1972 nationalisation decree closed many sectors of the
Nigerian economy to all foreign investment and banned foreign participation beyond a
minority stake in several other areas. This decree proved detrimental to investment in the
Nigerian economy. On 1 October 1974, in contradiction to earlier statements, Gowon
declared that Nigeria was not ready for civilian rule until 1976, and he postponed the
handover date indefinitely.
Under Gowon, perceived corruption increased, especially among military government
officials. Although Gowon himself was never implicated in the corrupt practices, he was
often accused of turning a blind eye to the activities of his associates and acquaintances.[196]
Newspapers reported on bribery and nepotism. Theft and embezzlement in hospitals and
orphanages outraged the Nigerian public. Medicines imported by officials at full price, which
had long expired, showed that those involved were also indifferent to human lives. In
addition, the formerly efficient administration became bloated and was overburdened even
with simpler tasks. The mismanagement in Gowon's administration culminated in the
infamous "cement armada" in the summer of 1975, when the port of Lagos was overcrowded
with hundreds of ships trying to unload cement. Representatives of the Nigerian government
had signed contracts with 68 different international suppliers to deliver a total of 20 million
tonnes of cement to Lagos in one year, even though the port could only take one million
tonnes of cargo per year. The poorly drafted cement contracts contained demurrage clauses
that were very favourable to the suppliers, so that the bill would skyrocket as the ships waited
in port to unload (or even as they waited in their home ports for permission to leave for

2
Nigeria). The Nigerian government only realised the extent of its mistake when the port of
Lagos became so congested that basic supplies could no longer be guaranteed. Their attempts
to cancel the cement contracts and impose an emergency embargo on all incoming ships kept
the country busy with litigation around the world for many years, including a 1983 U.S.
Supreme Court decision. Due to the turmoil of the Second World War and Nigeria's looming
independence, the infrastructure, e.g. the railway network, was no longer expanded and was
no longer maintained after the outbreak of the Biafra War in 1966. Nigeria's railway system
became increasingly dilapidated (this also applies to the railway networks of other West
African countries after their independence). As a result, by the 1990s, Nigeria's railway
system had deteriorated to the point where it was almost completely non-functional. Large
sections of track were missing or unusable, locomotives and rolling stock were in an
advanced state of disrepair, and the system could no longer provide reliable service. Expertise
was lost, training institutions no longer received funding and ceased operations. Scandals and
the obvious mismanagement caused dissatisfaction within the army. On 29 July 1975, when
Gowon attended an OAU summit in Kampala, a group of officers led by Colonel Joe Nanven
Garba announced his overthrow.
Dictatorship Murtala Muhammed (1975-1976)
On 29 July 1975, General Yakubu Gowon was overthrown while attending the 12th summit
of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in Kampala, Uganda. Murtala Muhammed
assumed power as the new military head of state. He was considered brilliant and bold, but
also unpredictable and impetuous. Murtala Muhammed also took control of the two largest
newspapers in the country - Daily Times and New Nigerian; all media in Nigeria were now
under state control. He also took control of the remaining state universities. In a short time,
Murtala Muhammed's policies gained wide popular support and his determination made him
a popular hero. However, his highly popular but impulsive style of governance and often
televised speeches with the frequent addition of "with immediate effect" also earned him
criticism among the country's top officials. His ad hoc declarations often left his officials
unprepared, lacking details and lacking the financial resources to implement his ideas.
Shortly after taking power, Muhammed realised that state revenues were falling due to low
oil production. Global demand for oil had collapsed, spare parts had become more expensive
and labour costs had risen. As a result, the military government lacked the funds to fulfil the
Nigerian development plan for 1975. Murtala Muhammed then carried out a dramatic
downsizing of the bloated and inefficient civil service ("Operation Deadwood"). More than
10,000 government employees were dismissed without transitional benefits. Numerous civil

2
servants were tried for corruption and a military governor was executed for gross abuse of
office. However, due to the drastic nature of the purge, accusations were made that personal
scores were also settled in the process of streamlining the civil service. On 13 February 1976,
Muhammed was driving to work in his unarmoured Mercedes-Benz 230.6, unaccompanied
by bodyguards or the like. Shortly after 8 a.m., his car was driving slowly through the
notorious Lagos traffic when a group of soldiers emerged from a neighbouring petrol station,
ambushed the vehicle and murdered the unarmed Muhammed. This was part of an attempted
coup d'état by Lieutenant Colonel Dimka, who was executed on 15 May 1976 for treason.
Muhammed's successor was the Chief of Staff of the Supreme Headquarters, Olusegun
Obasanjo, who had escaped assassination through a case of mistaken identity. The Murtala
Muhammed International Airport in Lagos is named after the still popular military ruler, who
is also (inaccurately) referred to as the "Nigerian Kennedy".
Dictatorship Obasanjo (1976-1979)
Olusegun Obasanjo formed a triumvirate with two other generals and increased general
repression. The most famous example is probably the raid on the home of musician Fela Kuti,
during which female family members were raped and his mother was thrown out of a
window, suffering fatal injuries. Trade union activities were restricted. Dimka and 37 of his
comrades-in-arms were executed. Obasanjo swiftly convened a committee to draft a new
constitution, modelling it on the US system. Even before a result was achieved, Obasanjo
increased the number of federal states to 19. The draft of the new constitution was very
similar to today's Nigerian constitution and summarised the position of the head of state and
the head of government. The powerful position of the president was balanced by two
chambers. The constitution was promulgated in September 1978. The five parties that ran
their own presidential candidates in the 1979 election showed less vision than the above
committee and focussed - as in the First Republic, but against Obasanjo's express wishes -
primarily on representing ethnic groups. Despite the past 20 years and a survived civil war,
the new party landscape was to a certain extent a copy of the old one: The NPN represented
the Northern Nigerians and thus took over the legacy of the NPC, the NPP represented the
South-East (like the NCNC mentioned above, again with Chairman Azikiwe) and the UPN
represented the South West (like the AG mentioned above, again with Chairman Awolowo).
Accordingly, each party won by over 80 per cent in the state where it represented the majority
of the population. The ethnic group that had the largest share of Nigeria's population - still
Northern Nigerians - won the election with its party and provided the new president, Alhaji
Shehu Shagari. So before it had begun, the Second Republic was already suffering from the

2
same problem as the First Republic: a party landscape that had been formed along ethnic
lines rather than ideological or programmatic standpoints.
The Second Republic (1979-1983), President Shagari
On 1 October 1979, Shehu Shagari was sworn in as the first President and Commander-in-
Chief of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. As his party, the NPN, had barely more than 35% of
the seats in the Senate and the House of Representatives, Shagari formed a coalition with the
NPP, which had become the third strongest party in the parliamentary elections. This
coalition had a slim majority in both chambers. Shagari relied on large-scale industry and, in
agriculture, on the "Green Revolution" that corresponded to the current state of science at the
time: preference for large farms, intensive use of fertilisers and pesticides, use of machinery,
drilling of deep groundwater, etc. In 1980, Shagari laid the foundation stone for the Ajaokuta
steelworks, which was to be built by a Soviet state-owned company near the Niger River and
the Itakpe ore mine. By 1991, 98% of the steelworks, which was to be built to Soviet
standards, i.e. on a very large scale, had been constructed. However, by 1991 the Soviet
Union had dissolved, world demand for steel had changed unfavourably and technology had
developed further. The steelworks was not completed and had still not started operations in
1994 - which, according to Russian Wikipedia articles on the subject, was entirely due to
Nigeria. In January 1983, Shagari decided to deport West African immigrants under the
slogan "Ghana must go!" in the face of an economic slump. An estimated 2 million
Ghanaians had to leave the country suddenly and with malice, leaving most of their
belongings behind. Provisional bags and suitcases became the symbol of the forced exodus. It
is not without a certain irony that social and economic development in Ghana after 1983 was
to be much more favourable than in Nigeria and that Nigerians, for their part, would look for
work and income in Ghana. Shagari reacted to falling oil prices and the resulting economic
downturn by restricting import licences and increasing customs duties. He rejected
cooperation with the International Monetary Fund. Under Shagari, the education system in
Nigeria improved. For example, a number of universities were founded. He also promoted the
inclusion of women in political life. He filled many offices with women. Despite the
prospected of the Shehu Shagari regime, the Second Republic was plagued by allegations of
corruption, including allegations of electoral fraud in the 1983 elections. In his second term,
Shagari made attempts to curb corruption through the new Ministry of National Guidance
under Yusuf Maitama Sule, which was created solely for this purpose. A new programme
called Ethical Revolution was introduced, one of whose initiatives was the famous "war

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against indiscipline" launched under General Muhammadu Buhari. The ministry was only in
office for three months before a coup d'état in 1983 made Buhari the sole ruler.
Buhari (1983-1985) and Babangida (1985-1992), two unequal dictators
The military coup on 31 December 1983 was coordinated by leading officers of the Nigerian
military and led to the overthrow of the government and the installation of Major General
Muhammadu Buhari as head of state. The inauguration of Muhammadu Buhari was generally
seen as a positive development Buhari promised reforms, but his government performed little
better than that of his predecessor. General Buhari was overthrown in 1985 by a military coup
led by General Ibrahim Babangida.
Ibrahim Babangida
Babangida was more far-sighted than Nigeria's previous military leaders, loosening state
control over the press and releasing a number of prisoners. However, he faced the same
economic problems that Buhari had faced and the same discontent in the country. Babangida
soon gained a reputation as a clever politician. He asked the Nigerian people whether their
country should accept a financial aid package worth billions from the International Monetary
Fund (IMF). When, as he had expected, the Nigerian people refused to accept the package,
Babangida suspended talks with the IMF. He then offered Nigerians his own economic
recovery programme - which included many of the harsh measures proposed by the IMF -
and convinced Nigerians to accept it. As a result of this programme, Nigeria received loans
from banks and gained economic credibility in Western countries. In December 1991, the
centrally located Abuja became the capital. The Babangida regime ensured the establishment
of a state security apparatus; it survived two coup attempts. General Mamman Vatsa and
Major Gideon Orkar were executed, and the critical journalist Dele Giwa was murdered. In
1989, Babangida promised the transition to the Third Nigerian Republic. Babangida survived
the 1990 coup attempt and postponed the promised return to democracy until 1993.
The Abortive Third Republic
In early 1989, a constituent assembly completed a constitution and in the spring of 1989
political activity was again permitted. In October 1989, the government established two
parties, the National Republican Convention (NRC) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP);
other parties were not allowed to register. In April 1990, mid-level officers attempted
unsuccessfully to overthrow the government and 69 accused plotters were executed after
secret trials before military tribunals. In December 1990, the first stage of partisan elections
was held at the local government level. Despite the low turnout, there was no violence and
both parties demonstrated strength in all regions of the country, with the SDP winning control

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of a majority of local government councils. In December 1991, state legislative elections
were held and Babangida decreed that previously banned politicians could contest in
primaries scheduled for August. These were cancelled due to fraud and subsequent primaries
scheduled for September also were cancelled. All announced candidates were disqualified
from standing for president once a new election format was selected. The presidential
election was finally held on 12 June 1993, with the inauguration of the new president
scheduled to take place 27 August 1993, the eighth anniversary of President Babangida's
coming to power. In the historic 12 June 1993 presidential elections, which most observers
deemed to be Nigeria's fairest, early returns indicated that wealthy Yoruba businessman M. K.
O. Abiola won a decisive victory. However, on 23 June, Babangida, using several pending
lawsuits as a pretence, annulled the election, throwing Nigeria into turmoil. More than 100
were killed in riots before Babangida agreed to hand power to an interim government on 26
August 1993. He later attempted to renege on this decision, but without popular and military
support, he was forced to hand over to Ernest Shonekan, a prominent nonpartisan
businessman. Shonekan was to rule until elections scheduled for February 1994. Although he
had led Babangida's Transitional Council since 1993, Shonekan was unable to reverse
Nigeria's economic problems or to defuse lingering political tension.
Dictatorship Abacha (1993-1998)
Shonekan's transitional government, the shortest in the country's political history, was
overthrown in 1993 by a coup d'état led by General Sani Abacha. This was the seventh
Nigerian coup d'état in less than 30 years and also (as of 2024) the last military coup in the
country. Unlike previous military dictators in Nigeria such as Gowon, Murtala, Obasanjo or
Buhari, Abacha can only be described as a reign of terror. After dissolving the government
and parliament in November 1993, he also made himself chief justice in September 1994 and
thus gained absolute power. Abacha put together a personal security force of 3,000 men
trained in North Korea. Nigerian police forces were retrained on a large scale. The state
ruthlessly cracked down on perceived political opponents. In 1995, the writer and civil rights
activist Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight other defendants (the Ogoni Nine) were executed in Port
Harcourt after a spectacular show trial that sparked violent international protests. Nigeria was
expelled from the Commonwealth of Nations with immediate effect. The winner of the 1993
presidential election, Moshood Abiola, was arrested and died in unexplained circumstances,
in any case due to lack of medical care after four years in prison. Former army chief of staff
Shehu Musa Yar'Adua was also arrested - he also died in prison. Former military ruler
Olusegun Obasanjo was also arrested for treason and accused of planning a coup d'état

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together with General Oladipo Diya. The Nobel Prize winner Wole Soyinka was charged in
absentia with high treason. Even the fatal plane crash of Sani Abacha's eldest son Ibrahim on
17 January 1996 and the subsequent assassinations of relatives of the 14 other accident
victims were allegedly carried out on the dictator's orders; these rumours were strengthened
by the fact that Abacha did not release the 15 bodies.
During his five years in office, Abacha's lack of co-operation in anti-narcotics operations led
to the repeated revocation of US certification to combat drugs under Section 481 of the
Foreign Assistance Act (FAA). This officially made Nigeria a narco-state. The US voted
against Nigeria in six multilateral development banks and refused to provide any assistance to
Nigeria under the FAA and the Arms Control Export Act. Direct flights from the US to
Nigeria remained banned due to security concerns. Under Abacha, the misappropriation of
public funds reached epic proportions and is known as the "Abacha loot." Abacha's National
Security Adviser, Alhaji Ismaila Gwarzo, submitted fake funding requests for national
security, which Abacha approved. The funds were usually sent in cash or travellers cheques
from the Central Bank of Nigeria to Gwarzo, who brought them to Abacha's house. An
estimated $1.4 billion in cash was handed over in this way. In a list of the ten most self-
enriching heads of state, Abacha and his family rank fourth. They are alleged to have
embezzled between 1 and 5 billion dollars. On 7 August 2014, the US Department of Justice
announced that $480 million had been seized from the Nigerian government, the largest
amount in the country's history. Jersey's Civil Asset Recovery Fund discovered more than
$267 million in funds allegedly laundered through the US banking system and deposited into
an account in Jersey (£210 million). The US Department of Justice, the Jersey courts and the
Nigerian government made a civil forfeiture of the funds, which will be divided between
these countries.
Democratisation and federalism in 1998
Abacha died of heart failure on 8 June 1998 and was replaced by General Abdulsalami
Abubakar. The military Provisional Ruling Council (PRC) under Abubakar commuted the
sentences of those accused in the alleged coup during the Abacha regime and released almost
all known civilian political detainees. Pending the promulgation of the constitution written in
1995, the government observed some provisions of the 1979 and 1989 constitutions. Neither
Abacha nor Abubakar lifted the decree suspending the 1979 constitution, and the 1989
constitution was not implemented. The judiciary system continued to be hampered by
corruption and lack of resources after Abacha's death. In an attempt to alleviate such
problems Abubakar's government implemented a civil service pay raise and other reforms. In

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August 1998, Abubakar appointed the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to
conduct elections for local government councils, state legislatures and governors, the national
assembly, and president. The NEC successfully held elections on 5 December 1998, 9
January 1999, 20 February, and 27 February 1999, respectively. For local elections, nine
parties were granted provisional registration with three fulfilling the requirements to contest
the following elections. These parties were the People's Democratic Party (PDP), the All
People's Party (APP), and the predominantly Yoruba Alliance for Democracy (AD). The
former military head of state Olusegun Obasanjo, freed from prison by Abubakar, ran as a
civilian candidate and won the presidential election. The PRC promulgated a new constitution
based largely on the suspended 1979 constitution, before the 29 May 1999 inauguration of
the new civilian president. The constitution includes provisions for a bicameral legislature,
the National Assembly consisting of a 360-member House of Representatives and a 109-
member Senate.
The Fourth Republic (1999 till date)
Presidency Obasanjo (1999 - 2007)
The emergence of democracy in Nigeria in May 1999 ended 39 years of coups, countercoups
and short-lived democracies. Olusegun Obasanjo inherited a country suffering economic
stagnation and the deterioration of most democratic institutions. Obasanjo had an adventurous
life that also reflected the first 40 years of independent Nigeria: During the civil war, he was
a colonel and organised the decisive strike against the Republic of Biafra, as Chief of Staff he
escaped an attempt on his life through mistaken identity and was subsequently, between 1977
and 1979, military ruler (without having aspired to this), led Nigeria back to democracy,
served time in prison under Abacha and during this time awaited his execution for alleged
high treason. In the first months of his presidency, Obasanjo retired some 200 military
officers, including all 93 who held political office, making a coup by senior officers less
likely. He also moved the Ministry of Defence from Lagos to Abuja and ensured that it was
placed under more direct government control.
The fourth Republic was able to repair the damage caused by the Abacha dictatorship through
an active foreign policy. In October 2001, Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, South
African President Thabo Mbeki and Algerian President Abd al-Aziz Bouteflika established
the New Partnership for Africa's Development, or NEPAD, which aims to strengthen Africa's
growth, development and participation in the global economy. During Obasanjo's first term in
office, Nigerians' freedoms increased; freedom of the press allowed for the first time to
criticise the president again. Obasanjo was re-elected in 2003 in a tumultuous election with

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violent ethnic and religious undertones. In his second term, Obasanjo ensured the expansion
of the Nigerian police force. In October 2005, the Obasanjo government repaid all its debts
(in exchange for a reduction) under the Paris Club.
Obasanjo was also faced with resolving an ongoing border dispute with neighbouring
Cameroon over the ownership of the Bakassi Peninsula, an oil-rich area with close cultural
ties to both countries. According to a 2002 ruling by the International Court of Justice, the
region was recognised as belonging to Cameroon. Despite domestic protests, Obasanjo
followed the court's decision in 2006, renounced his claims to the peninsula and withdrew his
troops. On 12 June 2006, Obasanjo signed the Greentree Agreement with Cameroonian
President Paul Biya, which formally ended the border dispute over the Bakassi Peninsula.
Even when the Nigerian Senate passed a resolution declaring the withdrawal of Nigerian
troops from the Bakassi Peninsula illegal, Obasanjo gave the order to proceed with it as
planned. On 14 August 2008, the peninsula was fully handed over to Cameroon.
Obasanjo tried to amend the constitution to allow him a third term in office - a process that
often heralds the transition to another dictatorship in other African countries in the region.
This led to tensions with the parliament and with Vice President Atiku Abubakar. An
autobiography by Condoleezza Rice claims that the then US President George W. Bush
ultimately convinced Obasanjo to abandon these plans. Although the elections that brought
Obasanjo to power and allowed him to run for a second term were condemned as unfree and
unfair, Nigeria made significant progress in democratisation. The fact that parliament was
able to successfully deny the president a third term despite his influence on the army and
security forces is evidence of the strengthened parliamentarianism in Nigeria after 2000. The
federalist structure of the 1999 constitution with 37 federal states of roughly equal size, a
Senate with three senators from each state, as well as a blocking minority of at least 13 states
in the presidential election must be considered a stroke of luck in view of the numerous
ethnic groups and the religious division of the country. Since then, every presidential
candidate has emphasised in their own interest that they represent not only their own ethnic
group/religion, but all Nigerians. Nigerian parties now differentiate themselves primarily in
terms of their programmes and no longer according to ethnic affiliations.
Presidency Yar'Adua (2007 - 2010)
As Obasanjo was no longer allowed to run in the 2007 presidential election, Umaru Yar'Adua
entered the race as the Muslim candidate for the PDP. Umaru Yar'Adua was the brother of
Obasanjo's deputy during his time as military dictator. Umaru Yar'Adua won with a clear
majority and was sworn in as the new president on 29 May 2007. International observers

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strongly condemned the election, which was marred by irregularities and vote rigging. The
international community, which had observed the Nigerian elections to promote a free and
fair process, condemned these elections as seriously flawed. Outgoing President Olusegun
Obasanjo acknowledged fraud and other "shortcomings" in the elections, but stated that the
result was in line with the opinion polls. In a nationally televised address in 2007, he added
that if Nigerians did not like the victory of his hand-picked successor, they had the option of
voting again in four years' time. However, Yar'Adua's health would soon render this option
moot. In 2009, Yar'Adua's term of office saw the out-of-court settlement of lawsuits under the
US Alien Tort Statute against Royal Dutch Shell and Brian Anderson, the head of Shell's
Nigerian subsidiary. Shell continues to deny liability.
Presidency Jonathan (2010 - 2015)
Yar'Adua died on 5 May 2010. 3 months earlier, Vice President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan had
already been sworn in as the successor to Yar'Adua, who was seriously ill and receiving
treatment abroad. For the remainder of his term in office, his priorities were to solve the
country's energy problems and to continue peace negotiations with the rebels in the Niger
Delta. Jonathan emerged victorious from the presidential elections. Second place went to
former General and Head of State Muhammadu Buhari, who received 32 per cent of the vote.
The international media reported that the elections went smoothly, unlike previous elections.
Above all, however, Jonathan's time in office is characterised by embezzlement in office - the
misappropriation of state funds. The Nigerian state is said to have lost 20 billion US dollars
as a result. The high level of corruption was a decisive factor in the 2015 presidential
election, from which opposition candidate Muhammadu Buhari emerged victorious. The
elections were originally scheduled for mid-February, but were then postponed by the
Nigerian electoral commission by six weeks, as the level of violence emanating from Boko
Haram at the time was an obstacle to the elections in the north-east. Jonathan's ouster is the
only case in the IV Republic in which Nigerian voters refused to re-elect an incumbent
president. Jonathan's party, the PDP, lost power after 16 years in power. At least it can be said
of Jonathan that he conceded his electoral defeat without complaint.
Presidency Buhari (2015 - 2023)
Since the Second Republic, Buhari has been seen as the clean man of Nigerian politics, as
frugal, but also as a representative of northern interests. His party, the "All Progressives", was
only formed shortly before his election in 2015 from a merger of four opposition parties. The
election, in which the then 72-year-old Buhari won on his fourth attempt, was described by
observers as fair. In 2019, Buhari was elected for a second and final term in office and the

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Progressives remain the ruling party to this day (October 2023). During Buhari's two terms in
office, they were able to gradually increase the number of deputies, senators and governors.
The Buhari era is characterised by a dynamic structural policy, economic diversification,
successes against Boko Haram and a decreasing perception of corruption, but also by a rapid
increase in armed crime and police attacks. While the COVID-19 pandemic played no role in
the young Nigerian population from 2020, in 2022 Nigeria, as the world's largest wheat
importer, was hit particularly hard by the wheat shortage caused by the Russian invasion of
Ukraine and the resulting rise in bread prices.
President, Bola Ahmed Tinubu (2023 - date)
The ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate, Bola Tinubu, won the February 2023
presidential 2023 Nigerian presidential election to succeed Muhammadu Buhari as the next
president of Nigeria. This However, the opposition had accusations of electoral fraud in polls
and had challenged it in court. The supreme Court however upheld the victory of President
Bola Tinubu till date he remains the Current Elected president of Nigeria. On 29 May 2023,
Bola Tinubu was sworn in as Nigeria's president to succeed Buhari.

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 CHAPTER 7
CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA
Introduction
Nigeria is unarguably one of the most influential countries in Africa. To better understand its
broad constitutional development, one has to first review the concept of “One Nigeria’’ dating
as far back as 1914 when Lord Frederick Lugard succeeded in amalgamating the Northern
and Southern Protectorates. British colonialism of Nigeria began apparently in 1861 when
Lagos ceded to Britain. This occurrence is officially described as the annexation of Lagos.
With this annexation of Lagos, British colonialists began spreading their dominance, and
finally, in 1914, Lord Lugard became Nigeria’s first British Governor-General and thereupon,
he joined Southern Nigeria with Northern Nigeria. The Federal Republic of Nigeria which
gained independence in 1960, after a long period of colonialism by the British government,
has a remarkable constitutional development. The constitutional development in Nigeria from
1914 till date can be divided into two generations:
1. The pre-independence generation: The pre-independence generation is made up of 6
constitutional instruments, including: The 1914 constitution, the 1922 constitution, the
1946 constitution, the 1951 constitution, the 1954 constitution, and the 1960
constitution.
2. The post-independence generation: The post-independence generation is however
made up of: The 1963 constitution, the 1979 constitution, and the 1999 constitution.
In its entirety, a constitution is a set of organizing principles, laws, or rules by which a State,
country, group, or region is governed. As a federal republic, Nigeria maintains a written
constitution officially referred to as the Constitution of Nigeria. Accordingly, in this Chapter,
discussion shall focus on the both the pre-independence and post-independence period up to
the present day.
The Pre-Independence Constitutional Development
On 1stJanuary1900, the protectorates of the Northern and Southern Nigeria were proclaimed
by the instrument and power of the Supreme Court Ordinance of 1863. By this, there were the
Northern and Southern Protectorates as well as the Colony of Lagos. The significant
difference between the protectorates and the colony was the mode of enacting laws for them
at that time. The emergence of Nigeria as a colonial state was summarily described by Afigbo
when he said: The first to emerge was the colony of Lagos (1861), which within twenty years
or so grow into the Lagos colony and protectorate incorporating also most of Yoruba land.
Then came the oil Rivers Protectorate (1885), which by 1900 grew into the Southern Nigeria

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Protectorate. Finally, there was the territory of the Royal Nigeria Company (1886) which
again in 1900 became the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria. In the case of the protectorates,
legislation was made by Order-in-Council under the Foreign Jurisdiction Act while the
colony applied legislation introduced by letters of patent issued under the seal of the United
Kingdom by the monarch and with the advice of the Privy Council; this was particularly the
advent of British concept of Constitutional Law into Nigeria. The three administrative
offices, that is, one for each of the protectorates and one for the colony of Lagos were
reduced to two in 1906 with the amalgamation of the Colony of Lagos with the Southern
Protectorate. This fusion resulted to two administrative offices in the Northern and Southern
Protectorates. In 1914, Lord Frederick Lugard assumed office as the Governor of the two
protectorates which had just been amalgamated to form the Protectorate of Nigeria under the
British (the colony and protectorate of Southern and Northern Nigeria). This historical
landmark achievement by Lord Lugard marked the commencement of Central Administration
for Nigeria.
By this new arrangement, the Governor acted as a Sole Administrator without a judiciary,
executive or legislative arm of government but with the assistance of other officials appointed
by him and responsible to him. Also, 1914 saw the establishment of the Lagos Colony
Legislative Councils while an Advisory and Deliberative Council called the Nigerian Council
was established for the whole country. With this, the Governor had an executive and
legislative council to assist him in the exercise of his powers under Article 6 of the
Protectorate Order-In-Council of 1899.The Nigeria Protectorate Order-In-Council, 1913, the
(Nigerian Council) Order-in- Council, 1912, and the Letters Patent of 1913 were documents
that served the constitutional needs of the amalgamated Nigeria. As such, they could pass for
the Constitution of the country. As for the Advisory Deliberative Council the membership
was thirty, seventeen ex-officio and thirteen other official members, seven of whom
represented commercial, shipping, mining and banking interests while only six members
represented the indigenous communities. The executive and legislative council were
populated by British officials and beyond simple advisory roles. Nigerians were not involved.
This was the position until 1920. The founding colonial Sole Administrator of Nigeria
between 1911 and 1919, Lord Fredrick Lugard could not see to the full implementation of his
policies when in 1919 Sir Hugh Clifford was appointed the second Colonial Sole
Administrator and Governor of Nigeria. The Clifford Constitution of 1922 emanated as a
result of the pressures from Casely Hayford's West African Congress. This constitution was
meant to make some reforms in the constitutional and administration setting in the country.

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The Clifford Constitution of 1922 marked a watershed in the constitutional development of
Nigeria for it introduced a formal document to Nigeria as a constitution.
Clifford’s Constitution
The Clifford's Constitution took its name after Sir Hugh Clifford who under pressure from
the West African Congress led by Casely Hay fordwas forced to make some reforms in the
political and administrative system of the country. The Nigerian Council was distasteful to
him and he was critical of its ineffectiveness. It was under this Constitution that the first
electoral system emerged which brought about the first elections in 1923. The Legislative
Council comprised of 26 official members. It also saw the emergence of the legislative
Council of four members-three for Lagos which was the capital and commercial Nerve
Centre and one for Calabar. The Legislative Council had jurisdiction on the Southern
Provinces and the Colony of Lagos. In respect of the Northern protectorate, legislative power
was vested in the Governor who retained power to legislate for Northern Nigeria by means of
proclamations. There were other members of the legislative council who were the nominees
of the Governor. These were the Chief Secretary, the Lieutenant -Governor, Administrator of
the Colony of Lagos, the Attorney- General, the Commandant of the Nigeria Regiment,
Director of Medical Services, Controller of Customs and the Secretary for Native Affairs.
There was no indigenous representation on this council and this gave rise to political agitation
among Nigerian elite resulting in the emergence of both the National Democratic Party and
the Nigerian Youth Movement which was succeeded by the National Council of Nigeria and
Cameroon (NCNC). A Memorandum submitted in 1924 by the West African Students Union
in London to the Governor of Nigeria demanding a Federal Constitution for Nigeria yielded
fruit and resulted in the Richard's Constitution. In spite of the lack of indigenous
representation under the Clifford's Constitution, it took the credit of being the first
Constitution for a unified Nigeria.
Richard's Constitution
All said and done, in spite of the lack of indigenous representation under the Clifford’s
Constitution, it took the credit of being the first constitution for a unified Nigeria. The
Clifford’s Constitution was replaced by the Richard’s Constitution. It was introduced after
World War II in line with the Spirit of the moment. The Richard's Constitution of 1946 came
as a result of proposals which were four in number. The first two which aimed at promoting
the unity of the country and ensuring more participation of Nigerians in their affairs
contained in sessional paper No 4 of 1945 and the other evolving a constitutional framework

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embracing the whole of Nigeria and re-establishing a legislative council in which all sections
of Nigeria would be represented.
It incorporated three Regions. The Northern, Eastern and Western Regions, each having a
House of Assembly with the North having a House of Chiefs as well. The powers of these
Houses were only consultative. There was also the legislative council in Lagos which
legislated for the whole country. The Executive Council in Lagos had for the first time
indigenous representative in Sir Adeyemo Alakija and Mr S B Rhodes. It is noteworthy that
under this Constitution, there emerged a sort of a representative government and
regionalization. The Regional Houses of Assembly were advisory and not legislative by any
means. Thus, there were still more reasons for the Nationalists to press for participation by
Nigerians in their affairs. In line with the above proposals, the Constitution Order in Council
1946 was issued. The Protectorate of Nigeria was divided into Northern and Southern
provinces. The Southern Province was further divided into the Western region and Eastern
region. It should be noted that the Regional Assemblies established under this Constitution
has no legislative power.
The Macpherson Constitution of 1951
Between 1949 and 1950, Nigerians were consulted through questionnaires at villages and
districts. Each Region clamored for power. The Macpherson Constitution came into existence
in 1951 to remedy the defects of Richard’s Constitution. Before this, a selected committee of
the Legislative Council had been set up to review the Richard's Constitution of 1946. The
effect of that was a General Conference at Ibadan where a draft Constitution was adopted
forming the Nigeria (Constitution) Order - In - Council of 1951 which came later to be
referred to as the Macpherson’s Constitution. This Constitution formalized the division of
Nigeria into three regions and it seemed to re-emphasize the principle of greater autonomy
and the retention of the unity of the country. With this, the movement towards a federal
structure was a quicker and surer way of solving religious, economic, educational and
political differences existing in Nigeria. The highpoint of this Constitution is that a House of
Representatives with 148 members replaced the Legislative Council. The Governor exercised
legislative powers with the advice and consent of the House of Representative. As for the
regional legislatures, they had power to legislate on a specific number of items. The
membership of the House or Representatives consisted of the members of the Regional
House of Assembly from among their own members. The most significant effect of this
Constitution is that it set the pace for regionalization, federalism and democracy. The
Macpherson’s Constitution made provisions for the following:

2
 1. Representative Legislative consisting of a central legislative for the whole of Nigeria
known as the House of Representative, and the central executive council known as
Council of Ministers.
2. Regional Legislative called the House of Assembly for each of the three regions and
Regional Executive Council each region.
Littleton Constitution of 1954
The crisis in the Eastern Region in 1951 and the crisis at the centre actuated the
Constitutional Conference in London and Lagos in 1953 and 1954 respectively. At these
Conferences, it was generally agreed that a truly Federal Constitution should be enacted. As a
result of the recommendations from these conferences, another Constitution came into force
in 1954. It is usually referred to as the Lyttleton Constitution (named after Sir Oliver
Lyttleton, the Governor of Nigeria at that time). It had the effect of creating ‘a loose
Federation’. The three regions and the Southern Cameroon were accorded sovereign status.
They existed like separate and independent regions within Nigeria. The major and one of the
outstanding achievements of the Littleton Constitution was the operation of a federation of
three regions with the Federal Territory of Lagos as the capital. The Eastern Region and the
Western Region were to achieve self-government in 1957 while the North achieved same in
1959. This time, there was more participation by Nigerians. Other important achievements of
these constitutions were the establishment of the Federal High Courts, a High Court for each
of the regions, and the Southern Cameroon's. Between 1958 and 1959, there was a major
Constitutional Conference in London during which the Independence Constitution was
proposed. By this time, the Eastern and Western Regions had attained self-government and
Nigeria had her first Prime Minister in the person of Sir Abubakar TafawaBalewa.
The Constitutional Conferences 1957 and 1958
As the case was in India where a constituent assembly was formed, the 1957 conference in
London was attended by the major political parties in Nigeria. There, the issue of self-
government was discussed extensively. The Western and Eastern Regions were endowed
with self-government with their Premiers presiding over their Executive Councils. What is
important to note was the setting up of the Minorities Commission on Revenue Allocation to
evolve a formula for revenue allocation. Along these lines, the Raisman Fiscal Commission
was inaugurated. All the above recommendations were carried over to the Lancaster
Constitutional Conference in 1958. The Lancaster Conference was prompted by the concern
for the independence of Nigeria and the contents of the Independence Constitution. Besides,
it was agreed that the Northern Region should attain self government in March 15, 1959 and

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that independence for the country Nigeria should be attained on the October 1, 1960. Other
important issues discussed and agreed upon in 1957 were:
a) Dual control of a centralized Police force;
b) Nigeria citizenship;
c) The establishment of the council of the prerogative of mercy’
d) Provisions in the Constitution on the creation of more regions; and
e) Mode of amending the Constitution.
However, the Southern Cameroon later exercised its right of self-determination through a
referendum in December 1959. On the basis of the new constitutional arrangement, elections
were conducted with Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa of the Northern People's Congress
emerging as the Prime Minister, Dr Nnamdi Azikwe the Governor-General, and Chief
Obafemi Awolowo became the opposition leader of the House of Representatives.
Post-Independence Constitutional Development in Nigeria
Nigeria became a self-governing state in October 1, 1960. The effect of this on the nation was
that it ‘attained full responsible status within the commonwealth’. Thus, legal status of the
country ceased from being a colony and protectorate of Nigeria and a declaration was made
that as from October, 1 1960, ‘Her Majesty’s Government in the United Kingdom shall have
no more responsibility for the Government of Nigeria or any part thereof”. The 1960
Constitution bore a semblance to the 1954 Constitution except that there were some basic
differences as follows:
a) The Governor-General was transformed into a Head of State and he acted on the
advice of his Ministers;
b) Judges of the Federal Supreme Court and the High Courts were appointed on the
advice of the Judicial Service Commission and their dismissal could only be effected
by a recommendation of a tribunal of judges after confirmation by the Judicial
Committee of the Privy Council;
c) Constitutional provisions were made for citizenship; and
d) A procedure for amendment was introduced into the constitution.
For ease of administration, powers were divided between the Federal and three Regional
Governments. There was the Exclusive List as well as the Concurrent List. The former was
placed exclusively under the jurisdiction of the Federal Government while the latter was
under the federal and Regional Governments. Matters not mentioned there were referred to as
Residual Matters. In this Constitution, all other items that did not feature in both lists were
regarded as being under the jurisdiction of the Regional Government, though where any law

2
made by the region was inconsistent with a Federal Law, such law became void to the extent
of its inconsistency. Under section 65(1) of this Constitution, the Federal Supreme Court was
given the power of judicial review. By the provisions of section 107 of the Constitution, the
Federal Parliament could exercise legislative powers on any subject matter in an emergency
with a comprehensive definition of ‘period of emergency’ provided under section 63(3). A
renowned Constitutional Law teacher Jadesola Akande, while describing the main features of
the 1960 constitution noted that it had the following characteristics:
i. Separation of the Head of State from the effective Head of Council.
ii. The plurality of the effective executive, i.e. the Prime Minister as head of the
Executive Council.
iii. The parliamentary character of the executive since the Ministers were chosen from the
Legislative Houses.
iv. The responsibility of the Ministers to the legislature.
As a matter of fact, the Independence Constitution, 1960 was a giant stride in the march
towards the constitutional development of Nigeria and it was through it that all other
subsequent Constitutions sought inspiration even though in some areas, for instance, the
judiciary, appeals still lied at the Privy Council. Their decisions were taken as advisory and
some lands were still vested in the Queen. There was, for the first time, a Council of
Ministers manned solely by Nigerians, a free Director of Public Prosecution and some aspects
of Government like prison, police, et cetera. were still controlled by the Crown
The 1963 Republican Constitution [Constitution of the First Republic]
The significant feature in this Constitution was that in contents, it was similar to the 1960
Constitution. However, certain significant changes were made. For instance; the Federal
Parliament enacted the Constitution of the Federation Act 1963. This Act had the effect of
repealing the Nigeria Independence Act, 1960. By virtue of this constitution, Nigeria
assumed the status of a Republic and all powers that hitherto belonged to the Monarch were
transferred to the President and regional Governors. Other important and significant changes
were the creation of the Mid-West Region, the provision of fundamental human rights and
also the creation of the Supreme Court of Nigeria as the highest appellate court drawing from
each region. All these new innovations removed the imperial stigma from the Nigerian
Constitution. It has been observed that one of the reasons for acceptance of presidential
system of Government and the change to a republic was probably the desire for the removal
of the trait of imperialism from the nation's social order. In conclusion, the Military took over
power in 1966 and from that period to 1979 when a democratic President was elected, there

2
were no significant constitutional developments. The Constitution was rather suspended or
modified by the various Constitutions (Suspension and Modification) Decrees.
The 1979 Constitution [Constitution of the Second Republic]
The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1979 came into force on October I, 1979
(1979 Constitution). Before its advent, general elections were held in the country on August
11, 1979 under the Electoral Decree of 1979 as amended in 1978. The draft of the 1979
Constitution which had been approved by the Constituent Assembly was accepted by the
Federal Military Government with a number of amendments. As part of the features of the
1979 constitution, an American-oriented presidential system was adopted at the expense of
the former Westminster system. Following the implications of the American-oriented
presidential system, Nigeria conducted a direct election which produced Alhaji Shehu Shagari
as the country’s first Executive President. In order to prevent Nigeria from experiencing the
drawbacks of the First Republic for the second time, the 1979 constitution made it
compulsory for the Federal Executive Council and political parties to depict Nigeria’s
“federal character’’. Going by this, political parties were given the mandate of being
registered in no less than two-thirds of the entire Nigerian States. Moreover, each Nigerian
State must account for at least one representative among the cabinet members. Like the First
Republic, Nigeria’s Second Republic lasted only a few years beginning in 1979 and ending in
1983 as a result of a military coup. Meanwhile, this coup eliminated the Second Republic
together with its associated constitution –the 1979 constitution.
The 1989 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria
The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1989 (1989 Constitution), which had
little or no significant improvement on the 1979 constitution, was enacted by the Military
Government of General Ibrahim Badamosi, Babangida (Rtd). Even though the Constitution
was to take effect from 1989, the Government of Babangida did not cease to be in power until
August 27, 1993. Hence, the 1989 Constitution was merely drafted, printed and circulated but
was never promulgated into Law.
1993 Constitution [Constitution of the Third Republic]
After the abolition of the Second Republic, Nigeria’s democratic institutions were phased out
and General Muhammadu Buhari took over in 1983 as Nigeria’s military Head of State until
he was overthrown by General Ibrahim Babaginda in 1985. In the hope to restore democracy
in Nigeria, some Nigerian elite organized political parties and contested in an election in
1993. Following the result of the 1993 Presidential election, Chief M.K.O Abiola emerged as
the winner and was expected to restore democracy by ascending the Presidential seat.

2
However, a lot of controversies flared up and amidst these, the then military President –
General Ibrahim Babangida –cancelled the result of the Presidential election of June 12,
1993. Afterwards, Babangida appeared on air to state the reasons why he canceled the results
of the Presidential election held on 12th of June 1993. In consequence of the result
cancellation, riots flared up in South-West of Nigeria and these claimed the lives of many
Nigerians. Due to the vehement opposition and severe tension, General Ibrahim Babangida
willingly stepped down from his position as military President. Thereupon, he assigned Chief
Ernest A. Shonekan to ascend power as the head of an interim national government. With the
intent of bringing back democracy, a constitution was set up in 1993 but without full
implementation. The 1993 constitution marked the establishment of Nigeria’s short-lived the
Third Republic. On 17th of November 1993, General Sanni Abacha –who served as the
Defence Minister of the then interim government –eliminated the constitution and ended the
Third Republic after overthrowing Chief Ernest Shonekan. In this manner, General Sanni
Abacha became Nigeria’s sixth military Head of State.
The 1995 Draft Constitution
The 1995 Draft Constitution was as a result of the perceived inconsistencies evident in the
1979 Constitution and more particularly as a means of dousing the tension in the polity
following the emergence of Late General Sanni Abacha as the Head of State of Nigeria after
the 1993 Presidential election annulment crisis. This Constitution was the product of the 1994
Constitutional Conference which consisted of 273 elected, 94 nominees and 3 delegates from
each State and one for the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. One delegate each was
nominated to represent each of the special interests like the Nigeria Labour Congress, Nigeria
Union of Teachers, etc. The total was three Hundred and Eighty (380) delegates. The
Constitutional conference was headed by (the then Minister of Justice, and Attorney General
of the Federation, Dr. Olu Onagoruwa and his team. During the inaugural address, the former
Head of State, Late General Sanni Abacha, in his terms of reference, had the following to say
to the conference: “You have the mandate to deliberate upon the structure of the Nigeria
Nation-State and to work out the modality for ensuring good governance; to device for our
people a system of government, guaranteeing equal opportunity, the right to aspire to any
public office, irrespective of state of origin, ethnicity or creed, and thus engender a sense of
belonging in all citizens.” The above were the exact issues addressed in that Constitution.
For the purpose of argument, it is necessary to outline some sections important to the
continuity of the Nigeria nation:

2
 i. Section 229-Rotation of President, Governor and Chairman of Local Government
Council: - It provided that rotation shall be to these offices between the North and
South; the three Senatorial Districts and the Local Government Area respectively
ii. Section 220-Multiple political parties: - It provided that there shall be multiple
political parties in the Federation.
iii. Section 1(2) provided that no person or group of persons shall take control of
government except in accordance with the Constitution.
iv. Section 1(3) provided that any person who attempts to breach the provisions of
section 1(2) shall be prosecuted and if found guilty shall be punished accordingly.
It is important to point out that the 1995 Constitution presented a model Constitution for
Nigeria. The current 1999 Constitution is a replica of that Constitution though this was not
acknowledged in any form by the drafters and the makers of the 1999 Constitution.
1999 Constitution [Constitution of the Fourth Republic]
The Draft 1999 Constitution was given to the Constitutional Debate Co-Coordinating
Committee (CDCC) to work on by accepting memoranda from different shades of opinion
and grafting of issue raised into the final draft. Essentially, the CDCC was inaugurated on
November 11, 1998 by the Military Government of General Abdusalam Abubakar (Rtd) to,
among other things, pilot the debate on the new Constitution for Nigeria, co-ordinate and
collate views for a new Constitution for the Federation of Nigeria.It was reported that the
committee benefited from the report of large volumes of memoranda from Nigerians at home
and abroad and oral presentations at its hearings. The conviction of the Committee from these
sources was that the 1979 Constitution could be retained with some amendments and
additions. Section 18 provides an instance of such additions as it provides as follows:
1. Government shall direct its policy towards ensuring that there are equal and adequate
educational opportunities at all levels.
2. Government shall promote science and technology.
3. Government shall strive to eradicate illiteracy and to this end, government shall as and
when practicable provide:
a) Free compulsory and universal primary education;
b) Free secondary education;
c) Free university education; and
d) Free adult literacy programme.
One significant improvement was that for the first time, there was a constitutional provision
on the environment in section 20 to the effect that; ‘The State shall protect and improve the

2
environment and safeguard the water, air, land, forest and wildlife of Nigeria’. Another
innovation is contained in section 147(3) where the President is mandated to appoint at least
one Minister from each State, who shall be an indigence of such state. This section gives
sanction to the event and equitable spread of national political offices. In the same vein,
section 149 provides that a Minister at the Government of the Federation shall not enter upon
the duties of his office, unless he had declared his assets and liabilities as prescribed in the
Constitution. The major shortfall of the Constitution is that as lofty and innovative as this
provision appears, they are not justiciable as they fell under Chapter II which is on
Fundamental Objectives and Directives Principles of State Policy. It would have been more
commendable if the provisions were enforceable. Lastly, the 1999 Constitution is not
structurally different from the 1979 Constitution. It adopted the position of President who is a
Chief Executive, Head of Government and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the
Federation. In recommending the Presidential system, the Constitutional conference accepted
the main features of the Presidential system of government as enunciated in the 1979
Constitution. In conclusion, an in-depth digging into the archives of Nigeria's constitutional
development history is what has been attempted in the foregoing expositions. A thorough
research into this history of constitutional development is further recommended as what has
been produced here form the basic background knowledge required by the learner.

2
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