Department of Urban

Centre for the Study of

and Regional Planning Regional Development
Jawaharlal Nehru University National Institute of Urban Affairs
UNIVERSITY of FLORIDA

International Conference on
SUSTAINABLE AND
INCLUSIVE URBAN DEVELOPMENT
IN GLOBAL SOUTH
International Experiences and Future Strategies

10-12 August 2023 | New Delhi

BOOK OF ABSTRACTS
 CONTENTS

About the Conference  ix

PLENARY SESSIONS
Plenary Session 1
International Experiences of Urbanization and Learnings for Global South
Thriving: Making Cities Green, Resilient and Inclusive in a Changing Climate 3
Megha Mukim
China Urbanizing in Global Context: Impacts and Transitions 4
Weiping Wu
Why Urbanization and Industrialization (Does not Always) Translate to Rural Welfare:
The Indonesian Example 4
Ahmad Gamal
The Indian Urban Transformation: Sui Generis, “Subaltern” and Sustainable? 5
Partha Mukhopadhyay

Plenary Session 2
Finding Solutions in Land
Concept Note 6

Plenary Session 3
Making Indian Cities Dynamic and Inclusive
Industrial Commons: A Pathway to the High Road? 7
Meenu Tewari
Urbanization, Growth, and Jobs 7
Rana Hasan
Roles of Cities in Development 8
Arun Maira

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Making Indian Cities Dynamic and Inclusive 8
Rakesh Ranjan

ROUNDTABLE

Roundtable 1
Beyond Infrastructure Development: The Role of Regulatory Changes in
Fostering Sustainable Urban Development in Small Cities
Concept Note 13

PANELS

Panel 1
Migrants and Cities
Cities, Migrants and Citizenship Rights in India 17
R.B. Bhagat
Labour Migration and Inclusive Policy Framework 19
Dino Corell
Towards Migrant-aware Policies 19
Amita Bhide
Building a Migration Governance Framework 20
Mukta Naik
Unlocking the Urban for Informal Workers 21
Rajiv Khandelwal

Panel 2
Experiences and Learnings from the Main Bhi Dilli Campaign
Co-producing Knowledge in Action: Reflecting from the Main Bhi Dilli Campaign
for equitable planning in Delhi 23
Rashee Mehra, Malavika Narayan and Ruchika Lall
Planning the Informal: Locating Street Vending in Master Plans Post 2014 23
Aravind Unni
Claiming Space for Informal Work in Master Planning: Reflections from a
People’s Campaign in Delhi 25
Shalini Sinha, Malavika Narayan and Avi Majithia

iv
Panel 3
Urban Theory and Practice from Small(er) Towns
Geographies of Production in Small Towns with Traditional Artisanal Industrial Base:
Revisiting Theory and Method 26
Anjali Mittal
“Maladapted” Public Transport Solutions: The Case of Amritsar 27
Kanchan Gandhi and Raman Sharma
The Economic Geography of Dispersed Urbanization and
Rural-urban Linkage in the Global South – Evidence from India 28
Shamindra Nath Roy and Kanhu Charan Pradhan
Building Urban Himalaya: Five Theses on Small Towns in the Region 30
Rohit Negi
Climate Change and the Small city: A View from Abohar 31
Anu Sabhlok, Jitesh Malik, Shilpa Dahake, Apoorva Sharma, Shailja Singla

Panel 4
Reimagining Urban Policies and Practices
Debjani Ghosh, Bibek Jot Singh Sandhu and Kanak Tiwari  33

THEMATIC SESSIONS

Thematic Session 1
Quest for Inclusive Urban Planning and Governance
Urban Planning and Governance in the Mauritian Context 37
Yashwaree Baguant Moonshiram
Urbanization, Environmental Change and Sustainable and Inclusive Urban Development in
Small Pacific Islands Developing States: Challenges and Opportunities in Fiji 38
Manoranjan Mohanty
The Pathway of Urban Planning AI: From Planning Support to Plan-Making 40
Zhong-Ren Peng, Kaifa Lu, Yanghe Liu and Wei Zhai
Towards a New Research Agenda in Urban Development and Planning Research in the Global
South: Beyond the “Critical Consensus View” 42
Faizan Jawed Siddiqi
Agglomeration Economies and Rural-to-Urban Migration in India:
A District Level Study Based on 2011 Census Data 43
Arup Mitra and Rajesh Raushan

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Thematic Session 2
Sustainable Solutions for Urban Development
Opportunities and Challenges of Using Micro Transit to Improve Transit Services 45
Ruth Lorraine Steiner
Demystifying Social Inclusion Metrics for Inclusionary Zoning Programs 46
Huay Ying Ong and Jian LIU
Towards a Seasonal Migration Atlas of India: Compilation of Travel (and Registration)
Data from First Phase of COVID 48
Sudhir Katiyar, Anushka Rose and Gautami Kulkarni
Co-Producing Resilience: Lessons from Bottom-up Practices in Informal Settlements 49
Rashee Mehra, Sukrit Nagpal, Vineetha Nalla and Nidhi Sohane
Locating the Citizen (Waste Generator) as a Focal Actor in the Waste Management:
A Case Study of Patna, Bihar 50
Uma Sarmistha

Thematic Session 3
Affordable Housing
Re-Engineering Individual Houses to Make it More Affordable:
The Case Study of the Republic of Mauritius 53
Asish Seeboo
Evaluating the Implications of Informal Land Tenure Systems on Affordable Housing in
Peri-Urban Areas in Zambia 54
Mwansa Mwape
Effective Affordable Housing Finance in Developing Economies: An Integration of
Demand and Supply Solutions 55
Timothy Olugbenga Akinwande
Multi-Ownership Housing Delivery Strategies for Inclusive Development of Middle-Income
Group in Dhaka, Bangladesh 57
Farzana Faiza, Jannatul Ferdous Binti, Ramisa Tasnim, Fouzia Mahboob and
Tasmim Fatima Wahhab
Rental Housing for Blue-Collared Workers: Models of Unaided Low-Income
Shared Rental Housing in Bengaluru 58
Marella Sai Rama Raju, Omkar Modak and Ujjvala Krishna

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Thematic Session 4
Urban Governance and Lived Experiences
Territorial Governance in India’s Cities: Informality and Segregation 60
Ashima Sood
Three Decades of Decentralisation in Urban India: Where Do we Stand? 61
Debolina Kundu
Electoral Outcomes and Public Housing: Nymbi’S Political Consequence 62
Felipe Livert, Pablo Herrera and Isabel Figueroa
How Useful are Opinion Polls in Designing Urban Environmental Policies:
Evidence from Indian Cities 63
A.R. Shariq Mohammed
The Politics of the Governed: A Re-Examination 65
Karthik Rao Cavale

Thematic Session 5
Opportunities and Challenges of Urbanization
Rural-Urban Dynamics and Inequalities 67
Rajesh Shukla
Post-COVID-19 Impact and Recovery of Small Businesses in Big Cities: Evidence from San
Francisco 68
Anoshua Chaudhuri
Smart City Initiatives in Ahmedabad, India: Issues in Governance of Infrastructure 70
Hastimal Sagara and Keshab Das
Can Fiscal Decentralization Unleash Quality Urban Growth in India? 71
Santosh Mehrotra and Sarthi Acharya
Simultaneously Addressing Environmental and Social Crises:
Sustainable Special Economic Zones for Garment Manufacture 72
Dev Nathan and Rahul S

TECHNICAL SESSIONS

Technical Session 1
Planning for Just Cities
Sustainable Urban Renewal Proposal for BDD Chawls at Worli in Mumbai 77
Sulakshana Mahajan and Shirish Patel
From Decay to Vibrancy: A Framework for Assessing and Guiding Integrated Urban
Revitalisation in Old Panvel Municipal Council Area 78
Uttakarsha More and Harshad Raisoni

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Sixty Years of Urban Planning in Delhi: A Critical Appraisal 79
Pritpal Randhawa
Who Lives in the City? An Assessment of Urban Planning and Notion of Decent-Liveability 81
Aniket Nandan
Glocalized Planning: Emerging New Perspectives for City Planning and Social Inclusions
in Bengaluru City 82
Rashmi Pavagada Subbanarasimha

Technical Session 2
Urbanisation and Green Jobs
Regional Green Job Creation following India’s Elevated NDC Targets 84
Amrita Goldar, Somit Dasgupta, Sajal Jain and Diya Dasgupta
Horizontal Collaborative Networks for Green Skills and Renewed Jobs in Mauritius:
Forging University-Industry Linkages 85
Sandhya Gunness and Yashwaree Baguant Moonshiram
Urbanisation and Green Jobs in India 86
Balwant Singh Mehta and Siddharth Dhote
Exploring the Potential of Green Jobs through Urban Agriculture Enterprises in India 88
Maitreyi Koduganti Venkata and Swarnika Sharma
Can Urban Agriculture Contribute to Sustainable Urban Development? Lessons from
Cuba’s Experiment with Urban Agriculture 89
Joseph Tharamangalam

Technical Session 3
Urban Geographies, Gender and Work
Waste and Intersectionality: Exploring the Linkages of Informal Livelihoods
Housing and Gender for Women Waste Pickers in Delhi 91
Shalini Sinha and Shalaka
Women in the Labour Force: An India Story 92
Yogeshwar Bharat
Visible Infrastructures, Invisible Inequalities: The Gendering of Engineering Colleges in India 94
Khusdeep Malhotra, Nandana Sengupta and Ravinder Kaur
Work Choices of Women Residing in Urban Informal Settlements:
The Spatial-Contextual Factors 95
Deepa Ebenezer
In Pursuit of Purpose and Passion: Experiences from Girls’ Hostels in the
North Campus, University of Delhi 97
Rashmi Gopi

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Technical Session 4
Climate Finance and Energy Transition for Green Urban Development
Effects of Urban Development Pattern on Ecosystem Services in Coronel, Chile 99
Isabel Margarita Figueroa-Aldunce
The Effective Implementation of Green Supply Chain Management in the Urban Tourism
Industry: The Case of Bangladesh 100
Meshbaul Hassan Chowdhury, Sakib Amin, Nargis Monami and Maeesha Mobashwera
Financing India’s Solar Energy Transition for Green Urban Development 102
Aditi and Nalin Bharti
Climate Change Risk and the Firm Financial Performance: Evidence from
Indian Agriculture Related Firms 103
Ruwan Samarakoon, Buddhini Tharanga and Rudra Pradhan
Heat Health Risk and Land Use Forms Interaction to Support Resilient Urban Design:
A Case Study in Delhi 105
Suvamoy Pramanik and Milap Punia

Technical Session 5
Water Security
Overregulated and Underserved: Regulatory Overlap in WaSH Service Provision in
‘Informal’ Settlements 106
Shruti Syal
Implementing Net Zero Water Concept & Green Infrastructure Applications in
Urban Development Projects: The Case of Jordan 107
Ahmad Seyam
Determinants of Household Water Saving Technology Adoption and its
Implications for Demand Side Management Policies 108
Ashwin Ram and Zareena Irfan
Understanding Water Sharing and Payment Arrangements between Landlords and
Renters in Delhi though a Property Rights Framework 110
Saumitra Sinha
Measures to Revive and Restore Waterbodies in Peri-Urban Area: A Case Study of
Gautam Buddha Nagar District, Uttar Pradesh, India 111
Yogendra Solanki, Anisha Guta, Aakriti Uttam, Pratik Goel and Soumen Maity

Technical Session 6
Urbanisation and Regional Economic Growth
What is Hidden about India’s Hidden Urbanisation? 113
Saurav Chakraborty, Indranil Maity, Saswata Ghosh and Josef Novotný

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Emerging Pattern of City Formation in the Global South:
A Comparison between Asian and African Urbanisation Process 114
Surajit Deb
City Region as Economic Growth and Sustainability Driver:
Drawing Lessons from Experience in Nepal, India and Vietnam 115
Akriti Kacker
Act East Policy and Changing Paradigm of Urbanisation in North East India 117
Mahalaya Chatterjee
Tactical Urbanism: A Collaborative Approach Towards Urban Planning 118
Rohit Ashok Nimje

Technical Session 7
Urbanisation and Regional Economic Growth
Urban Risks and Management Resilient Cities for Disaster Management:
Role of the ULBs 120
Shipra Maitra
Launching a People-Centred Crisis Response: Building Institutions to
Help Marginalised Populations in Precarity 121
Taru
Building Safe Urban Spaces: A Decadal Analysis of Urban Fire Risk in India Using
Press Reporting of Fire Incident Statistics 123
Satorupa Karmakar, David Lange and Upasna Sharma
Urban Risk: An Inquiry City Risk Governance Framework of Mumbai 124
Niti Mishra
Considering Holistic Planning Approach Towards Inclusive Mobility:
A Case of Ranchi city 126
Ashwani Kumar, Smriti Mishra and Rizwan Kazmi

Technical Session 8
Urban Expansion and Rural Transformation
Land Use Changes in High Density Rural Areas of India 128
Sandeep Agrawal and Nilusha Welegedara
Infrastructure Project Induced Expansion of Urban Margins in Bihar:
Rural Community Response to Land Acquisition in Rural Urban Fringe 129
Rakesh Tiwary
Politics, Promises and Speculative Practices: A Case of Merger of Rural Areas into
Municipal Cooperation from Small Town Dharamshala, India 131
Uttam Singh

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Becoming Urban: Dynamics of Census Towns in Maharashtra 132
Harshali Damodar Ghule
Impact of Urbanisation on the Hills of Guwahati 133
Anisha Dey

Technical Session 9
Slums, Relocations and Politics
Slums, Housing, and Evictions: The Contested Domains of Law and Human Rights 135
Piyush Poddar
Strategies of Survival and Politics of Exclusion: Gendered Realities of
Urban Slums in Kolkata 136
Nandita Banerjee Dhawan and Sayana Basu
How the Occupational Diversifications Influence the Economic Status of the
Slum Dwellers?: An Analysis in the Districts of West Bengal 138
Shashwati Banerjee and Kishor Goswami
Unravelling the Political Economy of Relocation, Resettlement, and Inclusive Urban
Infrastructure Development: A Case Study of the Kolkata Metro Railway Extension Project 139
Tamoghna Mondal and Soumyadip Chattopadhyay
Socio Economic Vulnerabilities of Migrant Labour Households:
Evidence from the Slums in Delhi 141
Namita Mathur

Technical Session 10
Mobility and Urban Planning
Two Tiers, One Vision: Understanding Perceptions and Challenges of Active
Mobility in Tier 1 and Tier 2 Indian Cities 143
Aishwarya Agarwal and Anish Michael
An Assessment of the Paratransit System in Delhi using Confidence Interval Based
Importance-Performance Analysis 144
Jyotika and Jyoti Chandiramani
Sustainable Solutions for Effective Vehicular Mobility, by Means of Parking Policy:
A Case Study of Pune 146
Saylee Jog and Surabhi Jaju
Evaluating Transit-Oriented Development as a Planning Strategy in Indian Cities 147
Rijhul Ladha
Impact of Ride-hailing Services on Private Vehicle Ownership and Intermediate
Public Transport: The Case of Metropolitan Cities in India 149
Ajay B. Krishna

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Technical Session 11
Urban Poverty and Inequality
Labour Market Inequality of Opportunity: A Comparative Analysis of Brazil and India 151
Tista Kundu, Daniel Duque, Christina Terra and Valeria Pero
Multidimensional Poverty in Selected Indian Cities 152
Devarupa Gupta and Ram Babu Bhagat
Access to Healthcare Facility among Urban Poor in Delhi 154
Swati Dutta
Understanding Multidimensional Child Poverty and Deprivation in Urban India:
Findings from NFHS-5 55
Sunil Kumar Mishra and Vikas Dubey
Assessment of Financial Inclusion in South Asian Countries:
A Machine Learning Approach 156
Arya Chandra, Radha Ashrit

Technical Session 12
Cities and Governance Initiatives
Building Middle Class Image in New Spaces of Market:
Visual Analysis of a Small City, Dhanbad 159
Juhi Singh
Transformation of Ghaziabad from a Mandi Town to an Industrial City 160
Rachna Mehra and Pritpal Randhawa
Knowledge, Perception, and Participation in the Making of Smart Cities:
A Case Study of Chandigarh 162
Neetika Mahajan and Sailaja Nandigama
Spatial Transformation of Temple Towns in Response to Urbanisation in India:
A Case of Thrissur 163
Varsha Vinod
Social Inclusion Through Online Community-Building: Lessons from Academia 164
Kyle Robert Dost

Technical Session 13
Urban Geographies, Social Identities and Segregation
Whither Inclusive Urbanisation in India? Religious Segregation and
Exclusions in Indian Cities 167
Abdul Shaban
Experiencing Stigma: Narratives from a Leprosy Colony in Western Odisha 168
Madhumita Biswal

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Moral Geographies of Sex Work: Producing and Governing Northeast India’s Only
Red Light Area for Brothel-based Sex Work in Silchar, Assam 169
Tridib Mukherjee
Unveiling Inequalities: Examining Residential Segregation by Caste in Kerala’s Cities 171
Neeha Susan Jacob
Accessing Urban Space: Views from Migrant Domestic Workers in Kolkata 172
Urbee Bhowmik

Technical Session 14
Urban Geographies, Social Identities and Segregation
Evaluation of Public Housing Scheme from Beneficiaries Perspective:
A Case of PMAY Scheme in Jharkhand, India 174
Marella Sai Rama Raju and Harshal Deepak Gajjar
A Sustainable Alternative for the Cement Industry in Global South 176
Bharti Jasrotia, Soumen Maity and Debojyoti Basuroy
Housing Strategy for Vulnerable Population of Sundarbans Delta Region 177
Pallabi Banerjee and Rohit Saha
Spatial Strategies for Rental Housing in an Industrial City:
The Case of Hosur, Tamil Nadu 178
Aparna Soni, Urooj Iqbal, Apurv Patel, Aman Kumar and Shiti Sharma

Technical Session 15
Cities’ Transformation and Liveability
Toward a Research Framework for Liveable Urbanism-Driven Metropolitan Development
from the Global South Perspectives 181
Arpan Paul
The Place and People of Historic Precinct of Charminar Hyderabad:
Survey of Uses, Utilities and Users 182
Kalpana Raghavendra and Vasanta Sobha Turaga
Increasing Warehouses and its impact on the Socio-Economic and
Living Conditions in Bhiwandi 184
Oneza Tanveer Farid
Catalysing Rwamagana 185
George Jerry Jacob
Liveability in the Urban Historic Cores: A Comparative Analysis of
Traditional Indian Cities 186
Uzma Khan

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Technical Session 16
Gender Equality and Urban Space
Gendered Public Spaces: A Study of Women’s Mobility in DTC Buses in Delhi 188
Prakriti Arya
Women’s Safety and Mobility in Urban Bihar: A Case for Investment 189
Madhu Joshi, Sonal Shah and Gunjan Bihari
Safety Stereotypes as a Barrier to Inclusivity in Urban Housing? 191
Anju Vali Tikoo and Sonia Kailash Pandey
Gender Dichotomy in Decision Making Over Space: Case of National Capital Region 192
Vinita Yadav and Sherin Jacob
Dynamics of Gender Segregation in Urban Spaces 194
Nomita Pramod Kumar and Kavita Baliyan

Technical Session 17
Climate Risks and Urban Resilience
Climate Resilience in Indian Cities: Review of the Perception, Aspirations, and the Actions 196
Sanjana Baidya and Subhrangsu Goswami
Heat Associated Morbidities in the Informal Housing: Case of Ahmedabad 197
Darshini Mahadevia
Spatial Variation in Urban Flood Exposure 198
Sajad S Santhosh
Integrating HEC-RAS and Geospatial Analysis for Identification of
Flood-Prone Areas, with a Case Study of Bengaluru City 199
Goutham R.N., Nikhil Nayan Vaiude and Harshad Raisoni
Sustainable Urban Networks for Dynamic and Resilient (SUNDAR) India 201
Gaurav Bhatiani, Rakesh Kacker, Aastha Jain and Srinivasa Rajamani

Technical Session 18
Solid Waste Management
Just Transitions and Green Jobs in Waste Management in India: A Case of Two Cities 203
Anjor Bhaskar

Solid Waste Management (SWM) Testbed: Understanding the Feasibility of

Electrifying the SWM Auto Tipper Fleet 204
Tejatha Hallur, Lakshmipathy K and Manjula V

Community Led Decentralised Waste Management: A Solution for

Urban Local Bodies to Tackle Waste Problem 206
Giresh Mohan and Subhendu Das

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Maximising Capacity Utilisation in Waste Management Practices 207
Suraj V.S., Gayatri Doctor and Ameya Naik

Waste Management and Sustainability: Initiatives and Challenges in Indian Context 208
Amit Kumar and Ashish Ranjan Sinha

Technical Session 19
Gender and Urban Labour Market
Young Women’s Entry into “Men’s” Work in Delhi: Gender, Mobility and
Their Implications for Occupational Outcomes 210
Garima Sahai
Occupation Segregation in Urban Labour Market in India: Evidences from Survey Dara 211
Madhurima Saha
A Study on Determinants of Stagnating and Low Female Labour Supply in
Urban Regions of India with a Focus on Female Agency 212
Diya Tanmay Devare and Savita Kulkarni
Working Process within Platform Economy in India: A Case Study of
Beauty Platforms in Delhi NCR 213
Shipra and Minatekan Behera
Status of Women Workers in Precarious Employment: With Special Reference to
Pradhan Mantri Rojgar Protsahan Yojana (PMRPY) 215
Niharika Singh and Antra Singh

Technical Session 20
Migration and Migrant’s Rights
Embodying Urban Identities: Ethnographic Narratives of
Migrant Domestic Workers in Delhi 217
Nargis Vasundhara
COVID-19 and Indian Cities: Revisiting Agglomeration, Density and Disease Nexus 218
Pratik Singh and Alok Kumar Mishra
Coping the Shocks of COVID-19 through Reverse Migration in India 220
Saumen Majumdar and Piyush Tiwari
“Who Cares”? : Inter-state Migrants in the Construction Industry and their
Right to Social Reproduction in City Spaces 222
Anwesha Konar
Rural-Urban Migration and its Impact on Urban Environment: A Case Study of
Ranchi City of Jharkhand 223
Marcus Barla

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Technical Session 21
Urban Planning and Governance
Impact Evaluation of Transition of Taxes in India: A Case Study of Pune City 225
Gargi Patil and Jyoti Chandiramani
Development and Urban Governance: How Far Sub-nationalism Matters in India? 226
Aarathi Gangalekshmy
Practice Driven Realities of Urban Governance 228
Shreya Pillai
Information as a Source of Power in Untangling Social and Political Vulnerabilities of
Urban Planning Practices in India 229
Vanshikha Singh and Shridhar Khedia
‘Periphery’ as the ‘Core’ of Urban Governance in the South:
The Case of Khora Colony, NCR 231
Shruti Dubey

Technical Session 22
Technology and Innovation
Innovation in Analysing Congestion in Urban Infrastructure:
A Multi-dimensional Approach for Enhancing Quality of Life 233
KA. Ramesh Azagappan
Technological Innovations, Urbanisation and Employment Structure in India:
An Analysis of Labour Productivity by City Size 234
Sarika Chaudhary and Amaresh Dubey
Innovating IT Toolkits for Effective Sustainability Implementation through
GRIHA Rating Variants 235
Sanjay Seth, Shabnam Bassi, Akash Deep and Yash Nayyar
Industrial Revolution 4.0, SDG-11, and Universities’ Innovation:
A Study of Engineering Colleges at Delhi, India 237
Seema Singh
Urbanisation and Growth of Gig Economy in India: Implications for the Labour Market 238
Neha Arya
Analysing User Perceptions towards Smart Ticketing in Public Transport: A Case of Surat 240
Komal Dilip Dhake

Technical Session 23
Urban Villages and Peri-Urban Governance
Reframing Urban Villages in the Indian City: Challenging Perceptions and
Planning for Equitable Futures 242
Manish Chalana

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Governance and Changed Livelihoods: A Village in Delhi 243
Mallika Chaudhuri
Agrarian Urbanism and State-led Privatisation: A Study of Common Property Resources
in Delhi’s Villages 244
Anchal Dhiman
Urbanizing Indigenous Communities: Challenges to Health and Quality of Life 246
Bikramaditya K Choudhary and Dheeman Debsarma
Strong Network-based Urban-Rural Linkages with a Higher Potential for Reducing Healthcare
Inequalities in Indian Cities: A Case Study of the Rural Districts of the National Capital Region
(NCR) 248
Ayush Jain and Sewa Ram

Technical Session 24
Water, Waste and Infrastructure
Assessing Access to WASH Facilities and its Determinants in Urban Areas:
A Cross-Sectional Study of Indian States 250
Aditi Madan,Swati Dutta and Arjun Dubey
Creating a Market for Recycled Wastewater through Circular Economy Framework in
Maharashtra 251
Surabhi Hemant Jaju and Saylee Jog
Current Good Practices of Waste Management in Kerala 253
Babu K.Y.
Assessment Framework for Effective Water Management from Water Scarce to
Resourceful City: A Case of Dhule, Maharashtra 254
Prachi Hemant Kankariya and Harshad Raisoni
Spatial Relationship between Air Pollution and Tuberculosis Spread in India 256
Vijay Kumar and Tulika Tripathi

Technical Session 25
Climate Change, Risk and Resilience
Capital Diversion: Towards a Greener Route 258
Neha Chauhan and Nausheen Nizami
Assessing the Influence of Land Use Land Cover on Urban Climate and Thermal Comfort
in Tropical city 259
Sheewani Patle and Vidya Ghuge
Analysing Urban Heat Stress Zones to Recommend Modifications in Existing Benchmarks 261
Raavee Vats

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Assessment of Resilient Neighbourhoods in Mumbai:
Measurement and Policy Implications 262
Piyush Kumar, Krishnan Narayanan and Arnab Jana
Towards Pluvial Flood Mitigation Measures: A Case of Delhi 263
Manish M Nair, Rajan Chandra Sinha and Shama Parween

Technical Session 26
Vulnerable and Services
Political Economy of Slums, Basic Service Delivery and Resilience:
A Study on Longitudinal Data of Kolkata Slums 265
Indranil De
Importance of Food Security and Safety in Sustainable
Urban Development: Indian Scenario 266
Jhinuk Gupta
Right to Transport in the Context of COVID-19 Lockdown in India 268
Prajakta Surendra Bhide
Workers’ Participation in Rajasthan’s Urban Employment Guarantee Programme 269
Krishna Priya Choragudi
Urban Informality and Spaces of Conviviality around Footpath Tea Stalls in Delhi, India 270
Vishavjeet Dhanda

Technical Session 27
Gender Equality and Urban Space
Do Female Patients want Female Doctors? A Case Study of Mahila Mohalla Clinics 272
Yamini Agarwal
Determinants of Spousal Age Gap in India: Analysis of Indian Microdata 273
Suddhasil Siddhanta, Nabanita Datta Gupta, Praveen Khoradiyas and Anoshua Chaudhuri
Women’s Perception on Safety of Public Spaces in Delhi 275
Deeksha Tayal, Tanuka Endow and Vikas Dubey
Urban Home Office and its Sustainability 276
Keerthi KRD, Susmita Mukhopadhyay and Tutan Ahmed
Inclusive Planning for Street Vendors in City: A Comparative Spatial Analysis of
Street Vending and Design Thinking Approaches 277
Pratap Manohar Raval and Isha Pandurang Panse

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Technical Session 28
Migration and Urbanisation
Rural-Urban Migration in China: Tussle between Mobility and Sustainability 279
Ila Joshi
Migration and Urbanisation through Second Homes: A Case Study of Uttarakhand 280
Kamal Choudhary
Exploring the Causes of Student Migration in India:
A Case Study in the National Capital Region 281
Sarbeswar Padhan
Clean Cooking Fuel for All: Access and Portability Barriers of the Migrant Households 283
Poornima M and Akhil Alhai
Do Job Prospects Precede the Migration Decision, or is it Preceded by Migration Flows?
Evidence from Urban India 284
Rohit Rawat,and Jajati Parida

Technical Session 29
Urban Planning and Governance
Advocating Social Sustainability through Universal Access and Inclusion of All 286
Kanika Bansal and Utsav Choudhury
Unlocking Urban Development Potential: A Case of Transfer of Development
Rights (TDR) for Inclusive Governance and Balanced Growth in Multiple
Urban Local Bodies 287
Varun Deshmukh, Sanjay Pathak and Harshad Raisoni
Community Participation in Urban Governance: Northeast India Perspective 289
Irina Devi Ningthoujam
Assessing the Maturity of Selected Urban Local Bodies (ULBs) in Online Service Delivery
by Applying Local Online Service Index (LOSI) Methodology in India 290
Saumya Mehta, Gayatri Doctor and Aparajita Dubey
Role of Development Control Regulations in Achieving Compact Urban Development:
A Case of Ahmedabad, Gujarat 292
Apurv Patel and Paulose Kuriakose

Technical Session 30
Urban Environment and Planning
Evaluation of Public Parks in Bengaluru, India:
Are they Inclusive for Children with Disabilities? 294
Nivedita Krishna, Krithika Sambasivan, Deepanshi Sharma, Upasana Nath and Riddhi Lakhiani

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Towards Just Cities: An Environmental Justice Analysis of Aligarh, India 295
Ubaid Sidique
Environmental Sustainability Assessment of Varanasi Smart City Based on Ecosystem
Services Assessment: Gaining Insight into The Challenges Towards Achieving SDG-11 297
Garima Jasrotia and Kiran Singh
Tree Diversity through the Lens of Public Perception: A Study of Parks in Delhi 298
Anisha Yadav
Assessing Transnational Climate Governance in Urban South Asia:
An Analysis of Post-Paris Initiatives 299
Ali Kaif

Technical Session 31
Environment and Sustainability
Filling the Gaps in Coastal Policy and Management in Goa:
A Multistakeholder Approach 303
Tahir Noronha, Sarita Fernandes and Amar Kulkarni
The Role of Storytelling through Arts and Culture in Building Collective
Climate Action in Urban India: Examples from the North, West and South 303
Harpreet Bhullar, Harpreet Bagga and Vincy Abraham
Assessing Vulnerability and Adaptive Capacity to Cyclone Fani:
A Case Study on Urban Coastal Communities Odisha, India 304
Sidharth Verma
From Resource Depletion to Ecological Harmony: Rethinking Urban Planning
for Multi-species Cohabitation in the Global South 305
Sneha Yogeshbhai Ravani
Built Heritage Economics: A Perspective in the Modern Trade 307
Anand Khatri and Mrinalini Singh

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 About the Conference

Urbanization is a critical issue that has significant implications for sustainable development.
The world is rapidly urbanizing, with over half of the global population living in urban areas.
The Global South, which includes countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, has been
experiencing rapid urbanization over the past few decades. The United Nations estimate
that by 2050, over two-thirds of the world’s population will live in urban areas, with much
of this growth expected to occur in the Global South. The nature of urbanization in the
South has its own specificities as well as similarities with the growth of cites in the Global
North. ‘Urbanization without industrialization’ and informality in housing, economy
and employment have been important features of this process. Historically, urbanization
accompanied rural-urban migration, where people move from rural areas to urban areas for
better economic opportunities. While migration in the North witnessed a permanent shift
of population to the cities, it remained largely intransient in many countries including India
in the South, manifested in rural-urban labor circulation. This form of migration is often
a result of factors such as poverty, lack of access to essential services, and environmental
degradation.

The rapid pace of urbanization in the Global South presents both opportunities and
challenges. On the one hand, urbanization can contribute to economic growth, job creation,
and improved access to basic services such as healthcare, education, and sanitation. On
the other hand, rapid urbanization can also lead to urban poverty, informal settlements,
environmental degradation, and social inequality. Overcoming this ‘urban dilemma’ and
harnessing the potential of cities to expand opportunities and improve the quality of life is
imperative.

A critical challenge of urbanization in the Global South is the need for adequate infrastructure
and services to support the growing population. This includes clean water, sanitation,

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electricity, transportation, and housing access. In many cases, unplanned urbanization has
resulted in the growth of informal settlements, where people live in substandard housing
and lack of basic services. To address these challenges, policymakers and urban planners in
the Global South need to promote sustainable and inclusive urbanization for the wellbeing
of all sections of urban citizens. There are several good examples from both North and
South, which can provide rich insights for evolving strategies in this context.

In 2015, the Institute for Human Development (IHD) and the Department of Urban and
Regional Planning of the University of Florida in partnership with NITI Aayog, Government
of India, had organized an international Conference on this theme. This Conference had
successfully provided an opportunity for deliberating policy and academic issues relevant
for promoting sustainable urban development, with the participation of around 300 experts
including academics, urban planners, policymakers and other stakeholders. It also had the
benefit of government’s participation and patronage. It was inaugurated and addressed
by the then Urban Development Minister of India, Mr. Venkaiah Naidu and the Vice-
Chairman of the NITI Aayog, Professor Arvind Panagariya.

A second edition of this Conference, Sustainable and Inclusive Urban Development in

Global South, is conceived to take these deliberations forward and bring together evidence
and perspectives on the latest developments in urban landscapes, and policy and planning
strategies globally. More specifically, it will provide a platform and opportunity for experts
and practitioners to share regional urban experiences and case studies of projects to help
in setting the agenda for inclusive urbanization, concurrent with the efforts in meeting the
Sustainable Development Goals (in particular, Goal 11: Make cities inclusive, safe, resilient
and sustainable).

SCOPE AND OBJECTIVES OFTHE CONFERENCE

This Conference will delve deeper into some of the recent urbanization trends and the
urban policy and planning. The emergence of Megacities in the Global South presents a
host of opportunities for planners. By 2030, the South is expected to have 34 out of 41
Megacities. With the growing urban population, appropriate economic growth strategy
is urgently needed. The massive rural-urban migration has created some of the largest
informal settlements in the world. The inhabitants in such settlements lack citizenship

xxii
rights, including basic services, and infrastructure. According to the UN, approximately one
billion people live in informal settlements, with the majority located in the Global South.
The unplanned and massive urbanization is putting pressure on the environment. As cities
grow, they often encroach on natural habitats, leading to the loss of habitat and biodiversity.
In addition, urbanization contributes to air and water pollution and waste management
issues. However, in recent years, the advancement of technology has helped urban service
delivery, such as using data and analytics to optimize transportation and energy use. The
use and adoption of technology are on the rise, but their spread has been very limited.
Addressing these challenges will require a coordinated effort from policymakers, urban
planners, and civil society, and learning from the best global practices can contribute to this
process.

One of the primary objectives of this Conference is to bring together urban experts and
practitioners from different sectors and countries to discuss and explore strategies for
achieving sustainable and inclusive development. The Conference will contribute to the
global efforts towards SDG 11 of making cities inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable,
through the exchange of ideas, sharing of best practices, and building partnerships.

Like several countries in the Global South, India is also experiencing rapid urbanization
which is likely to exacerbate in future. The experts and policymakers in the country are
devising several policies to address the associated challenges mentioned above. Several
papers and sessions in the Conference will also be focused on India which is expected to
throw light on the new urban issues and initiatives and insights for devising appropriate
policies.

THEMES OF THE CONFERENCE

– International experiences of urbanization
– Migration and urbanization
– Urban governance and planning
– Climate change, risks and resilience
– Creating decent employment and green jobs

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– Climate finance and green urban development
– Urban spaces and gender equality
– Equitable, accessible and safe transportation
– Social and economic inclusion; urban poverty, slums
– Public safety and security
– Affordable housing and rental housing
– Technology and innovation
– Strengthening rural-urban linkages
– Trunk infrastructure (water and waste management)
– Cities, small and medium towns
– Planning for just cities
Plenary Sessions
 PLENARY SESSION 1
International Experiences of Urbanization and
Learnings for Global South

Thriving: Making Cities Green, Resilient and Inclusive in a

Changing Climate
Megha Mukim, Senior Economist, World Bank, Washington DC, USA

The presentation will provide an overview of the main findings of the recently published
World Bank’s Flagship Report, Thriving: Making Cities Green, Resilient, and Inclusive in
a Changing Climate. By forming a global typology based on data for more than 10,000
cities, the report takes stock of how green, how resilient, and how inclusive cities are today.
Based on this analysis, the report then proceeds to provide a compass for policymakers
on policies that can help cities thrive – by making them greener, more resilient, and more
inclusive - in the face of the perils of climate change and thereby rise to the greatest public
policy challenge of our times.
Climate change is increasingly exposing cities, which will be home to 70 percent of the
world’s population by 2050 and which account for around 80 percent of global GDP today,
to extreme weather events and a wide variety of other, slower-moving, stresses. While cities
in high- and upper-middle income countries account for the bulk of global urban carbon
dioxide (CO2) emissions, it is cities in lower-income countries that are being most severely
impacted by climate change related shocks and stresses. The lower resilience of cities in
lower-income countries is partly due to a failure to adequately manage the pressures of
urbanization. By exacerbating sprawl and traffic congestion, a failure to manage these
stresses also contributes to urban CO2 emissions and thus climate change. To tackle the
intertwined challenges of climate change and urbanization, policymakers at the local and
national levels need to work both with each other and with communities to make effective
use of five broad sets of policy instruments – information, incentives, insurance, integration,
and investments – or, for brevity, the 5 Is. The mix and combination of these instruments
that is deployed needs to be tailored to a city’s own circumstances and problems.

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Book of Abstracts

China Urbanizing in Global Context: Impacts and Transitions

Weiping Wu, Professor of Urban Planning and Director, Urban Planning Programs at
Columbia University, USA

China’s urbanization has evolved amid the interconnected forces of historical legacies,
contemporary state interventions, and human and ecological conditions. Embracing this
notion, a new collection of work in the book China Urbanizing questions the conventional
imagination centering cities in the West. This presentation highlights key conclusions and
theoretical touchstones that have emerged. In addition to outlining new perspectives on
the impacts of China’s urbanization, Professor Wu will point to the transitions underway
as well as the gravity of the progress, particularly in the context of demographic shifts and
climate change.

Why Urbanization and Industrialization (Does not Always)

Translate to Rural Welfare: The Indonesian Example
Ahmad Gamal, Director of Innovation and Science Techno Park and Faculty, Department of
Architecture, University of Indonesia

The article investigates the correlation between urbanisation and poverty in formerly
agricultural regions. Urbanization as a process is often mistified as the sole path to
industrialization and subsequently, general welfare. Naturally, the persistence of poverty in
rapidly urbanizing rural regions is puzzling for demographers, economists and planners. It
is argued that urbanization should be seen as an outcome of both economic and geographic
processes. Using Indonesian data, the article demonstrates that rural urbanization/
industrialization often produces unanticipated trade-off between job creation and poverty
alleviation, as these processes often requires the exploitation of both cheap labor and
affordable land.

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 International Conference on Sustainable And Inclusive Urban Development In Global South

The Indian Urban Transformation: Sui Generis, “Subaltern” and

Sustainable?
Partha Mukhopadhyay, Senior Fellow, Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi

India is at once more urban than it admits and less urban than it looks. With one of
the most stringent definitions of urban areas in the world, it measures a low share of its
population as urban. Yet, the occupational transformation, from farm to non-farm and
even population concentration – not just in the metros but in smaller towns – a process
we mischievously termed “subaltern urbanization” – continues apace. What does this sui
generis urban transformation mean for economic productivity and for social and political
“urbanity”? What does it imply for its climate impact, and does it matter? Is the process
inexorable or can one think of policy interventions to nudge it in a different direction?

5
 PLENARY SESSION 2
Finding Solutions in Land

Organised by Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, Cambridge, Massachusettes, USA

Sustainable urban development, poverty alleviation and adequate housing for all are the
object of major policy initiatives and public investments across the Globe. Many of those
policies, however, fail to consider the role land and land use management play both in the
generation of environmental and social problems, as well as their solution. This panel will
focus on the role land policy and land-based financing play in the development of equitable
and fiscally healthy communities in countries of the Global South. The presentation and
analysis of cases from Latin America, China and Africa on land value capture, community
land trusts, and land readjustment, among other land policy and financing tools, will
demonstrate why and how land markets and creative land policy approaches are relevant
to planners, urban designers, and risk managers, especially as they pursue sustainable,
equitable urban development goals. Three panelists from the Lincoln Institute of Land
Policy and an expert on land use practices in India will identify the relationship between
planning regulations, property rights, infrastructure investments, and land value increments
and the synergies that can be created at the local level to sustain municipal finances and the
investments needed to battle climate change and informality, among other transcendental
policy issues. The panelists will also delve into the technical and political debates unleashed
in communities seeking to attain a greater balance between those who bear the costs of
urbanization and those who benefit from it, especially as those costs and benefits are
manifested in land values, housing affordability, access to economic opportunities, and
exposure to environmental risks. The presentations and discussion will allow for a closer
examination of the role government, the private sector and organized sectors of civil society
play in shaping urban outcomes and quality of life through the effective use, taxation, and
stewardship of land. Attention will also be given to management and implementation
issues that emerge from cities that have rolled out innovative land policy and financing
tools, especially those that support land value capture and affordable housing. The objective
of the panel is to share the following with conference participants: an understanding of
how and why land policy is relevant to sustainable urban development and fiscally healthy
community goals; ways to identify, define, and explain the use and application of a range
of land policy and land based-financing tools; how to assess the political environment and
institutional conditions that hinder or support land use planning and land-based financing;
and how to frame the trade-offs and conflicts inherent in land-use planning and land-based
financing tools.

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 PLENARY SESSION 3
Making Indian Cities Dynamic and Inclusive

Industrial Commons: A Pathway to the High Road?

Meenu Tewari, Professor, Department of City and Regional Planning and Director, Modern
Indian Studies Initiative, University of North Carolina

In this era of uncertainty, a new race to the bottom seems evident across cities. Rapid
and disruptive technical change, inadequate physical and institutional infrastructures, and
the post-pandemic vulnerability and rupture in global production chains have created
disruption and economic polarization in many of our cities. In addition to this, our
ongoing climate challenges (intense and untimely precipitation, floods, heat, fires) have
brought chaos and economic paralysis in many regions. Under these circumstances can the
fostering of new collaborative spaces within and around cities that value work, resources
and collective welfare become a source of dynamism that can spur equitable growth? We
examine cases of ‘circularity’ and collaborative innovation in parts of the US and Europe
that are creating microeconomies anchored in decent work, climate awareness, and novel
institutional partnerships that improve livelihoods from the bottom up and create regional
economic wellbeing. What lessons do such experiments have for Indian cities?

Urbanization, Growth, and Jobs

Rana Hasan, Regional Lead Economist, South Asia, Economic Research and Development
Impact Department, Asian Development Bank

This presentation focuses on the relationship between urbanization, growth and jobs
and considers the implications for policy. It first makes the case that India’s ongoing
urbanization is good news for the country’s economic growth and job prospects. Labor
market outcomes tend to be better in urban areas as compared to rural areas, and in larger
cities compared to smaller ones. At least some of this appears to be driven by the economic
benefits of agglomeration. Further, the manufacturing sector appears to be quite important
for the economy of many cities, especially when expansive definitions of cities that go
beyond municipal boundaries are considered. However, the positive relationships between

7
Book of Abstracts

urbanization, growth, and labor outcomes should not be taken for granted. Beyond the
need for urban areas to ensure that the forces of congestion do not overwhelm the benefits
of agglomeration, manufacturing sector firms, especially, need an array of publicly provided
inputs to be productive and thrive. Delivering such inputs has implications for frameworks
underlying urban governance.

Roles of Cities in Development

Arun Maira , Former Member, Planning Commission, Government of India

The presentation will pose some fundamental questions about urbanization. What is the
role, the purpose of cities in human progress? For whose benefit are cities formed? Whose
aspirations must they fulfill? Whose perspectives are most important in planning cities?
Those who own properties in cities, or the migrants who come to cities for opportunities
that cities provide to include them in the progress of civilization? The presentation will take
a “systems” view of the phenomenon of urbanization. The well-being of a system cannot be
improved by improving only one of its organs isolated from others. Cities cannot survive
with healthy rural surroundings. Boundaries between cities and their surroundings must
never be sharp, and governance of the ‘urban’ and the ‘rural’ must be integrated.

Making Indian Cities Dynamic and Inclusive

Rakesh Ranjan, Former Adviser, Housing and Urban Affairs, NITI Aayog, Government of
India

India is a fast growing large democracy. Except for covid pandemic years, it has broadly
maintained a high growth trajectory for about last three decades. In PPP dollars terms,
it is already the third largest and in absolute terms fifth largest economy in the world.
However, despite high growth, per capita income of its citizens is much below the world
average. Despite progress, it still has huge challenges in terms of improving the livelihood
as well as social parameters like health, nutrition, learning outcomes etc. for large section
of population. Extremely skewed distribution of these parameters threaten to perpetuate
poverty for years to come even though the country is preparing an ambitious plan to
emerge as a middle income country by 2047, when she celebrates her 100 years of
Independence.

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 International Conference on Sustainable And Inclusive Urban Development In Global South

If India has to live up to its dream, her urban sector has to emerge as engine of growth.
Historically, in their transition to a middle and rich economies, countries have undergone
structural transformation where share of agriculture falls in GDP as well as in engaging their
work force. In India, this structural transformation is incomplete. Share of her agriculture
in GDP has fallen to the range of 13-14% but it still engages 40 plus percent of her work
force. As the manufacturing and service sectors are largely urban, strategic urbanization is
an imperative that can be ignored only at a peril.
With muted migration, there are evidence that Indian cities are rather exclusionary. While
there are many factors, the prime ones are policies pertaining to urban planning as well
as weak system of providing enabling amenities to urban poor, self-employed and micro
entrepreneurs. In addition, though the urban infrastructure is improving, there are still
hints of inefficiencies that the cities impose upon business enterprises – large and small,
thereby making them uncompetitive. Hence, while city managers have to increasingly do
things differently on these counts, perhaps, the most important one is the mainstreaming
of the narrative that the Indian cities have to adapt themselves to be spatial entities offering
maximum economies of agglomeration.

9
Roundtable
 ROUNDTABLE 1
Beyond Infrastructure Development: The Role of Regulatory Changes
in Fostering Sustainable Urban Development in Small Cities

Organised by Uma Sarmishtha, Senior Planner, City of Newberry, Florida

Infrastructure development has been the core of urban development strategy worldwide.
Infrastructure development creates jobs, jobs bring people, and more people demand more
homes, creating a circular flow of economic activities. For decades, boosting the supply and
availability of housing has been essential to urban development: this somewhat narrowly
focused demand and supply model overlooks many vital aspects of economic development,
such as the development of green spaces and recreational areas. Infrastructure development
has become a proxy for economic development, particularly for tier 2 or tier 3 cities. This
has led to paying less attention to recreational areas and landscape buffering. We all know
the impact of more impervious land in urban space - more flooding and an increase in the
area’s heat index are fairly well known.
The lack of written regulation and code of ordinance specifying the minimum requirement
of landscape and vegetation buffer recreational space gives developers the leverage to get
more built-out area. Studies in urban planning have shown that green space, active and
passive recreational space are the routes to sustainable living in urban areas.
A large number of cities and municipalities are moving toward adopting changes in zoning
ordinances and comprehensive plans to include more recreational and open space (ROS) for
residential development and landscape (buffer) requirements for commercial and industrial
areas.
The motivation to organize this Roundtable comes from the organizer’s experience working
as a Senior Planner at the City of Newberry, Florida. This dynamic small city is moving
toward rehauling the comprehensive plan and zoning ordinance. A comprehensive plan is
a detailed and strategic document that outlines goals, objectives, and action steps to guide
an organization, business, or community toward a desired outcome.
The Roundtable will discuss and address some of the critical issues and challenges we face
while envisioning the document as important as a comprehensive plan for small towns. The
deliberations may be relevant for the Global South.

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Book of Abstracts

Some suggested issues are the following -

– The smaller towns tend to have limited resources, often making it extremely difficult
to conduct comprehensive research, gather data, and engage with stakeholders
effectively. How to effectively address the lack of funds in small towns and cities?
– What are the benefits of including recreational and open space and landscape
buffers as a requirement in the Zoning Ordinance and comprehensive plan?
– What specific role should regulation play in fostering sustainable urban
development?
– How to effectively engage various stakeholders?  
– How to define Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) and establish a functioning
system to track progress?
– What insights are relevant for Global South, particularly India?

14
Panels
 PANEL 1
Migrants and Cities

Organised by Institute for Human Development and Department of City and

Regional Planning, University of North Carolina, USA

Migration is a key driver of the growth of cities and of urban and economic development.
It creates a broad base for skills in the labour market, for local demand, and for social and
cultural diversity. While large-scale migration into cities poses a variety of challenges, it has
the potential of bringing significant economic social, economic and cultural contribution to
urban life, as well as to migrants themselves. Thus, the future of cities and migrants is closely
intertwined. The Covid-19 pandemic, however, clearly exposed the many vulnerabilities of
poorer migrants in cities across many parts of the world.
In order to have synergies between migration and urban development, right policies require
to be put in place which incorporate migrants in the local economy and infrastructure.
Migration needs to be integrated in the strategic planning and management of cities and
urban systems, while affirming the human rights of all inhabitants, regardless of a migrant’s
reasons for moving, length of stay or legal status. This requires the role of all stakeholders,
particularly governments at all levels. The structure, politics, and economy of cities shapes
the lives of migrants in significant ways, and vice versa:. At the international level, the
global compact on migration provides an emerging framework in which these roles can
be assessed. At the national level, coherent policy frameworks on how migration can be
integrated into inclusive policies and urban planning are often found to be lacking.
This panel will discuss cities and migrants in the global South, in the context of SDG 11,
highlighting current empirical and policy trends, and best practices, where they exist.

Cities, Migrants and Citizenship Rights in India

R.B. Bhagat, Visiting Professor, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai, Hon. Visiting
Professor, Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics

Cities are the spaces of relationship between place and people. It is both a form and

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Book of Abstracts

process manifesting economic and social conditions of human life determining who
gets what and where. However, in the mainstream social sciences, space and place have
been viewed mostly as a container of things. As such historical and spatial roles of cities
in simultaneously producing prosperity and poverty, benefits and costs, inclusion and
exclusion are hardly recognised in dominant urban theories. Historically cities have been
centres of civilisation, wealth and power. Politically, cities have been germane to the
modern state as reflected in its close association with common Latin words like civis
(citizen), civitas (city as a body of citizens with rights and duties), and civilatas (art/craft
of government). In fact, citizenship and democracy originated in several ancient city states
located in Greece and India. Until industrial revolution, cities were just oeuvre (work
of art) and its commodification began in industrial and post-industrial phases. This has
important implications for capital accumulation, creation of wealth, inequality, exclusion,
and environmental degradation. It is in this context that Henri Lefebvre conceptualised
an urban theory premised on production of space and proposed an idea of Right to the
City during the 1960s.
Migrants are integral part of the city. Cities have evolved through migration. Initially
migrants contribute predominantly to the size and growth of cities, however later the
second and subsequent generations migrants also add to the population of the city who
are definitionally not counted as migrants. Thus, a large chunk of the native population
is the so-called migrants of previous generations. The sons of the soil sentiments and the
nativist ideology in many large cities of India leading to the exclusion and discrimination
of internal migrants hardly recognise this fact.
The relationship between migrants and cities could be looked from a theoretical perspective
of citizenship rights. Citizenship rights are divided into several categories namely civil,
political, and social rights. Arendt (1951) believes that citizenship guarantees the right to
have all other rights. Internal migrants particularly short-term circular migrants are formal
citizens but their substantive rights belonging to the categories of political and social rights
(right to food, right to livelihood, right to health and right to education, right to vote etc.)
are hugely compromised. In this discussion, I would like to argue that the inclusive and just
urbanisation is a road to urban citizenship and a means to realise the vision of Right to the
City.

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 International Conference on Sustainable And Inclusive Urban Development In Global South

Labour Migration and Inclusive Policy Framework

Dino Corell, Employment and Migration Specialist, ILO Decent Work Technical Support
Team (DWT) for South Asia and Country Office for India, New Delhi

Labour migration remains a feature of contemporary labour markets and the future of work.
When properly governed, labour migration can contribute to sustainable development
for countries of origin, transit and destination; balance labour supply and demand, help
develop and transfer skills; contribute to social protection systems, foster innovation; enrich
communities; and become a climate resilience and adaptation strategy.
In 2019, the estimated stock of international migrants was 272 million, of which 169 million
were international migrant workers - defined as migrants of working age who during a
specified reference period, are in the labour force of the country of their usual residence,
either in employment or in unemployment. The International Labour Organization (ILO)
estimates that migrant workers constitute some 5 per cent of the global labour force,
representing an integral part of the world economy.
Without proper governance frameworks, however, labour migration is also associated with
risks such as informality, brain drain, displacement, forced labour, trafficking in persons, or
safety and health hazards.
Maximizing the benefits of labour migration and minimizing the risks and social costs
requires sound and effective labour migration governance. Policy responses should be
guided by international labour standards and fundamental principles and rights at work,
and be based on reliable data and evidence that address the unique challenges of different
regions, areas and actors.

Towards Migrant-aware Policies

Amita Bhide, Professor, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai

In the wake of the pandemic induced lockdowns and a widespread realization of migration
as a significant issue, some policies have been introduced with migrants as an intended
beneficiary group. This paper argues that these policies are not fully informed of migration
realities, particularly those of cyclical migrants. There is a need for more migrant-aware
policies and a review of the terms of these policies, keeping migrant needs at the centre.

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Book of Abstracts

Building a Migration Governance Framework

Mukta Naik, Fellow, Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi

Incorporation pathways for internal migrants in Indian cities can only be improved against
the backdrop of a broader conversation about migration governance in India’s policy
ecosystem. Global scholars have identified migration as a ‘wicked’ or ‘intractable’ policy
problem, where the divergent views of contending parties cannot necessarily be resolved
by the production of more data, though data is vital for informed debate. Thus, migration
scholarship has suggested that workable solutions would need to be ‘multi-level’ (across
tiers/scales of governance), ‘mainstreamed’ (multi-sectoral) and collaborative (involving
state, society and market actors). How do we begin to think of solutions in the Indian
context?
Even after the Covid-19 migrant crisis, India does not have a nationally articulated
migration policy, despite strong base material like the report of the Working Group on
Migration (2017) and the draft report of the NITI Aayog CSO sub-group on migrant
labour (2021). While a number of pre-existing and post-Covid initiatives at national
and state level demonstrate shifting attitudes towards internal migration, localised and
hyperlocal mechanisms which emerged through spontaneous state-society collaborations
during Covid to provide relief to the urban poor and to stranded migrants were unable to
continue beyond the crisis.
Given how disempowered and under-resourced Indian cities are, national and state policies
can offer directions and resources to local/district governments to engage with migrants,
on definitions, measurement and registration. Beyond retraining and strengthening labour
departments, guidelines are needed for other state departments and municipal governments
on how to interface with migrant communities in areas like education, health, sanitation,
water, housing, law and order, women and child welfare, and so on. A national group to
evolve broad templates for these guidelines and mechanisms building on existing documents
and experiences would also really steer us forward.

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 International Conference on Sustainable And Inclusive Urban Development In Global South

Unlocking the Urban for Informal Workers

Rajiv Khandelwal, Director, Aajeevika Bureau

Seasonal migrant workers in cities experience urban India in its harshest form – expensive
and congested living spaces, squalid settlements, missing sanitation, crowded transportation
and invisible existence on the margins of urban consciousness. Many migrant settlements
remain unrecognised by authorities and hence remain beyond the purview of urban
planning or provisioning. Juxtapose this with the highly informal and fragmented nature
of employment that if is offered to migrants in cities – lack of formal contracts, precarious
and accident prone work conditions, near total absence of social security and protection
and compounding segmentation of the labour market which is rapidly redefining work
arrangements, cheapening labour and abandoning vast millions to their own devices.
The universalisation of urban services and entitlements to migrant workers will positively
impact the well-being and stability of a precarious workforce in perpetual flux. Not only
workers’ productivity will be profoundly impacted, a more equal and inclusive urban
environment will be nourishing for all, rather than just the more privileged minority. For
this to happen, urban planning, governance and provisioning has to be reimagined. It has
to move away from the traditional notions of domicile and identity based entitlement to an
acknowledgement of services as a basic right of workers.

21
 PANEL 2
Experiences and Learnings from the Main Bhi Dilli Campaign

Organised by Main Bhi Dilli Campaign

2023 is a key moment for Delhi as the next Master Plan (2021-2041) is about to be
released. Experience from previous plans has shown that the master planning processes
are undemocratic and non-participatory which makes the final plan divergent from
ground realities and not reflective of peoples’ needs. Historically, citizens living in informal
settlements, employed in informal livelihoods, and those from marginalised genders, castes,
disabilities have further been excluded from this critical city making exercise.
To fill this lacunae, a peoples’ campaign called Main Bhi Dilli (I too am Delhi) was started
in 2018 by over 30 civil society organisations, architects, urban researchers, worker unions,
resident activists, and community based organisations. Over the past 5 years Main Bhi
Dilli has worked to add, challenge and reframe the discourse on how master plans can
become participatory and recognise the needs and aspirations of all Delhi residents. MBD
over the past 5 years has co-produced extensive publicly held research on urban planning
([Link]) and filed approximately 25,000 objections and suggestions to the
Delhi Development Authority (DDA) (The DDA received a total of 33,000 objections and
suggestions for MPD 2041).
The panel we propose will share the published and upcoming research from the work of
campaign members and their learnings from anchoring the work of the Main Bhi Dilli
Campaign. The three papers will highlight the methods of the campaign and how the
informal livelihood thematic within the campaign has created new provocations on how
informality and diversity can be looked at in formal planning documents such as the Master
Plan in southern cities making them inclusive and sustainable.

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 International Conference on Sustainable And Inclusive Urban Development In Global South

Co-producing Knowledge in Action: Reflecting from the Main Bhi

Dilli Campaign for equitable planning in Delhi
Rashee Mehra, Consultant, Indian Institute for Human Settlements
Malavika Narayan, Ph.D. Student, Dept. of City and Regional Planning
Cornell University, USA
Ruchika Lall, Consultant, Indian Institute for Human Settlements

This paper will reflect on the methods of co-production of knowledge used by the Main Bhi
Dilli (I too am Delhi) campaign. Main Bhi Dilli - a citizen’s campaign consisting of over
40 civil society organisations, resident community activists, informal workers, architects,
urban planners and researchers. Their effort is to evolve a vision for the Master Plan that is
responsive to the needs of groups whose concerns have traditionally not been considered
in conventional planning paradigms. Beginning three years prior to the publishing of
Delhi’s revised draft Master Plan in the public domain, the campaign has worked at
different moments paralleling the official master planning exercise. This has required
different approaches and processes. The effort in this piece will be to plot the different
forms of knowledge processes and products co-produced by the campaign alongside an
archival timeline of the campaign. Using a written narrative supported by visual media, we
draw attention to how different methods of knowledge co-production were mobilised in
order to respond to different moments and needs of the campaign. We will highlight the
intention, approach and methods of co-production of knowledge ranging from workshops
and meetings, production of factsheets and technical reports, drafting of objections and
suggestions, and engagement with different forms of media with these products. The
chapter will dwell on the strategic alignment of the campaign goals, planning processes and
challenges, and offer methodological reflections for other spaces of collective proposition
challenging inequalities in the Global South.

Planning the Informal: Locating Street Vending in Master Plans

Post 2014
Aravind Unni, Urban Rights Activist and Researcher, National Hawker Federation

Master plans across the Global South tend to reflect Eurocentric, modernist city visions
that are disconnected from the lived reality of most people, who live and work informally.
In Delhi, previous master plans have been used to legally justify the displacement of poor

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Book of Abstracts

communities from their homes and workplaces. This policy brief details the creation of
a people’s campaign that worked to make the planning process more just and inclusive;
and the lessons emerging from their engagement focusing on different themes including
informal livelihoods, and articulation of a shared vision of a people’s plan for Delhi, for the
next 20 years.
Urban planning vis-à-vis the master planning exercise has always been in the domain
of the state. The State-led planning process that was institutionalized through planning
acts formulated in the 1960s has been unable to accommodate the growing informality
of distinct kinds. The urban in India underwent numerous changes, wherein the state’s
presence and control over the planning process have loosened, and liberalized planning
practices have brought in reforms that allow the accumulation of capital and space, leading
to more informality in Indian cities.
The Street Vendors' Livelihoods Protection and Regulation Act 2014 – a central legislation
has brought closer the two core focal points of this enquiry – that of informal street vendor
livelihoods and urban planning. The Act principally accepts that street vending is an
indivisible part of Indian cities and protects the informal street vendors by delineating
a framework for inclusion in the urban planning process that allocates ‘space’ for street
vending in Indian cities. The progressive legislative framework meant to have protected
and regulated street vending faced stiff resistance from diverse quarters, including the
formal planning process. This inquiry will focus on how the master plans accommodate (or
exclude) the spatial allocation and regulation provisions delineated in the Act.
The paper posits that the progressive policies of spatial protection for the street vendors
in the Act directly contradict the state planning practices of addressing informality that
rests on restrictive control of the informal and centralization of planning powers. Thereby
arguing for social–justice–centred reforms in urban planning acts and policies. The paper
will focus on the case of Delhi’s master planning history and process, especially in the lead-
up to the draft Master Plan for Delhi (MPD)-2041.

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Claiming Space for Informal Work in Master Planning:

Reflections from a People’s Campaign in Delhi
Shalini Sinha, India Country Representative for Women in Informal Employment: Globalising
and Organising (WIEGO)
Malavika Narayan, Ph.D Student, Dept. of City and Regional Planning, Cornell University, USA
Avi Majithia, Coordinator, Focal City Delhi team, WIEGO

Master plans across the Global South tend to reflect Eurocentric, modernist city visions
that are disconnected from the lived reality of most people, who live and work informally.
In Delhi, previous master plans have been used to legally justify the displacement of poor
communities from their homes and workplaces. This policy brief details the creation of
a people’s campaign that worked to make the planning process more just and inclusive;
and the lessons emerging from their engagement focusing on different themes including
informal livelihoods, and articulation of a shared vision of a people’s plan for Delhi, for the
next 20 years.

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 PANEL 3
Urban Theory and Practice from Small(er) Towns

Organised by Rohit Negi, Associate Professor of Urban Studies and Director

of the Centre for Community Knowledge, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar University, Delhi
and Anu Sabhlok, Professor, Indian Institute of Science Education and Research,
Mohali)

Geographies of Production in Small Towns with Traditional

Artisanal Industrial Base: Revisiting Theory and Method
Anjali Mittal, Assistant Professor of Architecture, School of Planning and Architecture,
New Delhi

Cities are the driving forces of economic activity. In the process, they are continuously
structured and restructured with changes in the economic processes. However, the question
arises as to whether there is an understanding of these economic processes, spatially, that are
resulting in this structuring and restructuring of space. Drawing on a spatially-grounded
study of traditional artisanal glass-bangle industry in Firozabad, India, the study shows why
the mapping of production in small towns with traditional artisanal industrial base can be
an insightful methodological tool to understand larger political economic shifts.
The research focuses on the relationship between the economic geography of production of
glass-bangles in Firozabad and the resultant structuring of space in the context of economic
development policies geared towards increasing participation in the global economy. Based
on the mapping of the production process through ongoing ethnographic fieldwork since
2018, glass-bangle making represents a production process which is a combination of
industrial production and home based work. What it marks is the partial separation of
home from work; economic relationships emerging out of subcontracting systems with the
conversion of the artisan into a waged labour. These changes in the organisational structure
have had a significant impact, not only on composition of the labour force and labour
relations, but also have spatial implications- a decentralised process of production of a
manifested spatially in the existing urban structure.
This paper proposes that a spatial reading of geography of production- locating work-labour
relations within the physical space can offer a nuanced understanding of the complexities

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embedded in the production process and help decipher its relationship with the urban
structure. The paper shows how these economic relations are spatially informed, embedded
in space and produce an urban spatiality of a unique kind on an everyday basis. Therefore, the
research argues that ‘space’ becomes the substructure that holds these economic relations.

“Maladapted” Public Transport Solutions: The Case of Amritsar

Kanchan Gandhi, Adjunct Professor, Department of Urban and Regional Studies
Dr.B.R. Ambedkar University, School of Planning and Architecture, New Delhi and
XIM University, Bhubaneswar
Raman Sharma, Public Communication and Engagement Officer Amritsar Smart City
limited

The city of Amritsar is a historical, cultural and spiritual Centre in Punjab. It receives huge
footfalls of tourists due to its varied attractions like the Golden Temple, Wagah Border,
Jallianwala Bagh, Durgiana temple and the Partition museum. The old core of the city is
characterized by narrow lanes that are accessible by IPT modes only. Hence auto rickshaws
and battery rickshaws (known as e-rickshaws in local parlance) become a dominant mode
of transport in the city. According to a study the modal share of auto rickshaws in the city
is 22%. The issue that the city administration is facing with the e-rickshaws is that there
is no mechanism to register them. These are running informally, are unsafe and a jugaad
transportation system in the city. The issue with regularized auto rickshaws is that they use
diesel as a fuel and contribute heavily to the emissions of greenhouse gasses.
Another major issue in Punjab is that people in its cities rely heavily on cars as a mode of
transport. Interviews in the cities of Ludhiana, Jalandhar and Amritsar revealed that it is
very difficult to change this reliance on private vehicles to public transportation systems.
The state government of Punjab launched a BRT system in Amritsar in the year 2014 in
an attempt to boost the mass transit system in the city. The BRT has however largely been
termed as a “failure” as people still rely heavily on IPTs to commute within and outside the
city.
The other scheme that seems partially maladapted to climate change at least till the time
electricity is generated from fossil fuels, is the phasing out of the diesel auto rickshaws to
electronic auto rickshaws under the RAAHI scheme of the CITIIS project. Touted as an
emission reducing scheme, the project entails a shift from diesel auto rickshaws to electric
ones. It includes a subsidy component to facilitate the shift to the “cleaner energy”. The

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issue however remains that power in Punjab is still largely generated in coal based thermal
power plants. The share of hydro-power is relatively low in the state. Therefore shifting to
e-auto rickshaws would simply mean shifting from one fossil fuel based energy to another.
This paper will evaluate the two transport schemes - the BRT and the e-auto rickshaw
scheme (RAAHI) to argue that these are examples of maladaptation to climate change
and need further interventions to make them environmentally sustainable and adapted to
climate change.
It will suggest planning strategies to make these schemes more sustainable and climatically
adapted in the future. The evidence of this paper comes from in-depth interviews with
residents, policy-makers, project consultants and bureaucrats in the city of Amritsar.
Secondary data will be used from energy reports of the Punjab state government and
project documents of the BRT and the RAAHI scheme.

The Economic Geography of Dispersed Urbanization and

Rural-urban Linkage in the Global South – Evidence from India
Shamindra Nath Roy, Associate Fellow, Urbanization Initiative, Centre for Policy
Research and Adjunct Faculty, Department of Urban Studies, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar
University Delhi
Kanhu Charan Pradhan, Associate Fellow, Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi

The spatial expansion of urban areas beyond the formal city boundaries has become a
primary subject for urban studies. The recent years have witnessed an emphasis on holistic
theories that deals with the larger political economy of this urbanization in global south. A
lot of these conversations are based on India, where the nature of urbanization has witnessed
convergence across the city size groups in recent years, and more than one-third of urban
growth is fuelled by transformation of livelihoods from agricultural to non-farm activities.
While the built-form of such dispersed urbanization varies across regions, mainly two kinds
pictures emerge: (i) a shadow effect foisted by the large cities where dispersal of economic
activities to the peripheries have fostered urban growth across the municipal boundaries,
and (ii) a completely bottom-up, in-situ growth isolated from the large city networks, but
more based on local place-based or infrastructural economies like highways. These patterns
indeed show that this kind of urbanization is dispersed but not marginal---on account of
their share in urban growth and their role as the driver of economic transformation in rural
India.

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While the political-economic models discusses the driver of the dispersed urbanization from
a wide array of social and economic relations—like local agencies of smaller settlements,
caste and agrarian power structure, speculative regimes of capital, labour and governance, or
contribution of remittances by the migrant households in urbanization, there is a separate
group of literature related to the rural non-farm work in India which deals this question
from the perspective of the agrarian and village studies. This study attempts to situate itself
in the middle of these two strands of literature—by offering an exploratory analysis of the
economic geography of such dispersed urbanization in India, in relation to its regional
differentiation, spatial forms and interconnections. It focuses on the census towns (CTs)—
which are hotspots of rural-urban transitions in India. It asks a two-fold question: a) what
is the nature of transformation in the dualistic rural non-farm setup and if there are spatial
and regional variations—and what are the diversities in that economic geography; (b) Is it
only an isolated, place-based urbanization or there is a larger linkage across the settlements
and geographies around it. This paper is also one of the first contribution to visualize the
economic drivers of dispersed urbanization at the pan-Indian scale, based on firm level data
of 3 million Indian enterprises spanned across 3785 CTs.
Results from the study show that the nature of rural non-farm transitions in the CTs
are diverse and represent dualistic patterns in economic activity, but at the same time are
qualitatively better than rural India in terms of nature and type of firms, availability of hired
jobs, and distribution of industries. This is supportive of the vernacular agency of these
kinds of settlements, as pointed out in the subaltern urbanization literature. The second
finding is that while the large cities in India are led by service sector activities, the CTs
have a mix of manufacturing and services, where larger firm size and hired employments
are attributed more to a variety of labour and capital intensive manufacturing activities. This
shows the potential of these settlements to contribute to hitherto unexplored industry-
led urbanization in India, especially when compared to China. Finally, despite variations,
some CTs tend to be functionally specializing in productive economic activities and
clustering around each other—which shows the place-based influence of these settlements
in benefitting co-agglomeration of firms—which is important for their integration into
the larger rural economy. This diverse process of subaltern urbanization is destined to
only increase in the coming decades, especially in the densely populated states, where the
pressure of population on land is high and the emergent non-farm economy is fed through
various channels.

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Building Urban Himalaya: Five Theses on Small Towns in the Region

Rohit Negi, Associate Professor of Urban Studies and Director Centre for Community
Knowledge Dr. B.R. Ambedkar University Delhi

The paper, and the larger project it emerges from, considers social-environmental change in
the Western Himalaya through the trajectory of settlements that are rapidly growing and
densifying. Such zones of intense activity are ubiquitous across the Indian Himalayas. In
Himachal Pradesh one district (Kullu) alone has fifteen settlements during such qualitative
transformations. Carried out through ethnographic study of built environments in Kullu
and Chamba districts of HP, the project answers the call to conceptualize the urban from
locations beyond the more commonly researched metropolitan centres, while bringing
an urban sensibility to the study of the Himalaya. The region has been as important to
climate scientists and ecologists, with its unique attributes, as it is to social scientists, due
to its historical location at the margins of state and economy and unique cultural forms.
The story of contemporary change in the Himalaya, especially in the state of Himachal
Pradesh is inextricably linked to the broad success of state-driven development policy and
programs, which have led to dramatic improvements in the state’s human development
scenario. While there is undeniable though uneven social mobility across the region, what
of its materiality—rhetorically speaking, as subalterns accumulate capital, where and how
is it fixed?
Even the most unexceptional and back-of-the-beyond regions of India are today sites of
singular forms of place-making given their extraordinary pace of change, typologies of
built environments, mix of populations, ecological imbrications, and prevailing institutional
thinness. The question in these settlements isn’t “why planning fails”, but what kinds of
urban spaces emerge at the interstices of formal planning? I refer here to localities that
are largely autoconstructed, which urban planning later aims to co-opt and direct, but at
best, such attempts are half-hearted and incomplete. Once these realities are analytically
confronted, it becomes apparent that things have changed to the point that inherited
notions of rurality/urbanity have hollowed out, and theorization from small towns should
build from the intensive engagement with place, and abide by observed realities. In this
scenario, it is productive to consider the actually-existing built forms and social processes,
and to explore the stakes as they play out rather than assuming a preordained future. This
paper advances five theses on the urban process in the Indian Himalaya linking together
materiality, state, social change, and environmental risks.

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Climate Change and the Small city: A View from Abohar

Anu Sabhlok, Professor of Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Science
Education and Research Mohali (IISER Mohali)
Jitesh Malik, Principal Architect, Studio Aureole
Shilpa Dahake, Architect and Anthropologist
Apoorva Sharma, Independent Architect and Researcher
Shailja Singla, Urban & Regional Planner and Architect

What does sustainability mean for a small city? What kinds of linkages and assemblages
shape nature-society relations in a small city? Specifically, how are these cities reconfiguring
their social relations and realities with the slow infusion of climate change, “a phenomenon
that does not fall neatly into a category of either immediate materiality or abstract
representation” (Knox, 2020, p. 5).
Our paper addresses the above questions from the situated vantage point of the small city
of Abohar in Punjab. Abohar is a border city situated just a few miles from Pakistan and lies
at the intersection of the State of Punjab and the State of Haryana - with Rajasthan close
by. The city has recently been witnessing urban flooding, was declared the third dirtiest
city (in its category) in India in 2020, and has serious issues with water logging, pests
and pesticide use, and pollution amongst others. Alongside these environmental problems,
Abohar struggles with various problems of social justice, uneven distribution of resources
and lack of basic amenities. We know that climate change and its impacts are inherently
linked with social issues, creating a web of relations (Block et al., 2018). Climate change
impacts are not merely uncertain weather events, rather are products of intersections of
nature, politics, and the built environment (Knox, 2020; Hetherington, 2019).
These “ordinary cities” (Robinson, 2002) are largely absent from the discourse informing
the imagination of climate change and its impacts. Due to lack of documentation, limited
information of their changing climate and its impacts, the lack of financial and human
resources, the imagination of climate change and its effects is very skewed in small cities
(Major and Juhola, 2016). Moreover, the lessons learnt from the large cities are mostly not
suited for small cities. Bringing down the scale of exploration of climate change to small
cities, particularly Abohar, this paper enables diversifying and nuancing of the existing
vocabulary of climate change.
Historian Dipesh Chakrabarty describes climate change as “a crisis of many dimensions”
which requires “academics to rise above their disciplinary prejudices” (2009, p. 215). Climate

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Book of Abstracts

change forces us to expand our research and design practices beyond the existing pallet of
approaches. Ghosh too tells us that the extreme weather events of our times are ‘peculiarly
resistant to contemporary modes of thinking and imagining” and calling the climate crisis
largely a “crisis of our imagination.”
Our team consists of architects, planners, geographers, feminist scholars and anthropologists
and seeks to bring together research with practice. We use an urban political ecology
approach to understand the socio-ecological processes in Abohar. However, we go further
and imagine a different future for Abohar. One that challenges the currently fashionable
push towards building a “world - class city” and confronts the neo liberal aspirations of
city governments and elite residents. Our engagement with Abohar emerges from a year-
long studio that we call the Abohar Urban Fellowship. This paper will attempt to theorise
climate change from the small city of Abohar and from our experience of engaging with the
messy streets, jumbled water and sewage pipes, enthusiastic city engineers, wary officials,
and creative NGO leaders. Adopting a propositional sensibility, we put forth and nudge
towards possibilities of going beyond ‘business as usual’ or ‘on expected lines’ as the small
city of Abohar attempts to make sense of climate change at the local level.

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 PANEL 4
Reimagining Urban Policies and Practices

Organised by
Urban Strategy Unit, National Institute of Urban Affairs, New Delhi

Debjani Ghosh, Associate Professor, National Institute of Urban Affairs

Data-driven insights are the cornerstone of sustainable urbanization, guiding informed

decisionmaking and fostering innovative solutions for the cities of tomorrow. Urban
Outcomes Framework (UOF 2022) is an initiative to develop a transparent and
comprehensive database based on crosscity outcomes across multiple sectors. It also
encompasses the 3rd round of Ease of Living, Municipal Performance Index, Climate
Smart Cities Assessment and Data Maturity Assessment. UOF aims to democratise data
by making it accessible to all urban stakeholders.

Bibek Jot Singh Sandhu, Program Manager – CITIIS National Institute of Urban Affairs

Sustainable innovation is pivotal in shaping the future of rapidly urbanizing cities. The
CITIIS program is a comprehensive initiative that provides financial and technical
assistance to cities, with a strong focus on sustainability. The program is designed to
strengthen institutions by committing resources to systematic planning for implementation
and ensuring effective and sustainable urban development. It is a joint program of the
Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs, Agence Francaise de Development (AFD), the
European Union (EU), and the National Institute of Urban Affairs (NIUA).

Kanak Tiwari, Program Director – Urban Strategy Unit, National Institute of Urban Affairs
and Head U20 Technical Secretariat

The Urban 20 (U20) engagement group under the G20 is a global diplomacy platform,
that brings the voices of cities and the urban imperative to the fore. As part of India’s G20
presidency in 2023, Ahmedabad chaired the sixth cycle of U20 supported by NIUA as

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Book of Abstracts

the Technical Secretariat and the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development as the
nodal ministry. The presentation will highlight the priorities, imperatives, learnings and
achievements of this U20 cycle. The speaker will discuss the value of such global platforms
in creating a collaborative mechanisms to tackle global challenges collectively as well as
underscore the importance of the ‘urban constituency’ in the global agenda.

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International Conference on Sustainable And Inclusive Urban Development In Global South

Thematic Sessions

35
 THEMATIC SESSION 1
Quest for Inclusive Urban Planning and Governance

Urban Planning and Governance in the Mauritian Context

Yashwaree Baguant Moonshiram, Senior Lecturer, University of Mauritius

The process of urbanisation creates both challenges and opportunities for urban areas.
Urbanisation brings many advantages, such as diversity, employment, education, and
improvement in the health sector. The world’s urban centres have historically been subjected
to unplanned and unregulated development that has led to the deterioration of natural
processes. This form of development can be described as being ‘unsustainable’ whereby
the consideration of urban issues has been absent from decision-making, contributing to
environmental and land degradation. ‘Cities are generally considered as engines of growth
and development’ and already contribute up to 55% of gross national product in low-
income countries, 73% in middle-income countries and 85% in high-income countries.
Mauritius is a Small Island Developing States (SIDS) and the country has undergone
rapid urbanisation over the past few decades. Around 40% of the population lives in urban
areas. One of the main issues which have arisen due to this rapid urbanisation has been the
unplanned growth in the urban settlements. As such, urban governance and planning have
become increasingly important in ensuring sustainable development and improving the
quality of life for urban residents in Mauritius. Urban Governance involves administration,
planning, coordination and management of an urban area/ city/town. It refers to the
relationship between local government institutions and urban dwellers or citizens. It
also includes partnerships or coordination between local city governments and private
enterprises/ civil society/voluntary sector to help improve the administration of a city.
Quality of governance process can be described and assessed by a set of commonly accepted
indicators. According to UNHABITAT, these indicators are: subsidiarity, sustainability,
equity, efficiency, transparency, accountability, civic engagement, citizenship and security.
Citizen participation is underlined as a key strategy in the decision-making process in
which various stakeholders, i.e. local governments, business communities, organisations
and groups representing citizens. Participation of all the community is a major issue in the
governance component. The aim of this paper is to understand the role of the community

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in the decision making process in the Mauritian planning framework. A survey was carried
out among the major stakeholders in the Mauritian Planning framework to understand
the role of the community and to make recommendations to promote the concept of
community/neighbourhood planning. Face to face interviews were carried out among the
main stakeholders of planning for sustainable development in the island (local authorities,
ministries…) as personal interview has traditionally been considered the most reliable
method of collecting data. A pilot study was conducted to obtain feedback regarding the
adequacy of the interview guide. All the participants in the survey agreed that there is
actually a top-down approach in the decision making process in the Mauritian planning
framework and that ‘citizen participation will ensure the success of the local plans’. As
such, measures need to be taken to encourage citizens to participate in decision-making.
According to them, this will definitely improve the level of sustainability in towns and
cities. However, instead of a bottom-up approach, an intermediate solution is being
proposed especially for the short term, whilst awareness campaigns for the population
would be carried out. The interviewees agree that the Mauritian community is not ready to
participate in the decision-making process due to lack of awareness about the concepts of
sustainable planning. This will definitely improve the level of sustainability and the quality
of life in the towns and cities of Mauritius and help the country achieve the SDG 11 –
Make cities inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable.

Urbanization, Environmental Change and Sustainable and

Inclusive Urban Development in Small Pacific Islands Developing
States: Challenges and Opportunities in Fiji
Manoranjan Mohanty, The University of South Pacific, Suva, Fiji

The world especially the Global South, is urbanising rapidly. More than half of world
population now live in cities and 70% humanity is likely to live there by 2050. The human
future will depend upon the sustainable and inclusive urban future. In Global South,
urbanisation is a product of both development and underdevelopment. Urbanisation and
globalisation go hand-in-hand. Two perspectives emerge in Global South i.e., “globalised
urbanisation” and “urbanised globalisation”. A two-way complex relationship exists between
urbanisation and environment, and linked to development and underdevelopment. Since
the Agenda -21 adopted in 1992 and 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development in 2015
with Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), there is growing recognition that sound
urbanisation and environmental sustainability are the prerequisites for sustainable urban

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development. The Small Pacific Island Developing States (SPIDSs), a “microcosm”

in global system, are no exception to global trends, urbanising rapidly and are prone to
environmental and climate change risks and vulnerabilities. There exists 11 SPIDSs of the
25 Small Island Developing States with less than a “million” population each, with distinct
development characteristics, urbanisation patterns, and limited resources to cope with rapid
urban growth. Health and well-being is closely linked with urbanisation and environmental
change and climate change, and affect SDGs including SDG 11:‘Make cities and human
settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable’. The perspectives of “urbanisation of
health” and “health of urbanisation”, are critical. The SPIDSs experience urban development
challenges that pose threat to achieving SDG 11. However, opportunities do exist in coping
with these challenges. There is a need to promote sustainable and inclusive urbanisation
and build healthy, safe and resilient cities and towns in SPIDSs. To study aims to: (a) study
urbanisation trends and patterns in SPIDSs; (b) examine environmental (climate) changes
and urban vulnerabilities in SPIDSs; (c) review urban policies, planning and strategies
adopted by SPIDSs; and (d) identify challenges and opportunities in achieving sustainable
and inclusive urban development in SPIDSs with a special focus on Fiji Islands. Data are
gathered from 11 SPIDSs to analyse trends and patterns of urbanisation. Data relating to
poverty, inequality and environmental sustainability measures including access to water and
sanitation, motor vehicles, energy per capita and carbon dioxide emissions and so forth, are
collected and analysed. Data are also gathered at city and town level. Information including
policies and planning are collected from SPIDS governments and international organisations’
reports. The paper is based on a thorough study on urbanisation, environmental changes,
planning and development in SPIDSs based on a mixed-method covering both quantitative
and qualitative research approaches and a desk study of literature from secondary sources
of information. A literature review including policies and planning in SPIDSs has been
undertaken. An interpretivist approach was adopted and a “content analysis” of literature
from various sources including websites and government and international organisational
reports and National ‘dailies’ was undertaken. Currently, one in every four persons live in
urban areas of South Pacific region. The SPIDSs are expected to have half of their population
living in urban areas by 2030, posing challenges arising from urbanisation-environment-
development nexus in achieving the SDG 11. Urbanisation, environment and development
relationships in the SPIDSs result from typical island characteristics. Generally, countries
with higher levels of development (GDP) are showing higher levels of urbanisation, but
lower urban growth rates e.g. Nauru, Palau, Fiji. The Least Developed Countries (LDCs)
in SPIDSs show lower levels of urbanisation but higher urban growth rates e.g. Kiribati,
Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and Tuvalu. A high degree of urban primacy exists in cities and

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towns. Many of SPIDSs lack urban policies and planning, have limited resources and space
for expansion that are impediments to urban development. There exist urban infrastructure
and service deficits, and crises of housing, water and sanitation, and urban solid waste
disposal. Urbanisation is leading to fast changing consumption patterns and life-styles,
with implications to people’s health and well-being particularly resulting in obesity and
non-communicable diseases and taking a heavy toll. Many SPIDSs witness “informality”
and “informal urbanisation” and growth of informal settlements, posing challenges to urban
governance, planning and development. The SPIDSs are vulnerable to global as well as
local environmental & climate changes, and thus “doubly burdened”, environmentally.

The Pathway of Urban Planning AI: From Planning Support to

Plan-Making
Zhong-Ren Peng, Professor, University of Florida, USA
Kaifa Lu, Research Assistant, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida, USA
Yanghe Liu, Research Assistant, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida, USA
Wei Zhai, Assistant Professor, University of Texas at San Antonio , San Antonio, Texas, USA

Artificial intelligence (AI) is rapidly gaining prominence as a crucial technology to transform

and reshape the field of urban planning. However, several unanswered questions persist
regarding the potential impacts of AI on urban and regional planning research and practice,
as well as the issues involved and the appropriate responses and plans. This paper aims to
address these concerns in the AI-enabled planning process and accordingly create a typology
of urban planning AI to categorise and outline the progression of AI in urban planning,
ranging from AI-assisted and AI-augmented planning to AI-automated and eventually
AI-autonomised planning, based on a scoping literature review. Specifically, the objective
of this paper is to delve into several fundamental questions concerning the application of
AI in urban planning, including: What is urban planning AI, and what are the roles of AI
and planners in future urban planning process? How could AI facilitate planners in the
planning process? What will be the challenges and problems in the era of urban planning
AI, and how should we proactively respond to and lead them? This paper serves as an initial
point for future researchers, with the aim of addressing these questions. To accomplish this,
we employ a scoping review approach to summarise the existing literature and practices
concerning the intersection of AI and urban planning. Furthermore, the paper develops a
typology of AI in urban planning, illustrating the transformative role of AI and planners

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 International Conference on Sustainable And Inclusive Urban Development In Global South

in the planning process while mapping out the future trajectory of AI in urban planning.
It outlines the potential directions of urban planning AI, spanning from planning support
to plan-making. Based on our scoping review of existing literature on the use of AI in
urban planning, we have developed a typology to summarise and envision the four phases
of urban planning AI, from planning support to plan-making: AI-assisted, AI-augmented,
AI-automated, and AI-autonomised planning. However, whether this typology applies to
all planning activities and whether an AI agent can fully automate urban planning is still
a matter of debate. Planning inherently involves values, judgment, and interaction with
various stakeholders and decision-makers in society, and an AI agent may never entirely
carry out these planning functions. Another question arises regarding the future role of
urban planners and researchers in the AI era. As AI technology advances and becomes more
capable of self-learning and adaptive tasks, it can enhance the efficiency and effectiveness
of specific planning tasks, such as data analysis, knowledge retrieval, scenario simulation,
and visualisation. Some of these tasks can even be automated with the assistance of AI
technology. This technological shift prompts us to contemplate the future role of urban
planners. This paper argues that the role of urban planners will shift from dealing with the
mechanics of planning, such as data analysis, to addressing urban problems. Their focus
will shift from creating plans to conducting urban research that examines the interactions
between different stakeholders in response to various policies and the built environment.
This shift in focus will yield in-depth knowledge about city functions, residents’ needs, and
the equity impacts of policies while leaving the mechanics of planning to AI agents. Like
Geographic Information Systems (GIS), AI is here to stay and will have the potential to
transform our planning research and practice fundamentally. It saves planners valuable time
from tedious data gathering (e.g., sifting social media data), analysis, visualisation work,
complicated modelling, and pattern recognition work. It also allows planners to ask deep
and fine-grained planning-related questions that humans could not answer. It addresses
planning issues such as equity and disaster resilience more efficiently, quantitatively, and
timely. This paper asks the following questions: how do we prepare to take advantage of the
benefits of AI and avoid its pitfalls? How would our urban planning programmes educate
the next generation of urban planners and researchers? Let us work together to explore its
potential to enhance our research and practice while being mindful of its limitations and
guide the development of urban planning AI in its still early phase by addressing issues
related to ethics, inclusiveness, trust, and equity.

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Towards a New Research Agenda in Urban Development and

Planning Research in the Global South: Beyond the “Critical
Consensus View”
Faizan Jawed Siddiqi, Lecturer, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, USA

The purpose of this paper is to make progress in crafting an appropriate research agenda
for studying urban development and planning in the Global South. A consensus seems
to have emerged from the work of scholars of urban development and planning in the
Global South. In this view, which we will call the “critical consensus view” (CCV), planning
interventions are seen as primarily serving the interests of those in power. In the context
of the last three decades, this has meant that planning interventions have supported the
consolidation of neoliberal capitalism since that is the ideology espoused by economic
elites. Scholars have mounted an existential challenge to the very profession of planning
in the Global South, arguing that informality is encoded in the DNA of the state in a
postcolonial country like India, which makes planning logically impossible. Given that
planning interventions in countries of the Global South are viewed as either anti-people
or a logical impossibility, how does progressive change happen as per the CCV? Enter
“insurgents”—organisations of members of marginalised communities who push for
meaningful change from the ground-up. In other words, CCV takes neoliberal capitalism
as a universal, whose exclusionary effects are primarily sobered from the bottom-up. What
do we miss if we follow the CCV? While CCV scholarship is valuable for highlighting
inequality in urban regions, it suffers from three major blind spots: 1) It forecloses the
possibility of desirable change resulting from state planning interventions, 2) It misses
any meaningful engagement with organisational aspects of planning, and 3) there is little
emphasis on developing comparative understanding of the varieties of planning outcomes
in countries encountering the “neoliberal” script. In short, the CCV seldom asks questions
such as: why, alongside a number of planning failures, also exist numerous of planning
successes? CCV also does not engage with the question of why some insurgent groups are
successful in realising their demands but others are not. In reality, nations of the Global
South have taken markedly different paths to capitalist development. For instance, the
notion of private property – an integral part of the neoliberal script – and land governance
have had significantly different trajectories in developing countries. India repealed urban
land ceiling laws in early 2000s and now allows private ownership of large parcels. In China,
the law does not allow private property but for the last three decades, the government has
allowed de facto private possession of land. Rwanda has created property rights from scratch

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in the last two decades. The Chinese state directly builds affordable housing while India has
moved to relying on market-based incentives to spur construction of affordable housing.
All three countries have also made significant progress in pulling millions of citizens out of
extreme poverty. Why are these different trajectories and outcomes not a subject of serious
research and academic debate?

Agglomeration Economies and Rural-to-Urban Migration in India:

A District Level Study Based on 2011 Census Data
Arup Mitra, Professor, South Asian University, New Delhi
Rajesh Raushan, Assistant Professor, Institute of Dalit Studies, Delhi

Keeping in view the concept of agglomeration economies and the NEG angle, this paper
made an attempt to analyse the rural to urban population movement at the district level.
The decadal flow (2001-2011) constitutes a significant proportion of the all-duration
migrants though as a percentage of the total urban population it is moderate. The overall
findings tend to indicate that higher levels of urbanisation and higher migration rates are
not strongly associated. However, there exists a cluster of districts which are able to attract
migrants on a large scale in spite of being already urbanised. In other words, some of the
large urban spaces are able to draw population from the rural areas at a rapid pace. Some of
the variables such as work participation rate, share of services and construction and literacy
rate all form parts of this positive nexus, indicating that opportunities exist with increased
levels of urbanisation which prompt people to migrate. However, it is important to mention
that only those who have the confidence of mitigating the adverse effect of large population
bases at the place of destination and are able to take advantages of concentration, will
be migrating to such spaces. Instead of shifting to the districts which are less urbanised
migrants decided otherwise. This brings to the fore that lower levels of urbanisation are
not endowed with benefits though lower population bases may be reducing the adversity
associated with concentration. Findings also suggest that the positive spill-over effects of
higher levels of urbanisation are not limited to the urban spaces only. The adjoining rural
areas (rural-urban fringe) are also indicative of a significant transformation process. The
land use pattern and activities seem to be changing and some of the developmental impact
is evident though social transformation is yet to be achieved in these areas. However, in
the urban areas of the highly urbanised districts both the social and economic changes
are evident. The rural areas of the highly urbanised districts do not seem to be associated
with rapid migration flow. But this can be rationalised on the ground that the potential

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migrants usually look forward to the opportunities available in the urban spaces. There
is no incentive for them to move to the rural areas of the urbanised districts as the rural
spaces are on the verge of shrinking, undergoing shifts in land utilisation patterns. On the
negative side the findings also verify that there are many districts which in spite of being
highly urbanised are not able to attract migrants at a rapid pace. The regional variations
following from the factor analysis results bring out sharp differences in the relationship
between urbanisation level and migration rates, and variations in the determinants of
the nature of urbanisation and also certain outcome variables. The role of geography is
pertinent in shaping the level and type of urbanisation and the population mobility from
the rural to the urban areas. Policies which are able to address such regional differences
carry a great degree of relevance. Mere concentration of population does not seem to have
resulted from economic opportunities in some of the districts. The potential migrants are
aware of such lacuna and thus, respond rationally by not migrating at a rapid pace to these
districts. Individuals who are endowed with higher human capital and efficiency drop out
from such migration streams, which keep the migration rates low. One policy implication
is that the governments including the local authorities are expected to make these spaces
economically profitable, taking the advantages of population concentration. On the whole,
new investment opportunities are to be created in such spaces in order to create the benefits
of agglomeration economies. Greater investments in such spaces can reduce the cost of
growth and make employment creation more effective, facilitating the rural population to
take the benefits of agglomeration economies and get absorbed productively.

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 THEMATIC SESSION 2
Sustainable for Urban Development

Opportunities and Challenges of Using Micro Transit to Improve

Transit Services
Ruth Lorraine Steiner, University of Florida, USA

As transit agencies in the United States explore how to move forward to increase transit
ridership, they are increasingly exploring other types of service to provide transit to their
diverse customers. Increasingly they are offering micro transit solutions, which use small-
scale, on-demand public transit service that can offer both fixed routes and schedules along
with flexible routes and on-demand scheduling, to improve the customer experience. One of
the greatest challenges of micro transit is that it can’t easily be scaled up to the same ridership
as fixed-route buses, rail, and other vehicles. The role of micro transit in the transportation
system and how we can effectively deploy these solutions in communities remains a topic
of discussion among transit professionals and researcher alike. This presentation will use
two studies on transportation access for a low-income, Black community in Gainesville,
Florida to jobs and services - the evaluation of a micro transit pilot project in Gainesville,
Florida, and a study on transportation mobility assessment and recommendations for
smart city planning as a foundation to explore the opportunities for using micro transit
as a part of the public transportation system. The City of Gainesville conducted a pilot
project using micro transit in East Gainesville for a low-income, Black population that
has limited access to fixed route transit service between January 2019 and December 2021.
The service was provided during the morning and evening peak commute hours in an area
that has had low frequency of service (most routes run once per hour and service ends
at 7:30 on most routes). The micro transit service was initially provided from residential
neighbourhoods to the Downtown Rosa Parks Station, which would allow a transfer with
direct access to most of the jobs in the community. Service was later expanded to include a
larger number of destinations in the community, including Walmart, school, and churches
and the Rosa Park Station. We used the following methods in this research: geospatial
analysis of existing transit and micro transit service in East Gainesville and their use during
2020, interviews with elected officials and community leaders to understand the challenges

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and opportunities of micro transit, focus groups in two neighbourhoods, and surveys to
understand what neighbourhood residents like about the service and what improvements
they desire. We also completed an analysis using geospatial analysis of the potential for
micro transit expansion in Gainesville’s mobility on demand zones. In addition, the results
of experiments by other transit agencies in the use of micro transit will be documented,
categorised, and analysed. Micro transit pilot projects have been used in many communities
throughout the country but they have a fundamental challenge their inability to scale up
the service to serve a larger number of passengers per hour. This is especially true when the
service is provided to lower-density destinations. Despite these limitations, micro transit
can be used in certain applications – to address service off-peak and out-of-span, to build
transit ridership in previously unserved neighbourhoods, to support suburban mobility to
fixed-route systems, and to provide service for transportation disadvantaged populations
who do not need specialised equipment.

Demystifying Social Inclusion Metrics for Inclusionary Zoning

Programs
Huay Ying Ong, Tsinghua University, Beijing
Jian LIU, Professor, Tsinghua University, Beijing

In Malaysia, inclusionary zoning programmes have emerged as a promising policy

approach to improve housing affordability of low-income households and promote social
inclusion in the neighbourhood. These programmes require developers to include a certain
percentage of affordable housing units within their projects. While the implementation
of inclusionary zoning programmes has gained traction, there is a need to evaluate their
effectiveness in achieving social inclusion goals. However, there is a lack of comprehensive
understanding regarding the indicators that should be adopted to assess social inclusion
in these inclusionary zoning programs. Previous studies have primarily focused on
indicators related to the construction and distribution stages of affordable housing, such
as the location of housing and neighbourhood characteristics. For instance, the location of
affordable housing, presence of different ethnic and economic groups within a community,
and neighbourhood characteristics such as physical housing condition, accessibility to
public facilities, job opportunities and quality schools. However, these indicators do not
comprehensively evaluate the factors influencing social inclusion outcomes. To better
understand the programme’s effectiveness in promoting social inclusion, this paper aims
to identify the indicators of social inclusion from the perspective of program development,

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 International Conference on Sustainable And Inclusive Urban Development In Global South

including policy formulation, construction, distribution, and management. This study

focused on the case of the My Selangor Housing (RSKU) programme, an inclusionary
zoning programme that has been long implemented in Selangor state, Malaysia since
1980s. To achieve the aim of this study, the paper firstly investigated the pertinent factors
that impacted social inclusion by examining the issues in the four stages of programme
development. Subsequently, a comprehensive review of existing literature was conducted
to identify the indicators of social inclusion according to the examined factors. Lastly,
the social inclusion indicators that were formed were verified by the state government
officers from the Selangor Housing and Property Board (LPHS). The findings highlight
the importance of considering factors beyond construction and distribution. It is essential
to understand the factors that influence social inclusion throughout the entire lifecycle of
a programme. The results indicates that there are 10 factors that impacted social inclusion
across the four stages of programme development, which are (1) stakeholder involvement,
(2) project location, (3) living condition, (4) accessibility to public facilities, (5) community
characteristics, (6) homeownership opportunities, (7) homeownership security, (8) value
of housing, (9) relationship among the community, (10) social acceptance. From these 10
factors, 30 indicators are identified through an extensive literature review. Based on the case
study of the RSKU programme, the results indicate that lack of participation of residents in
the policy making process, limited platform to address affordable housing issues, inadequate
accessibility to public transport, the availability of affordable housing, and low approval
rates for housing loans have a negative impact on the social inclusion of community in
a neighbourhood. Meanwhile, the RSKU programme demonstrates positive impacts on
social inclusion through strategies such as dispersing affordable housing, ensuring standard
living conditions, promoting diversity, and facilitating interaction between different income
groups. Furthermore, the findings indicate that alternative of off-site construction does
not negatively impact social inclusion due to the stringent amendment conditions. The
government guidelines do not specify the exact site locations for affordable housing,
developers can freely plan for their new project development. In consequence, affordable
housings are generally constructed at less strategic locations, they are not necessarily
near to job centres, schools, grocery stores, and health care, as well as has good housing
environment. Social acceptance of low-income households in their neighbourhood is a
subjective judgement that is not commonly used to measure social inclusion. The paper
concluded the concept of social inclusion encompasses valuing and considering the opinions
of each party, ensuring a standard quality of living, fostering social interaction across classes,
and expanding homeownership opportunities for low-income groups. It provides valuable
insights for policymakers, researchers, and practitioners, to enhance the social inclusion
outcomes of inclusionary zoning programmes.

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Book of Abstracts

Towards a Seasonal Migration Atlas of India: Compilation of

Travel (and Registration) Data from First Phase of COVID
Sudhir Katiyar, Director, Centre for Labour Research and Action, Ahmedabad
Anushka Rose, Sr. Research Associate, Centre for Labour Research and Action, Ahmedabad
Gautami Kulkarni, Research Assistant, Centre for Labour Research and Action, Ahmedabad

The COVID-19 exodus demonstrated that seasonal migrant workers constitute the most
vulnerable sections of the informal working class. One of the key reasons for this vulnerability
lies in the lack of data on seasonal migration. Researchers and academicians who have been
studying migration rely on official sources like the Census and NSSO for macro data, but
these data sources provide little detail on the migration streams that constitute the flow of
seasonal migrants across and within states. This paper seeks to generate macro estimates
of the seasonal and semi-permanent or long-term circular migrant workers and document
major migration streams by consolidating the data that emerged during the first COVID-19-
induced lockdown. Seasonal migrant workers, sometimes with their whole families, migrate
from relatively underdeveloped pockets to developed areas for short-term deployment on a
seasonal basis. Semi-permanent or long-term circular migrants comprise individuals who
migrate for comparatively longer periods year after year, often to the same workplace, and
then revert back to the areas of their origin after their work life is over. The number of
workers documented during the exodus post-announcement of the first lockdown provides
a very good shadow indicator to estimate the seasonal migrant workforce, making it a good
stand-in for secondary data sources. Given the manner in which the lockdown unfolded,
almost all the seasonal workers found themselves stranded in the destination areas where
they were working, forcing the state to manage their stay and return. It is assumed that the
majority of the people who were stuck during the lockdown and went back to their home
states comprised of seasonal migrants. Registration of workers by the state governments
at the places of source and destination to provide special services such as Shramik trains
and the documentation of migrant workers by civil society organisations together provide
a rich database unravelling a nationwide picture of migration flows. This data has been
backed up by older state-level profiles and case studies at the district and sub-district levels
wherever available. Through exhaustive desk research, it is estimated that approximately
13.5 million workers returned to their home states during the first phase of COVID. The
number of workers who left their destination states is approximately 14.6 million. The high
degree of congruity between them shows that the figures derived from various sources
for incoming and outgoing workers prove the veracity of the data and approach adopted.

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The state-wise estimates of migrant workers align with the existing literature on seasonal
migration patterns. The data set shows that the eastern belt, comprising Eastern Uttar
Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal, Odisha, and Chhattisgarh, is the largest source
of seasonal migrants across the nation. Maharashtra and Gujarat form the largest recipient
states followed by the Northern cluster of NCR–Punjab and the cluster of Southern
states – Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, and Telangana. The large states in the North that
send out the most workers, including Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, and Bihar, also receive a
significant number of workers from outside. Use of the shadow indicator – travellers during
the lockdown in the first phase of COVID – is constrained by certain limitations such as
the inclusion of travellers besides migrant workers, the failure of registration and travel
data in capturing short distance and intra-state migration like agriculture migrants, and the
possibility of not all migrants going back. Finally, building on its findings and highlighting
the urgent need to map and quantify these migration streams, the paper proposes measures
to develop a comprehensive database on seasonal migrant workers.

Co-Producing Resilience: Lessons from Bottom-up Practices in

Informal Settlements
Rashee Mehra, Consultant, Indian Institute for Human Settlements, Bengaluru
Sukrit Nagpal, Sr. Research Associate, Indian Institute for Human Settlements, Bengaluru
Vineetha Nalla, Sr. Research Associate, Indian Institute for Human Settlements, Bengaluru
Nidhi Sohane, Sr. Research Associate, Indian Institute for Human Settlements, Bengaluru

This paper is at the intersection of two themes—primarily climate change, risk and resilience,
and social and economic inclusion, urban poverty, and slums. Informal settlements in cities of
the Global South hold some of the most significant but overlooked climate-related challenges.
These settlements typically operate outside the purview of the formal apparatus and witness
fragmented, incremental and informal development processes. They are consequently
embedded in accumulated risks arising from material (built-form), infrastructural (basic
services), and legal (tenure) inadequacies, along with economic (informal work), spatial
(tenability) and social precarity (violence and health). These everyday risks are exacerbated
by the impacts of climate change-induced extreme weather events rendering residents of
these settlements into deeper vulnerability and making them more susceptible to poverty
traps. There is a need to analyse and explore practices that are sustainable and scalable, and
mainstream resilience to risks — both everyday risks and those that are climate change

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Book of Abstracts

related. We hypothesise that co-production and capacitation are critical means of building
resilience of vulnerable communities. This paper uses two case studies — the Main Bhi Dilli
Campaign (MBD) and SEWA Bharat’s Zamini Adikar Abhiyaan (ZAA) — to analyse and
deconstruct modes of building resilience to risks in settlements marked by social, physical
and economic vulnerabilities. Both case studies incorporate forms of co-production to build
resilience of communities toward current and future risks, but were implemented at different
scales employing different modus operandi. Main Bhi Dilli is a people’s campaign born out
of a vision to make planning in Delhi inclusive, representative, and participatory through
engagements with residents from Delhi’s informal settlements and informal livelihoods. A
key part of the campaign was to demystify the upcoming Delhi Master Plan 2041 and
create opportunities for residents to engage with and influence it through capacitation and
mobilisation. The MBD has created a repository of publicly held participatory research on
master planning in Delhi. The SEWA case study draws from the authors’ implementation
and evaluation of a three-year pilot project undertaken by the Self-Employed Women’s
Association (SEWA Bharat) focused on women’s empowerment. The project worked closely
with informal workers in settlements across Delhi and Patna on a spectrum of informal
land tenure status. Through similar modes viz., demystification of knowledge, capacitation
and mobilisation of women, the project-built awareness and access to basic infrastructure
services and tenure security. The paper draws from the authors’ participation in both these
cases. The paper employs a mixed-methods approach by relying on the authors’ insights from
evaluation and implementation, activism, and secondary literature. Through this it will first
conceptualise these forms of co-production as a method to negotiate and upgrade adequate
infrastructure in vulnerable settlements. In doing so, it raises the developmental baseline,
reduces everyday risks and in turns builds the capacity of residents to withstand future
risks including those related to climate change. Thus, we investigate how incorporating co-
production and capacitation can reduce everyday risks in these settlements and in turn raise
the capacity and resilience to climate change related risks.

Locating the Citizen (Waste Generator) as a Focal Actor in the

Waste Management: A Case Study of Patna, Bihar
Uma Sarmistha, Senior Planner, City of Newberry, Florida, USA

Today, solid waste management (SWM) is a relatively new concept for most Indian cities,
more so for a city growing and urbanising at an exponential rate with little or no planning
whatsoever. Since the independence, the number of million-plus cities has risen from 5 in

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1951 to 53 in 2011. To make the situation worse, most Indian cities are unplanned, the
system of urban service delivery is collapsing, and the most significant causality has been
solid waste management. Indian cities generate approximately 62 million tons of municipal
solid waste (MSW) annually; by 2031, the total waste will be 165 million tons. Currently,
only 20% of the solid waste is processed, and 80 percent is dumped untreated daily in
landfill sites. Managing these mammoth quantities of waste rests solely with the local
municipalities. SWM is challenging for any government and requires coordination between
many local and State departments and private bodies. In most cities, the current practice of
disposing of MSW is either dumping or burning the trash in designated lower-lying areas,
usually outside the city limits. The principles of sanitary landfilling are rarely followed.
This daunting problem is amplified in unplanned cities. Unfortunately, most Indian towns,
especially Patna, fall into this category. Patna, India’s dirtiest capital city, faces the enormous
problem of untreated waste. Undoubtedly, municipalities and local bodies are putting
their best foot forward to tackle this critical issue. However, acute density and congestion
exacerbate the matter. It is paradoxical that, in many cases, solutions for these mammoth
challenges already exist. Innumerable scientifically proven waste recycling technologies are
available for most components of solid waste. For instance, hundreds of technologies exist
to recycle households’ organic (biodegradable) waste. They can be adopted at the most
decentralised level — even by waste generators (families, institutions, offices, etc.). In India,
nearly 70% of all MSW and almost 90% of all household waste are easily recyclable. The
availability of these recycling options implies that waste generators can ensure the recycling
of their waste (at least the recyclable component) and that the State to take responsibility
for the remaining 10% of household waste (the non-recyclable component). This would
lead to tremendous savings for municipalities to take care of other infrastructure and
service-related issues, lead to substantial environmental and economic gains and take cities
towards long-term, environmentally sustainable economic growth. Studies have shown that
aside from awareness-driven sustainability and waste management practices, the incentives
given to households have also helped reduce waste. Many specific approaches, such as the
weight-based billing approach, fair allocation of the costs depending on the amount of
waste generated, an overall reduction in waste generation, increased quality of recyclables,
and encouraging composting household level, have proved to be quite successful. With this
background, the present paper seeks to explore the possibility of locating the citizen (waste
generator) as the focal actor in the waste management system, with the agency to recycle
their waste and pursue the support of other actors (including the State and NGOs) as and
when required. The study utilises the extensive survey data collected from 500 households
in 5 wards of Patna, India, to assess their understanding of the waste management systems

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Book of Abstracts

and practices and their implications, and their level of satisfaction/dissatisfaction with
existing processes and finally to measure citizens’ willingness to adopt and pay for waste
recycling. The survey was supplemented with 20 focused-group discussions and 25 in-
depth interviews with stakeholders (including government officers, NGO personnel, and
university professors) and several case studies of households recycling their organic-waste.

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 THEMATIC SESSION 3
Affordable Housing

Re-Engineering Individual Houses to Make it More Affordable:

The Case Study of the Republic of Mauritius
Asish Seeboo, Senior Lecturer, University of Mauritius, Reduit, Republic of Mauritius

In Small Island Developing States, such as the Republic of Mauritius, land is counted
among the limited resources. Consequently, with an increasing demand for the construction
of individual residences, the cost of land has constantly been on the rise for the past
decade. However, the cost of construction is directly influenced by the quantity/quality
of: (i) materials; (ii) labour; and (iii) equipment used in the execution phase. This study
focuses on reducing the cost of construction of individual residences by re-engineering the
current method of construction. A survey was carried out to investigate the construction
practice adopted by home builders for these houses. The construction steps adopted by all
the constructors were: (i) excavation to formation level; (ii) casting of blinding layer; (iii)
placing, casting, and curing foundations (strip footing and isolated bases); (iv) erection of
walls/columns to slab on grade; (v) placing rebars, casting and curing of slab on grade; (vi)
erection of walls/columns including lintels and sills; (vii) fixing, casting and curing of beams
(simply supported and on top of walls); (viii) fixing, casting and curing of roof slab; (ix)
internal rendering; and (x) external rendering. This concluded that the load-bearing method
of construction is the preferred method on the island. Value engineering alternatives that
could impact the cost were identified as: (i) construction of a raft foundation of 200 mm
thick on compacted soil instead of following the steps (i) to (iv) within the traditional
load-bearing method; (ii) adapting the housing units’ dimensions in accordance with the
existing building materials (concrete masonry units) will eliminate off-cuts thus reducing
construction time, manhours and carting away costs; (iii) replacing timber formwork with
specially design concrete masonry units will reduce construction time, labour resources, and
reworks occasionally witnessed with bulging concrete and honeycombing; (iv) redesigning
the reinforcement in columns, beams, and slabs will reduce the quantity and ultimately the
cost associated with rebars; and (v) power floating the slab on grade to eliminate the use of
tiles. A desk study was then carried out on a model 3-bedroom house, generated following

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Book of Abstracts

an intensive survey carried out on the island, in order to determine the (i) actual cost of
construction; (ii) re-engineering possibilities to cut down on cost; and (iii) overall cost
reduction to the base model. A detailed Bill of Quantities (BOQ) was developed and used
to capture all the costs (material, equipment, and labour) for the model and the proposed
re-engineered alternatives. The results illustrated that the cost of the residences depended
on the residence’s building area and quality of work. It ranged between USD 45,000 to
USD 102,000. With the application of the re-engineered measures, cost reductions were
observed in: (i) substructural cost, in the range of 44% to 50%; and (ii) superstructural cost,
in the range of 17% to 20%. In conclusion, it is possible to reduce the construction cost
of these load-bearing individual residences by altering slightly the method of execution as
these projects, still remain man’s most important financial venture.

Evaluating the Implications of Informal Land Tenure Systems on

Affordable Housing in Peri-Urban Areas in Zambia
Mwansa Mwape, University of Florida and University of Lusaka, USA

Rapid urbanisation in Zambia has resulted in almost half of the population living in urban
areas, of which the majority living in the Capital City, Lusaka. According to the World
Bank (2022), the population of Zambia’s urban areas has almost doubled in the past two
decades with the estimated population in 2000 at 3.7 million and increased to 6.7 million as
at 2015. Consequently, the built up area has further tripled during this period. The growth
in population in the peri-urban areas in Zambia presents unique challenges due to the
interaction between the formal and informal land tenure systems. The presence of different
stakeholders utilising land under both the leasehold (state land) and the customary tenure
(informal systems) adds to the complexity. Zambia has an estimated housing stock of 2.5
million units and the backlog is approximately 1,539,000 units. It has been estimated that
by the year 2030, this backlog is expected to increase to 3.3 million nationally. This puts the
country in a severe housing crisis which if left unaddressed will leave millions of Zambians
homeless. In Lusaka, it is further estimated that about 70% of the total housing stock is
substandard, informal and is able to accommodate over two thirds of the City’s population
on only 20% of the residential land. According to the International Growth Center (2021),
an affordable house must cost an estimate three to five times the buyer’s annual income.
Estimates provided by the Center for Affordable Housing Finance (CAHF) show that on
average, a newly built house by a property development company costs approximately USD
75,000.00 (ZMW 950,000.00) as at 2019 while it can cost as low as USD 28, 426 (ZMW

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 International Conference on Sustainable And Inclusive Urban Development In Global South

359, 873.16) for self-built houses. This is against the average urban household income of
USD 245.00 per month (ZMW 3152). The implication of this income when weighed
against the average cost to build a house by a developer translates into 25 years of a salary
for an average urban household to afford a newly built house. The high housing costs and
the existing land tenure systems exacerbate the housing affordability crisis in Zambia and
more particularly in Lusaka as urbanisation continues to rise. With the rates projected
to increase over the years, it becomes increasingly critical to seek for solutions that can
lead to the strengthening of landholdings. One of the key contributors of the shortage of
affordable housing has been inefficiencies of planning, existing land use regulations, and
land tenure system. The aim of this study will be to evaluate mechanisms to strengthen the
informal land systems and their implications on the access to affordable housing. Informal
land tenure systems are characterised with several challenges, such as: lack of adequate and
systematic structures to document land rights, increased threats of displacement from large
scale investors, community disputes, land grabbing, inadequate planning, lack of service
provision and tenure insecurity. To conduct this study, a systematic literature review will be
used to review current practices across the continent of Africa and other developing regions
with similar land tenure systems. The adopted research approach will provide an in depth
understanding of best practices that have been used to overcome the barriers inherent in
informal land structures and explore their applicability to peri-urban areas of Zambia.

Effective Affordable Housing Finance in Developing Economies:

An Integration of Demand and Supply Solutions
Timothy Olugbenga Akinwade, Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong

Housing the urban poor remains a persistent challenge, despite evident research attention over
many years. It is therefore pertinent to investigate affordable housing provision challenges
with novel approaches. For innovative solutions to affordable housing constraints, it is
apposite to thoroughly examine housing solutions vis-a-vis the key elements of the housing
supply value chain (HSVC) which are housing finance, housing construction, and land
acquisition. A pragmatic analysis will examine affordable housing solutions from demand
and supply perspectives to arrive at consolidated solutions from bilateral viewpoints. This
study is the housing finance arm of an ongoing research that investigates the three key
components of HSVC. Study thoroughly examined informal housing finance strategies of
the urban poor and diligently investigated expert opinion on affordable housing finance
solutions. The research questions examined in this study were: (1) What mutual grounds

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exist between informal housing finance solutions of the urban poor and housing expert
solutions to affordable housing finance constraints in developing economies? (2) What
are effective approaches to affordable housing finance in developing economies from an
integrated demand-supply perspective? Semi-structured interviews were conducted in the
5 largest slums of Lagos, Nigeria, with 40 informal settlers for demand-oriented solutions
while focus group discussion and in-depth interviews were conducted with 12 housing
experts in Nigeria for supply-oriented solutions. Following a rigorous thematic, content
and descriptive analyses of data using NVivo and Microsoft Excel, findings ascertained
mutual solutions from both demand and supply standpoints that can be consolidated into
more effective affordable housing finance solutions in Nigeria. Deliberate finance models
that recognise and include the finance realities of the urban poor was found to be the
most significant supply-side housing finance solution, representing 25.4% of total expert
responses. Findings also show that 100% of sampled urban poor engage in vocations where
they earn little irregular income or zero income, limiting their housing finance capacities
and creditworthiness. Survey revealed that the urban poor are involved in community
savings and employ microfinance institutions within the informal settlements to tackle
their housing finance predicaments. These are informal finance models of the urban poor,
revealing common grounds between demand and supply solutions for affordable housing
financing. Effective affordable housing approach will be to modify, institutionalise, and
incorporate the informal finance strategies of the urban poor into deliberate government
policies. This consolidation of solutions from demand and supply perspectives can eliminate
the persistent misalliance between affordable housing demand and affordable housing
supply. This study provides insights into mutual housing solutions from demand and
supply perspectives and findings are informative for effective affordable housing provision
approaches in developing countries. This study is novel in consolidating affordable housing
solutions from demand and supply viewpoints, especially in relation to housing finance
as a key component of HSVC. The framework for effective affordable housing finance in
developing economies from a consolidated viewpoint generated in this study is significant
for the achievement of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), especially goal 11 for
sustainable, resilient and inclusive cities. Findings are vital for future housing studies in
developing economies. Recommendations from this study are that future housing studies
can consider investigating affordable housing provision solutions across the entire HSVC
in other parts of the Global South, that way the SDGs will be achieved across all developing
countries.

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Multi-Ownership Housing Delivery Strategies for Inclusive

Development of Middle-Income Group in Dhaka, Bangladesh
Farzana Faiza, Fareast International University (FIU), Bangladesh
Jannatul Ferdous Binti, Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology, Bangladesh
Ramisa Tasnim, Military Institute of Science and Technology (MIST), Bangladesh
Fouzia Mahboob, MIST, Bangladesh
Tasmim Fatima Wahhab, MIST, Bangladesh

In order to ensure sustainable urban development in Dhaka, one of the world’s fastest-
growing megacities, it has become necessary to provide affordable housing options.
About half of the people who live in Dhaka city are in the middle-income group. This
significant portion of the population struggles to find housing options that are suitable
and affordable. Regardless of the context, the affordability of housing is affected not only
by market dynamics or a person’s earnings but also by the current policy framework and
other socioeconomic variables. Housing costs exceeding 30% of a household’s gross income
are deemed unsustainable. However, housing costs of numerous Dhaka City residents
exceed this threshold, affecting their financial stability and well-being. This illustrates
the importance of developing inventive housing provision strategies to meet the needs
of this particular income group. Consequently, it is necessary to devise strategies that will
ultimately result in policy-level changes in the housing sector that can be implemented by
the government. The aim of this study is to analyse the current scenario of income and living
conditions of the middle-income group within the Rayerbazar area in Dhaka, Bangladesh.
In response to recent rapid economic inflation, the study also aims to come up with ways
to offer multi-ownership housing that works best for their current financial situation. The
purpose of the study is to recommend housing delivery options that meet their requirements
with regard to affordability, sustainability, and quality of life. To achieve this goal, the study
analyses the multiple affordable housing delivery options in the context area and thereafter
compares the affordability of the three multi-ownership housing delivery options. To carry
out the research, firstly, the study of relevant theories and case studies was done. The current
homeownership situation in the context of Dhaka, the demographic study of the research
area, the socioeconomic status of the inhabitants, the cost of housing, the current market
situation owing to inflation, and the processes involved in homeownership are all covered
in these studies. The following phase involved collecting qualitative and quantitative data
through in-person interviews with dwellers and pertinent authorities. The data were analysed
by comparing with the standards and practices and a research outcome came forth. Finally,

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the research concluded by drawing a few solutions and how it is to be implemented in the
scenario from the perspective of both the researchers and the dwellers of the respective area.
Through numerical analysis, the cost for a 10 katha plot in Rayerbazar is derived. Hence,
a 10 katha plot which was previously unaffordable to a middle-income household can be
made readily affordable through “group effort” of the land. Additionally, contributing to
affordability is the fact that following the purchase of the land, a lengthy period of time
is available for availing the rest of the money. With various home loan schemes, one can
easily avail the rest of the money and payback in a more extended period in instalments.
It is indeed an effective method for the middle-income population to fulfil their dream of
owning a home. In the future, this paper’s findings will help policymakers, designers and
planners as a guideline to provide affordable housing options that will not only meet the
immediate needs of the population but also contribute to the long-term socioeconomic
development and the overall prosperity of the city to make it more inclusive and equitable.

Rental Housing for Blue-Collared Workers: Models of Unaided

Low-Income Shared Rental Housing in Bengaluru
Marella Sai Rama Raju, Senior Associate, Indian Institute for Human Settlements, Bengaluru
Omkar Modak, Management Trainee, Sewa Grih Rin limited, Gurugram
Ujjvala Krishna, Research Associate, INHAF, Bengaluru

The Unaided Low-Income Shared Rental Housing (LI-SRH) market in India is dominated
by the informal, yet organically organised segment of shared rental housing. Offering
inexpensive shelter, this shared rental housing mainly caters to young adults who migrate to
cities, primarily for employment and education. These facilities are operated and maintained
by informal rental operators, who are neither the tenants, nor the owners of such housing
facilities. The Rental Housing Management Companies (RHMCs) as the formal rental
operators are a third, key stakeholder in the shared rental housing market who are neither
identified nor recognised by the government or any agency. However, these RHMCs who
operate such formal unaided shared rental housing for low-income tenants face the biggest
brunt, as they have to pay additional taxes and utility bills as per the commercial charges,
and pay registration fees for their rental agreements compared to the informal rental
operators. These additional charges and fees are one of the key components that disrupts
the business models of RHMCs which consume the major share of their revenue by leaving
them with thin profit margins, and compete with the informal rental housing market which
escapes from all additional charges and fees and yet does not provide adequate housing.

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Based on qualitative research conducted in Bengaluru, India, this article examines how
the business models of RHMCs in the shared rental housing market are impacted as they
provide cheaper housing for low-income migrants yet maintain the minimum standards
of an affordable, viable, and adequate housing. Bengaluru, owing to its rapidly growing
migrant population, continues to offer tremendous opportunity for development of shared
rental housing across different income segments. With the city having the highest share
of rental housing stock and share of beds with respect to overall population, it is a hotspot
for entrepreneurs and service providers trying to make renting accessible to previously
underserved sections of the market like students, young and blue-collar workers. However
as this study shows, this growth in housing accessibility for previously underserved tenants
is impeded by the dual challenge of under-recognition and overregulation of its most vital
participants, the RHMCs. The problems of the low-income housing market have often
been studied from the lens of unaffordability for the large influx of migrant tenants who
choose to live in informal settlements, or through ambiguous contracts in order to avoid
paying higher rents. Though these issues are rarely studied as supply-side constraints that
limit formalisation and the kinds of risks investors in this segment are willing to take when
operating a business model. Our study explores their competition with the informal rental
housing providers and their challenges in providing cheap rental housing options in the
shared rental housing market without any support from the government. From narrow
margins, high property rents, negative balance of power vis-a-vis the property owner, and
their overdependence on particular companies and income groups for rents, this article
brings to light under-studied yet key issues for an important stakeholder in the LI-SRH
market, and suggests that despite their importance RHMCs struggle to attract and sustain
long term equity investments while catering to a value conscious market segment. The
specific business model of an RHMC in a certain market, the extent to which it can forge
partnerships and referral networks with other private entities to attract tenants, and the
type of revenue sharing model it is able to negotiate with the landlord determines its ability
to balance overall revenue requirements against net profitability during low or inconsistent
rates of occupancy like the COVID-19 pandemic. However challenges in staffing and
retaining employees as well as regressive regulatory and tax codes continue to plague the
industry’s long term prospects. This study serves as a much-needed starting point for future
research on these issues.

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 THEMATIC SESSION 4
Urban Governance and Lived Experiences

Territorial Governance in India’s Cities: Informality and Segregation

Ashima Sood, Associate Professor, Anant National University, Ahmedabad

Ranking among the largest urban agglomerations in the world, India’s metropolises
embody long standing colonial and precolonial histories. The technical disciplines of
spatial planning have exerted a powerful influence over postcolonial urban space through
land-use zoning and Master planning processes. A territorial governance lens draws
attention to the logic that arbitrates the allocation of space and resources to competing
users and uses through and beyond mechanisms of spatial planning. Taking Roy’s (2005)
conceptualisation of informality as a modality for differentiating spatial value, this paper
examines four key scenes of spatial governance around urban and peri-urban regions.
Drawing on longstanding fieldwork as well as published scholarship from diverse settings,
this paper argues that planning models and their enforcement across disparate settings
produce outcomes that serve to create and maintain caste-like socio-spatial separation.
First, the paper contextualises territorial governance practices within the tensions between
the spirit of the 74th Constitutional Amendment Act and its patchy implementation,
riddled with the multiplication of agencies and the institution of exceptions. The paradox of
the participation of elite actors, and the simultaneous disenfranchisement of subaltern and
especially slum populations in the neoliberal era helps illuminate the implications of these
tussles. Next, the case of inter-jurisdictional and inter-agency coordination around India’s
new towns and peri-urban frontier instantiates the politics of informality. Finally, the paper
investigates the political economy of public space as a model of the exclusionary rationality
that bedevils the spatial regulation of Indian cities. Across these diverse sites and even in
emerging paradigms of digital governance, socio-spatial segregation upheld by institutional
fragmentation surfaces as a recurring motif.

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Three Decades of Decentralisation in Urban India: Where Do we

Stand?
Debolina Kundu, Professor, National Institute of Urban Affair, New Delhi

Urban India, that currently accounts for 35% of the country’s population is expected to
meet India’s aspirations of becoming a USD 10 trillion economy by 2030. By then, India
will have an estimated urban population 550 million, and Indian cities will contribute about
75% of the country’s GDP. Cities offer agglomeration benefits that have historically driven
economic growth, livelihood creation, poverty reduction and human development. Efficient
urban governance and a vibrant urban environment associated with high economic growth
and good quality of life are highly correlated. Effective basic service delivery, affordable
housing, improved living and working conditions and safe and secure neighbourhoods
in cities enable employment, productivity growth, and enhanced investment, leading to
accelerated economic development. Therefore, investing in urban governance offers multi-
fold economic benefits. Indian urban governance structures, processes and standards need to
improve if our cities are to fulfil their role as engines of sustainable development. Municipal
governance, in particular, is salient to the effectiveness of urban governance. Cities and nations
with empowered urban local bodies (ULBs) have a better delivery record on development
goals. This is consistent with the subsidiarity principle, which calls for every issue to be
decided at the lowest level of governance that involves all those who are affected. In the urban
context, this implies assigning ULBs such powers and responsibilities necessary to address
the needs and aspirations of citizens. In this context, the 74th Constitutional Amendment
in 1992, aimed to create space for devolution of funds, functions and functionaries to ULBs.
Structures such as State Election Commissions (SECs) and State Finance Commissions
(SFCs) have been created, elections have been regularised to an extent, and roles for ULBs
in scheme planning and delivery have expanded. Structures such as Metropolitan Planning
Committees, District Planning Committees and Ward Committees have been formed.
Even after 30 years of decentralisation Planning continues to be splintered at the city scale,
with different institutions making plans for the city and metropolitan area. Since several
of the specified municipal functions such as land use planning and urban development
overlap with those of parastatal agencies, actual devolution of planning functions has not
happened. This is in spite of the central government initiatives such as JNNURM and
AMRUT, where the Centre has urged states to devolve powers to the ULBs in line with the
74th Constitutional Amendment. Presently, ULBs face severe capacity constraints in terms
of human capital with specific skillsets suited for efficient delivery of a range of municipal

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services and robust urban governance system. In light of the above, the current paper tries to
understand the extent of devolution in Indian cities, assess whether meaningful devolution
and empowerment in terms of assignment of functions and finances and latitude for
exercising even the limited powers assigned has taken place. Also, the remaining tenets of
the Act will be reviewed. The final section will conclude and provide a way forward.

Electoral Outcomes and Public Housing:

Nymbi’S Political Consequence
Felipe Livert, Fellow, European University Institute, USA
Pablo Herrera, Associate Fellow, Universidad Diego Portales, Chile
Isabel Figueroa, Associate Fellow, University of Florida, USA

The study aims to determine the public housing effects on the electoral outcome in the
national and local Chilean elections. The new public housing is a central challenge in urban
planning because it generates resistance in the local community due to the externalities
such as construction effects, competition for the use of existing infrastructure, and high
density, among others. In addition, the uncertainty caused by the potential misbehaviour of
new residents and the rumour of a decrease in housing prices can generate social conflict
between new and old residents. In this context, public housing can cause resistance in the
local community, especially when the beneficiaries of the new housing are from outside the
community. This resistance manifests itself in multiple ways, one of them being the political
dimension (e.g., through electoral outcomes), affecting the re-election options of mayors.
The NIMBY analysis identifies that residents oppose new public housing projects because
they assume that the costs are concentrated in the local community while the benefits are
distributed nationally. In this context, our work identifies that the mayor internalises the
political cost of implementing new public housing projects. At the same time, at the national
level, there are no political consequences for the allocation of housing, which is relevant,
considering that the leading actor in charge of planning public housing in Chile is the national
level. To identify the political cost, we employ a discontinuous geographical regression with
geo-referenced data on housing projects and electoral results at the polling station level
for three municipal and three national elections. The statistical analysis simultaneously
considers two dimensions: the distance of housing projects and the competitiveness of
electoral results. It is identified that the likelihood of re-election of the mayor is negative
(-21.4%) in polling stations that are less than 1-kilometre from public housing projects;
the effect is not significant at 2 kilometres. On the other hand, and to contrast the results,

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it is identified that urban improvement projects, which are public initiatives that improve
neighbourhood conditions, have a positive effect on the likelihood of re-election (24.2%) of
the mayor within a 1-kilometre radius. At the national level, the location of public housing
does not affect electoral results, while urban development projects have a positive effect
(49.4%) within a 1-kilometre radius. Methodologically, the research has a causal inference
approach when working with multi-dimensional RD Designs, but from the normative
perspective we are confronted with a problem of urban governance and planning. From an
urban governance perspective, a principal-agent problem in housing provision is identified,
as there are problems of incentives to improve housing planning. Citizens are misallocating
responsibilities to the political authorities in charge of planning, therefore, in the absence
of electoral accountability between citizens and politicians, politicians have no incentive to
improve their performance. These results have implications for city planning. On the one
hand, they provide insight into who gets credit for allocating public housing in a context
where municipalities are highly dependent on the national level and have little or no role in
urban planning. On the other hand, the results suggest the need to generate participatory
planning mechanisms to reduce social conflict in the provision of public housing.

How Useful are Opinion Polls in Designing Urban Environmental

Policies: Evidence from Indian Cities
A.R. Shariq Mohammed, Assistant Professor, Northeastern University, Boston, Massachusetts,
United States

In Asia, and particularly in countries like India, the swift pace of urban expansion has brought
about the promise of immense economic growth. India will be among those at the forefront
of this expansion, with its distinct geographies and diverse communities of people. However,
this growth also brings extensive challenges. Rapid urbanisation has resulted in stress on
civic infrastructure, overcrowding and urban sprawl, worsening air and water quality, waste
mismanagement, inequality, etc. With one of the highest urbanisation rates, there is even
more urgency to meet the city’s demands because of increasing concentration of population
and limited resources. For example, by 2045, India’s urban population is expected to increase
1.5 times, adding 2 billion more residents. A key challenge in tracking India’s performance
in ensuring sustainable development for all its citizens is to have an objective measure. This
measure can be used to track the performance of urban development programmes on the
quality of life and economic and social opportunities available to citizens. Recognizing a
need for such an index, India’s Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs developed the Ease of

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Living Index (EoL) 2020. This index was meant to quantify the liveability of citizens within
cities and it was expanded to 111 major cities in the country. The Index was measured across
three pillars: quality of life, economic ability, and sustainability. The index was calculated
based on data on these pillars provided by the city and was validated through secondary
sources to ensure robust methodology and framework. In order to compare the findings
from the EoL with citizens’ perception, the Ministry also conducted the Citizen Perception
Survey (CPS) that reflected ratings of citizens across the same three pillars. This survey took
into account a perception of the city by residents and allowed them to evaluate the quality
of development in their respective city. More than 3.2 million citizens participated in the
survey that was conducted from February to March 2020. With the EoL and CPS, the
government’s goal was to achieve 4 key objectives. First, catalyse action to achieve broader
developmental outcomes including the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Second,
generate information to guide evidence-based policy-making. Third, assess and compare the
outcomes achieved from various urban policies and schemes. Finally, obtain the perception
of citizens about their view on the services provided by the city administration, and serve
as a basis for dialogue between them. The EoL is an important resource for aligning India’s
urban engines of growth with SDG. The EoL pillars can help track the progress of cities
in fulfilling the SDG targets set by India. Its findings and learnings can be used to inform
reforms that propagate urban development, implementing measures that provide a better
quality of life for the people. Almost 90% of the urban expansion in developing countries
such as India is in hazard-prone areas. Moreover, cities account for more than 70% of
greenhouse gas emissions, as they consume over two-thirds of global energy consumption.
This places cities at the forefront of the heightening threat of climate change. To combat
this, in light of the findings from the EoL, the government can make informed decisions
about infrastructural capacity, provisions for economic opportunities, affordable housing,
clean water, sanitation, etc. Overall, as compared to the national average of 53.51 in the
EoL, the CPS attained a higher national average of 76.08. Generally, a high CPS score
indicates strong resident evaluation of the performance of their city. When comparing the
top scorers in the CPS and those in the EoL index, there is no overlap at all in top-scoring
cities. The top scores from the EoL index have relatively lower CPS scores. Cities where the
liveability is comparatively lower exhibit higher CPS scores and leniency from residents.
What can explain differences in citizens’ perception of their city’s performance and city’s
evaluation based on objective criteria? Using the Indian Human Development Survey, it
is shown that these differences are driven by cities where citizens are poorer, have lower
income and consumption, have less education, are less familiar with other members and
professionals in the society, and have poorer access to media outlets and other sources of
information and communication.

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The Politics of the Governed: A Re-Examination

Karthik Rao Cavale, Assistant Professor, Krea University, Sri City

Two decades have passed since the publication of Partha Chatterjee’s ‘The Politics of the
Governed.’ During this time, his arguments about the nature of the public sphere and
claim-making have been widely debated, especially among scholars of urban politics in
India. Chatterjee famously argued that popular politics in contemporary India takes the
form of highly circumstantial forms of claim-making and negotiation between empirically
defined populations and the welfare state (the terrain of “political society”), whereas the
more institutionalised spaces of citizenship are restricted to a narrow stratum of elites (“civil
society”). Even as several scholars strove to criticise his bifurcation of the public sphere into
“civil society” and “political society,” many of his underlying propositions about the study
of political subjecthood have been significantly misunderstood or ignored, while others
have become part of our collective common-sense in the field of urban studies since then.
In this paper, we offer a re-examination of Chatterjee’s key arguments and contributions in
‘Politics of the Governed.’ While many commentators have interpreted Chatterjee’s essay as
an account of subaltern agency, we argue that it is first and foremost an updated account of
India’s “passive revolution” and its underlying class structure. Chatterjee’s key contribution
was to point to the role of urbanisation in altering the character of the passive revolution
since the 1980s. According to Chatterjee, urban capitalist classes had taken precedence
over rural landlords in India’s dominant class coalition. Meanwhile, with increasing rural-
urban migration and the urbanisation of poverty, the figure of the peasant could no longer
stand in for subaltern classes in India as a whole. Instead, it was the urban poor – and
slum-dwellers, in particular – whose politics would provide a template for mobilisation
in a variety of contexts including the countryside. At a time when urban scholars based
in the West were expanding its focus to international contexts, Chatterjee’s ‘Politics of
the Governed’ offered a useful way to apply the corpus of postcolonial theory – with its
critique of Western traditions of political sociology – to urban contexts in the non-Western
world. Chatterjee’s work could have inaugurated a valuable research programme focused
on the organisational strategies and repertoires of contention of the urban poor in a variety
of political-economic contexts. However, barring a few exceptions, research on ‘subaltern
urbanism’ took a very different turn. It is argued that this is due to the historical confluence
of postcolonial critique (challenging the universality of Western categories and experiences)
with post-structuralist epistemological claims, marking a departure from realism to a model
of social constructivism wherein discourse is directly constitutive of the world we live in.

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As a result, much of the research on ‘subaltern urbanism’ was unmoored from Chatterjee’s
arguments about India’s political economy and the material and organisational constraints
it poses on the politics of the urban poor. Instead, scholars of ‘subaltern urbanism’ engaged
with a distilled version of Chatterjee’s work relating only to how political subjectivities are
constituted at the level of discourse. To illustrate the limits of such approaches, we rely on
two paradigmatic cases described by Chatterjee in the ‘Politics of the Governed’: the slum-
dwellers of Gobindapur Rail Colony Gate no. 1 (who were able to organise themselves in
“political society” to extract benefits from the state) and the book-binders of Daftaripara
(who were unable to avail of social protections and continued to be exploited by their
employers). For his description of both cases, Chatterjee relied on detailed field studies
conducted in the late-1980s and early-1990s by Asok Sen, his colleague at the Centre
for Studies in Social Sciences Calcutta. Relying on the detailed reports and interview
transcripts published by Asok Sen in the 1990s, we demonstrate that a discourse-theoretic
account of political society fails to explain the difference in outcomes in the two cases.
Juxtaposing the two cases, as Chatterjee himself sought to do, demonstrates the importance
of organisations and networks that mediate between subalterns and the state at different
scales.

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 THEMATIC SESSION 5
Opportunities and Challenges of Urbanization

Rural-Urban Dynamics and Inequalities

Rajesh Shukla, Director & CEO, People Research India’s Consumer Economy (PRICE), Delhi

Growing inequality in India has an important geographic dimension. Analysts have shown
that economic trends across states differ considerably. One group of states is consistently
at the leading edge of socioeconomic developments and another group is constantly
lagging behind on multiple indicators, also known as the weaker or BIMARU states of
India. The distinction is also drawn between rural and urban parts of the country, with
the urban areas being ahead of rural areas in important dimensions. Spatial inequalities
have grown in other developing countries too. They are being studied to understand the
dichotomy between states and provinces and along a coarse urban-rural divide. While
these depictions of the geography of inequality pick up on important distinctions. They
nevertheless tend to gloss over important sub-category differences. A finer mosaic reveals a
great deal of policy-relevant information. Filling the map of inequality in more informative
ways requires probing beneath the level of states and going beyond the binary of rural-
urban differences. States in India are too large and diverse to get a handle on the regional
and local geographies of inequality. Differences within states are as important as (and
arguably more important than) similarities within them. Districts provided an alternative
and more localised unit of analysis. For a long time, districts have been the units of local
administration. Particularly for a rural resident, the district they live in is as salient as the
state. Researchers have noted that ‘focusing on state-level trends can miss out on more
localised problems of relative or even absolute stagnation. In many ways, the district is the
most significant economic and administrative unit in the country.’ Districts within states
can be vastly different from one another while evaluating inequality. Recognising that
the districts’ characteristics can be an obstacle for local development, the government has
paid special attention in different eras to desert districts, drought-prone districts, tribal
districts, and most lately, aspirational districts. Importantly, states that have backward
districts also have forward districts, and vice versa. Similarly, the binary distinction
between rural and urban areas is no longer sufficient for visualising key variations in living

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conditions. Cities vary a great deal; Bengaluru is not Itarsi. Analyses of urban conditions
have shown how larger and smaller cities have varied poverty rates and diverse levels of
service provisions. Similarly, rural areas are widely different from one another in terms of a
variety of characteristics like infrastructure, levels of service delivery, education and health
indicators, income earning possibilities. Scholars of rural areas have also been pointing to
the need for internal differentiation and subcategories. Thus, constructing sub-categories
of urban and rural is both timely and necessary. However, there is no consensus on how
these subcategories should be defined. An important criterion while devising a scheme
of sub-categories is that each sub-category should be similar within while clearly being
different from other sub-categories. Knowing which sub-category of district, a person
lives in should give a clear idea, within a narrow range, of her service delivery levels, etc. In
summary, Unbundling the urban-rural dichotomy and considering a spectrum of locations
spanning the continuum from metro cities to left-behind rural areas helps in picking up on
the current trends and emergent indicators. The inequalities across location sub-categories
are cumulative in nature. In multiple important respects, metros and boom towns are
far ahead, and left-behind rural (LBR) are the furthest behind. There is an interesting
anomaly in an otherwise regularly downward sloping gradient of economic performance
and service provision. Every indicator falls as one moves along the sub-categories from
metro through boom town, niche city, to LBR. However, in each case, there is a mini
spike in developed rural areas. This sub-category has experienced explosive improvement.
The sources behind the impetus for this rapid development need to be fully examined. In
terms of the public welfare programs are highly valued across all locations, though, there
is a need to investigate a possible mismatch between need and availability. Going beyond
a simple dichotomy and unbundling rural and urban into sub-categories helps reveal the
different natures and speeds of developments in separate kinds of locations. Bearing these
distinctions in mind helps locate policy actions more accurately and effectively.

Post-COVID-19 Impact and Recovery of Small Businesses in Big

Cities: Evidence from San Francisco
Anoshua Chaudhuri, Professor, San Francisco State University, USA

COVID-19 pandemic has been devastating for small businesses across the world,
particularly in dense urban areas. A literature review of the immediate impacts of the
pandemic on small businesses in the US revealed that the knowledge generated using
nationally representative data does not allow us to adequately capture local impacts in big

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cities, especially in high-cost-of-living areas that have seen an exodus of residents and office
workers due to shelter-in-place and remote work. Apart from public health guidelines,
there have been demand-driven reasons for the catastrophic impacts on small business
owners, employees, and their families that have changed the vibrancy of big cities. Recovery
after the devastating pandemic has been uneven across the US with San Francisco one
of the slowest cities to recover, still at 31% of 2019 business activity, particularly due to
its high cost of living, inflationary pressures on the cost of doing business as well as high
rates of crime and homelessness. The purpose of this study is to understand the immediate
impact of COVID-19 on San Francisco’s businesses as well as the challenges faced during
the post-pandemic recovery phase so that local policymakers could formulate and deliver
policies and programs to assist a speedier economic recovery for San Francisco. Two rounds
of survey data were collected in February 2021 and September 2022. A small panel dataset
was created to examine the change in the challenges during and post-COVID period. A
community-based participatory research model was followed in which university researchers
collaborated with the city stakeholders to prepare the survey instrument to adequately
capture local struggles, barriers, and opportunities. Surveys were translated into 8 other
most commonly spoken languages to collect data with attention to racial equity and social
justice issues. The data collected was a representative 1% sample in 2021. Key informant
interviews and a modified online survey were used to collect data from small businesses in
2022. Both surveys were administered online using Qualtrics. The sample size in 2022 was
806. The 2022 round yielded about 40% higher sample size compared to the 2021 survey.
Results indicated that the pandemic had a disproportionate impact on small businesses,
particularly such as those in arts and entertainment, restaurant and hospitality, and personal
services such as gyms and salons. Revenue and number of employees drastically reduced for
75% of businesses. Twenty-five per cent reported having less than 2 weeks of cash. Nearly
1 in 5 business owners used personal savings to support their businesses. Despite asking for
rent and fee deferrals, many had to pay these fees even when they had no earnings. Only 10%
of businesses received loans. Even though there was a large gap in the number of businesses
that requested and received grants and loans, businesses seemed to have underutilised federal
tax credits. Accommodations and food service businesses reported technical barriers (lack
of computers/computer skills) in applying for financial assistance. Retail trade and other
service businesses reported language barriers as being the greatest challenges to seeking
assistance. San Francisco’s very strict public health regulations disproportionately set back
businesses such as nail and hair salons, massage therapists, and other personal services. One
in four businesses changed their operating procedures to stay afloat. Cost of goods, street
conditions, shrinking customer base, inability to hire new employees, staffing challenges,

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and supply chain issues were the biggest challenges to recovery. In the more immediate term,
small businesses in San Francisco need access to grants and loans, safer street conditions,
and greater marketing and messaging to increase the number of customers to bounce back
from the ravages of the pandemic. In the longer term, small businesses need more technical
assistance, workforce development, and business-friendly reforms for long-term recovery.
Some of the needs identified differed by business type, neighbourhood, owner ethnicity,
age, and gender which indicates a need for culturally appropriate and inclusive policies.
This study will help inform policymakers, not only in San Francisco but in similar cities
across the nation, of potential ways to support and preserve diverse communities in the
post-pandemic phase and during similar other crises.

Smart City Initiatives in Ahmedabad, India:

Issues in Governance of Infrastructure
Hastimal Sagara, Assistant Professor, GLS University, Ahmedabad
Keshab Das, Visiting Professor, Institute for Human Development, New Delhi

In 2015, the Government of India initiated a massive project called ‘Smart Cities Mission’
(SCM) to transform 100 Indian cities into smart ones in a span of the next five years.
The mission is essentially positioned for two larger motives; first, to deliver the urban
development agenda; and second, to create role model cities for the urban India. This paper
is an attempt to examine the performance of the SCM with specific reference to the west
Indian city of Ahmedabad. The central focus of the paper is to assess the challenges and
opportunities concerning the governance of various infrastructure initiatives under the
programme. The empirical core of the analysis draws upon secondary data sourced from
relevant government reports, research articles and related newspaper reports. The SCM
is a monumental task to be accomplished. Looking at the inadequate financial allocation,
sluggish progress of work and unpreparedness of cities in implementing the mission in
both letter and spirit, it may be observed that the objectives of this mission have not been
fully achieved so far. Difficulty in mobilisation of adequate funds and timely acquisition
of land are notable challenges for the mission. Especially, in case of Ahmedabad, while
application of ICT in traffic management, digital payment, surveillance and governance
has become universal, unreliable power supply, limited internet services and digital illiteracy
have remained major constraints in realising the vision of the SCM.

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Can Fiscal Decentralization Unleash Quality Urban Growth in

India?
Santosh Mehrotra, Visiting Professor, Centre for Development, Bath University, UK
Sarthi Acharya, Professor, Institute for Human Development, New Delhi

Asia is going through a historic demographic transformation from it being a rural society
to being an urban society that is far larger than any social transformation seen in the past,
in any part of the globe. By 2025, the majority of Asia’s population will be urban. By 2050,
there will be approximately 3.2 billion urban inhabitants in Asia which will double the
current Asian urban population of 1.6 billion people. India’s urban population is expected
to grow from 410 million in 2014 to 814 million by 2050. Rapidly growing cities, increasing
slum populations, disputed land tenure and corrupt officials combined with high open
unemployment among educated youths and underemployment among less educated adults
can lead to violent social conflict. Latin America’s wave of urbanisation was roughly 65 years
ahead of Asia’s. How can India prevent a slide to the Latin American path of urbanisation?
Although India is expected to be part of, and lead, this process in Asia, yet the systems of
fiscal centralisation in India are clearly behind the times. The early 1990s local government
reforms have remained an unfinished agenda. As countries’ per capita income grows,
their fiscal decentralisation grows. However, in India, despite per capita incomes having
more than quadrupled since the 1991 economic reforms, there is practically no progress
towards fiscal decentralisation, despite the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments. In
this paper, we make the case of fiscal decentralisation as the way forward to addressing
the multiple simultaneous transformations India must undergo as it attempts to become
a high income country within the next quarter century: large migration across states and
within states to cities; as well structural change towards a more industrial and less agrarian
society. We argue that the economic transformation must be accompanied by the Central
government and also the State governments, enabling urban local bodies to become more
powerful, while enormously strengthening the latter’s administrative capabilities to govern
themselves to resolve the various challenges of these multiple transformations effectively,
while ensuring equity and inclusivity while sustaining economic growth through more
rapid industrialisation.

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Simultaneously Addressing Environmental and Social Crises:

Sustainable Special Economic Zones for Garment Manufacture
Dev Nathan, Professor, Institute for Human Development, New Delhi and
Fellow, Southern Centre for Inequality Studies, WITS University
Rahul S, Assistant Professor, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai

Almost all garments consumed in the global North are now produced in the global
South. Garment manufacturing units are clustered in urban locations, such as Tiruppur,
Bengaluru, Gurgaon, Faridabad, Jaipur in India, Colombo in Sri Lanka, or Dhaka and
Chittagong in Bangladesh. Since manufacturing stage of garment production accounts for
about two-thirds of GHG emissions from the garment industry, it is necessary to de-
carbonise garment manufacture or make it a Net Zero operation. This needs to be done in
the global South even in order to reduce the GHG footprint of garment consumption in
global North. In addition to high levels of GHG emissions, garment manufacture also has
following additional features of environmental and social non-sustainability: 1. Discharge of
untreated effluents into the waterways and soil around the garment manufacturing clusters.
2. Depletion and contamination of groundwater in the area. 3. Payment of workers at much
less (ranging from one-third in India to one-fourth in Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, and one-
half in China) than the living wage, with additional living wage deficits intersecting with
gender, caste and ethnicity. 4. Women workers are subject to almost universal verbal sexual
abuse and high levels of physical abuse as a method of supervision of work with high quotas
and compulsory overtime. 5. Low wages and lack of reasonable accommodation leads to
workers and their families living in semi-slum conditions. Further, as argued in Nathan
(2021) and Nathan et al (2022) the reduction in monetary costs of production is captured
by the monopolist-monopsonist brands from the global North as further excess profits.
Consequently, it is necessary to design a new type of Sustainable Special Economic Zones
(SSEZ) to make garment manufacturing in the global South environmentally and socially
sustainable. effluents or recycling water or setting up solar-based electricity generation,
and recycling solid waste as in units of Shahi Garments or Arvind Denim in India. Some
brands from the global North have instituted living wages in orders they place. The paper
attempts to formulate a set of international policy and design requirements for sustainable
and inclusive garment (and other) manufacturing in the Global South. The paper draws on
the sustainability transition framework which argues that sustainable transition, is a result
of interaction between firm objectives and value chain objectives. The firms have to move
towards building collaborative capabilities while value chains and the dominant actors have

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to work towards upgrading, social, economic and environmental aspects. The point is to
integrate various elements into SSEZ that address the environmental and social, including
gender, crises occurring simultaneously. Given the interaction of these multiple crises it is
necessary to address them simultaneously. The reductionist economic approach of addressing
one problem while holding all else constant (ceteris paribus) will not work in this time of
multiple crises. The paper will formulate a way in which social and environmental crises
can be addressed simultaneously, while taking into account the interaction of economies
of the global South and global North in manufacturing processes. Data While much of
empirical data will be from India and other countries of South Asia, the lessons from
the analysis would be more generally applicable to garment manufacture in the Global
South. The paper focuses on the transition framework and builds the features of an SSEZs
which chalks out a pathway. The recommended SSEZs should feature in the following
aspects 1. Net Zero production facilities in the zone, including renewable energy, effluent
treatment, water recycling, rainwater harvesting, production handling, and other waste —
all to achieve Net Zero garment manufacture. 2. Affordable rental accommodation for
workers around the cluster, with necessary school and medical facilities. 3. Public transport
facilities around the cluster. 4. A commitment to set living and equal wages for women and
men as the benchmark and achieve it within a specified period. 5. Elimination of gender-
based violence. 6. The SSEZ administration should have a social dialogue set up, including
representatives of government, employers (suppliers and brands), and workers (women and
men) to check on the implementation of living and equal wages, the elimination of gender-
based violence, and achievement of other conditions of decent work. 3 Public funding,
whether of governments from the global North or global South, will be involved in setting
up the SSEZs. This public money will support the brands in achieving their own climate
change targets. In return for this use of public money to meet corporate commitments, the
brands can be required to commit to contract production from the SSEZs on living and
equal wages and to eliminate gender-based violence.

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Technical Sessions
 TECHNICAL SESSION 1
Planning for Just Cities

Sustainable Urban Renewal Proposal for BDD Chawls at Worli in

Mumbai
Sulakshana Mahajan, Retired Architect/Planner and Researcher, Independent Planner, Thane
Shirish Patel, Associate Consultant and Planner, Shirish Patel and Associates, Mumbai

In spite of devising a number of policies, the Government of Maharashtra has failed to

deal with the challenge of urban renewal of chawls in Mumbai. This paper presents a
case study of redevelopment of 100-year-old BDD Chawls at Worli in Central Mumbai.
These were originally constructed to provide affordable rental housing for migrant labour
and mill workers between 1922-25 by the Public Works Department. The single room
tenements of 16 sq. mt. with 10 rooms on either side of a central corridor, have common
latrines and bathrooms. On a 22-hectare site there are 121 four-storeyed buildings
housing 9,600 families living in what was intended as single occupancy dormitory
accommodation. The stone buildings are in good condition but awaiting redevelopment
because 16 sq. mt. rooms with end-of-the-corridor common toilets for 20 families per
floor are not considered acceptable housing. The density of habitation is among the highest
in the world at about 436 du/ ha. The Maharashtra Housing and Development Authority
(MHADA), a government agency appointed to conduct the redevelopment proposes to
redevelop the area into multi-storeyed apartment buildings ranging from 23 to 40 stories.
These will be crowded into a part of the property with the remaining land area used to
build high-value tenements for sale to finance the entire construction and also deliver
a handsome profit. The new tenements are planned with two bedrooms, a living room,
kitchen and two toilets, each with a carpet area of 45 sq. mt. instead of the earlier 16. To
persuade occupants to accept the scheme, government has promised to house existing
tenants free of cost on ownership basis. for the for-sale apartment buildings will have 65
to 70 stories. This paper presents an assessment of the impact of these proposals based
on architectural drawings for the proposed buildings, project details, tender/contract
documents, as well as environment impact assessment reports. We find that the proposed
project is likely to have adverse impact on residents’ health, safety, and security due to
poor building design that is likely to cause a lack of ventilation and natural light, and on

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the city’s infrastructure and environment due to the increased density. The major areas
of concern include the severely diminished ratio of space between buildings to building
height, further increased density, and excessive FSI and parking provisions. The layouts
substantially compromise on open spaces, amenities, and playgrounds, with virtually no
unpaved ground area. It was therefore necessary to find a sustainable planning solution
to the renewal of the BDD chawls at Worli. A number of alternative schemes were
considered, and the final alternative was presented to the residents of BDD chawls as
well as Government Maharashtra Suggested alternative plan and governance structure
for the Worli BDD chawl site is proposed that would address the needs and aspirations
of residents; and significantly improve the social and sports environment and sustainable
management. The alternative design foregoes the greed for extracting profit, and focuses
instead on liveability of the renewed space, while being financially totally self-sufficient
and sustainable.

From Decay to Vibrancy: A Framework for Assessing and Guiding

Integrated Urban Revitalisation in Old Panvel Municipal Council
Area
Uttakarsha More, Research Assistant, MIT School of Architecture, Pune
Harshad Raisoni, Associate Professor, MIT School of Architecture, Pune

Breathing new life into declining neighbourhoods and preserving the cultural heritage
of historic districts within old cities is vital for sustainable urban development. Urban
revitalisation is a transformative process that rejuvenates decaying neighbourhoods and city
structures, overcoming economic and social [Link] evolution of urban core is a result
of historic process within cities, characterised by cultural heritage and iconic structures, has
been affected by rapid urbanisation, leading to a loss of identity and unique characteristics.
Inadequate infrastructure, poor urban planning, and governance issues contribute to the
decay of these areas. To address these challenges, a holistic and integrated approach to
urban revitalisation is needed in India. This study aims to identify key factors influencing
the development of urban cores and proposes tailored strategies based on community
needs. It emphasises the importance of a comprehensive and multi-faceted approach to
achieve successful urban renewal, considering the specific opportunities and challenges
of old city areas. Originally a small fishing village, old Panvel has undergone remarkable
transformation, becoming a significant industrial and residential hub due to regional
economic growth. However, challenges such as traffic congestion, aging infrastructure, and

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neglected heritage assets hinder its development. While the city’s perimeter is expanding
rapidly, there is a need to focus on the development of the old city area to ensure it is
equipped with necessary facilities and infrastructure. To effectively tackle these challenges,
a comprehensive planning approach is imperative, by prioritising the overall well-being of
residents. This approach can foster a vibrant and sustainable environment in the old city.
The research aim is to formulate the Integrated Urban Revitalisation Framework (IRUF)
by assessment of key parameters within prominent sectors. By adopting a scientific and
analytical approach, the study endeavours to forge the path towards the preparation of
a spatial management plan, paving the way for a transformative revitalisation process.
A distinctive aspect of this research lies in the formulation of an innovative assessment
framework, utilising parameter scoring and expert opinions to evaluate and determine
the city’s development potential. This approach yields a comprehensive city development
potential score, providing a unique perspective on the revitalisation process in the old
city of Panvel. The study will provide recommendations and policy guidelines for the
future development, with flexibility for adaptation in different contexts. The research
methodology entails conducting preliminary and detailed literature reviews, collecting and
processing relevant data, and developing viable solutions, action plans, and a comprehensive
Spatial management plan for revitalising the old city of Panvel. The key findings of this
study highlight the importance of integrated urban revitalisation strategies, offering a
sustainable roadmap for development through comprehensive data analysis. The city’s
image can transform from urban decay to a vibrant and thriving urban centre, fostering
economic growth, enhancing liveability, preserving heritage, and improving the overall
quality of life for its residents. Moving forward, it is crucial to implement the proposed
solutions, engage stakeholders, and ensure effective coordination between government,
experts, and the community to realise the vision of a revitalised and vibrant old city. Key
words Urbanisation, old city, urban decay, integrated urban revitalisa

Sixty Years of Urban Planning in Delhi: A Critical Appraisal

Pritpal Randhawa, Assistant Professor, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar University, Delhi

The post-independent history of urban planning in India began with the formulation of
the first Delhi Master Plan in 1962, which became a model plan for other cities and towns
across the country. So far, Delhi has had three master plans, and the fourth one is on its
way. The history of the master plan is rooted in the modern urban planning developed in
the West during the period of the industrial revolution. The concepts, such as zoning, land

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use, regional frame, etc., used in the master plan emerged in response to addressing the
challenges of the capitalist industrial towns of the 19th and early 20th centuries. The British
imported modern planning into India during the colonial period, and it was seamlessly
adopted after its independence in 1947 without reflection on whether a master plan as a
tool of urban planning is appropriate for Indian towns and cities having a complex history
and social undercurrents of caste and religion. There has been a noteworthy scholarship on
urban planning in Delhi; however, the majority of it views the master plan as a technical
document focusing on its strengths and weaknesses. While technical analysis of the plan
is essential, it is insufficient in revealing the political and economic interests that inform
its creation. By altering the technical analysis into a political analysis, this paper aims to
provide a more comprehensive understanding of six decades of urban planning in Delhi by
delving into the following questions: What has been the vision and intent of Delhi’s master
plan in the past 60 years? How master plan has shaped the urban landscape of Delhi in the
past six decades? Who are the winners, and who are the losers? Why concerns of informality
along with unplanned growth and inequitable distribution of services were not addressed in
the plans succeeding the first plan? What is the efficacy of a master plan as a tool to plan a
just city? Is there a need to reimagine an urban planning tool? The paper is primarily based
on secondary sources, including a wide range of academic and grey literature. The original
master plan documents (all four master plans) have been analysed, and literature related to
them has been reviewed. Data pertaining to land acquisition, housing, and infrastructure
development in Delhi has been examined. It has been accessed from government sources
and academic articles. The paper also draws insight from critical literature on urban
processes in Delhi and scholarship on caste and the city. The idea of planning was how to
manage resources and how to provide basic quality of life to the people of the city. However,
the analysis of 60 years of urban planning in Delhi suggests that the Delhi master plan has
been used as a tool to facilitate the process of capital accumulation through the continuous
acquisition of land, construction of middle-class and upper-middle-class housing, and
development of infrastructure, which has deepened not only the class-based fragmentation
in the city but also augmented caste and religion-based spatial segregation, leading to
inequitable provisions of housing and essential services. Clearly, the Delhi master plan has
benefited the privileged while marginalising the underprivileged. The paper also argues that
the master plan is a modernist capitalist tool with inherent problems and contradictions.
Thus, there is a need to rethink the urban planning tool based on principles of equity and
sustainability. While the principle of equity includes diverse socio-economic and gender
dimensions, the principle of sustainability covers specified values of human wellbeing,
social equity, and environmental quality over indefinite periods of time.

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Who Lives in the City? An Assessment of Urban Planning and

Notion of Decent-Liveability
Aniket Nandan, Assistant Professor, National Law School of India University, Bengaluru

In development discourse ‘urban planning’ has been mostly viewed through statist lenses.
This kind of high urbanist-modernist planning pioneered by Le Corbusier not only is
pivotal to understand the advent of ‘Suburbanisation’ but also current fetish for smart-
cities which have been a site of capitalism and reconstruction of ideals embedded in
state apparatuses. Increasingly, we see the realisation of the impact that planning has on
the subaltern population, and their lack of participation in it. The current Sustainable
Development Goal (SDG) 11 discussing ‘Sustainable Cities and Communities’, recognises
the unequal access faced by subalterns in accessing cities. The inequal condition of Indian
cities is corroborated by the fact that they consistently rank at the end of the table amongst
liveability. This study aims to understand paradigms of liveability through focusing on
the concept of ‘decent liveability.’ Thus, the study moves away from the commercialised
understanding of liveability and prioritises certain welfare goals as necessary enablers to lead
a better quality of life. Taking assistance from the Directive Principles of the State Policy,
Constitution of India, and the fact that India is a welfare state, this study believes welfare
goals should be prioritised to bring marginalised section of the society to those standards
of life which enable/prepare them for better socio-economic opportunities. Bengaluru
has been chosen to be the location of study because it has over 1.3 million people and a
growing migrant population, and it is imperative that an assessment of liveability be done
to understand the issues and challenges that impede notion of ‘decent living.’ The data
source has been identified for the secondary data, which looks at the demographics as well
as services related to three key indicators in the city, through the SMART Cities Mission
database available with the Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs. Subsequently, the
datasets from different government websites have been taken – Jal Jeevan Mission data,
Census data, Household data based on housing types, indicators for education levels,
vehicular information from Transport Department among others. However, majority of
the project outcomes depend on the qualitative data gathered from the field. Along with
this, a combination of structured, semi structured interviews, and focus group discussions
are key to developing the analysis. The research finds a significant challenge in proposing a
liveability index. However, it was observed that a systematic change in the welfare policies
related access to clean water, health, education, and mobility has potential to bring about
change in peoples’ aspiration with respect to the city they live in. Subsequently, the role

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of state and civil society in responding to the needs of the population becomes even more
pertinent in a highly skewed socio-economic condition. Finally, the study provides a
coherent assessment of risks and vulnerabilities that dangerously create imagination of
‘other’ in the city. Thus, this study in its endeavours to find an inclusive model of city
advocated for an urban planning that does not exclude those who construct the socio-
economic matrix of a city.

Glocalized Planning: Emerging New Perspectives for City Planning

and Social Inclusions in Bengaluru City
Rashmi Pavagada Subbanarasimha, PhD Student, IT and Society, International Institute of
Information Technology (IIITB), Bangalore

Bengaluru has seen remarkable infrastructural developments and innovative urban planning
practices from the time J.L. Nehru envisioned Bengaluru city as a picture of India’s future
in paving and leading the way to the desired developments in the nation. The city has
constantly prioritised and reinterpreted infrastructures and their role in urban planning on
a massive scale. Over the past two decades, the city has undergone a notable transformation
from being called a garden city to ‘India’s Silicon Valley’ by surfacing its reputation as
leading information technology and innovation hub. This transformation reflects the global
influence in both social and economic ways, and the city’s capacity to constantly balance
both global and local needs in shaping its growth. Maintaining a balance between global and
local needs is challenging as it brings out the contested grounds between standardisation
and flexibility, constant and uniqueness, notions and realities, expectations, and experiences.
The salience of urban planning practices in Bengaluru city lies in this subtle balance as
it presents the spaces of social contestations, exchange of information, and innovative
practices on both global and local scales. So, the main puzzle this paper seeks to address is
how and why a city’s sociospatial trajectory influences its planning practices to evolve in
a certain path and its implications. The paper discusses the notion of urban planning as a
sociospatial phenomenon where the city’s planning practices are mutually and dynamically
shaped by social and spatial entities of its surroundings. To this end, the paper relies on a
series of semi-structured interviews, observations, and a literature review of multiple cases
in Bengaluru city to highlight the emerging ‘Glocalised’ planning practices. Bengaluru city
presents a good site to understand the emerging contemporary glocalised planning practices
as the city has experienced cross-cultural and global influence from colonial times to the
present. Bengaluru city offers a place of happenstance for face-face interactions for cross-

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cultural communications by reducing the complexity of communication and knowledge

transfer. In recent years, the city has witnessed a few social and economic restructurings
in its planning practices from 1) the growth in global direct investments in the city, in
turn, allowing urban proximity, and 2) new stakeholder groups of middle-class and upper-
class communities. This new emerging wave of middle-class and upper-class aspirational
planning practices to ensure the images of our city resemble the ‘world-class city’ has largely
influenced the city’s planning practices and urban governing structures in Bengaluru city.
The paper attempts to explore this shift in planning practices and its influences on policy
interventions. As a reflection of function rather than a spatial form, this paper discusses
the notions and reality between the images of planned and unplanned in Bengaluru city.
The findings in the paper emphasize the need for city planning practices to acknowledge
the city’s socio-spatial context for sustainable urban development and to introduce a new
perspective to understand city planning practices as well as policy-level approaches. Based
on the findings, the paper then proposes a guideline for understanding the local planning
practices of different cities and how to support them for sustainable urban development
and inclusive planning methods.

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 2
Urbanisation and Green Jobs

Regional Green Job Creation following India’s Elevated NDC Targets

Amrita Goldar, Sr. Fellow, Indian Council for Research on International Economic Relations
New Delhi
Somit Dasgupta, Senior Visiting Fellow, Indian Council for Research on International
Economic Relations, New Delhi
Sajal Jain, Fellow, Indian Council for Research on International Economic Relations, New Delhi
Diya Dasgupta, Research Associate, Indian Council for Research on International Economic
Relations, New Delhi

Energy lies at the heart of transitioning towards a net-zero scenario, and the power
sector forms an indispensable part of this decarbonisation storyline. The 26th Conference
of Parties (CoP26) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change
(UNFCCC) saw India putting forward a five-fold strategy to deal with climate change
and restrict global temperature increase within 1.5°C. As the country progresses towards
these targets, the need is to focus on ensuring that the energy pathway is socially inclusive,
economically viable, and ensures the long-term sustainability of resources. Similar to most
developing economies, India often struggles with striking a balance between economic
growth and sustainable development. The implications of this choice in terms of not just
green technologies but also social welfare, employment effects, energy security, investment
requirements, and other developmental concerns need to be accounted for. Therefore,
fulfilling India’s elevated Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) ambitions will
have a multi-fold impact on the economy. Particularly with respect to the power sector,
both renewable energy (RE) and energy efficiency (EE) will witness a considerable surge,
thereby generating numerous macroeconomic benefits, employment being the primary one.
Against this backdrop, this paper aims to assess the state-level impacts of transitioning
towards non-fossil fuel power capacity in terms of green job creation and associated skill
requirements for achieving India’s RE and EE ambitions till 2030. While previous studies
on job creation in the energy supply chain have focused on the “why” and the “how” of the
energy transition, the present paper contributes to the literature by focusing on “where” the

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jobs are created using a spatial lens to gauge their direct impacts. Taking 2018-19 as the
base year, the paper estimates the existing jobs for RE and EE using the Periodic Labour
Force Survey (PLFS) data. This involves the identification of RE and EE relevant industries
in the country, undertaken by a meticulous mapping of National Industrial Classification
(NIC)-2008 codes pertinent to these sectors at a detailed 5-digit level. Since there exists
no direct or indirect connection with respect to EE relevant industries, to the best of our
knowledge, this is one of the first few attempts at identification of EE relevant industries
in India. The analysis not only provides EE relevant industries but also provides a thorough
methodology for the initial identification and future additions of EE relevant industries
to the list. While we recognise that the employment figures represent a broad estimate,
these will nonetheless contribute towards designing effective and efficient policies for the
aforementioned green sectors. Future estimates for green jobs are arrived at by combining
state-level devolution of national targets for RE & EE with Full Time Employment (FTE)
coefficients. This exercise, however, does not include any estimation of induced employment
that may be generated in the green sectors. The study provides a range for state-wise green
job potential as far as the terminal year is concerned, with the lower bound being calculated
using the states’ current known potential and the upper bound being estimated based on the
state-wise devolution, ignoring the potential.

Horizontal Collaborative Networks for Green Skills and Renewed

Jobs in Mauritius: Forging University-Industry Linkages
Sandhya Gunness, Senior Lecturer, University of Mauritius, Mauritius
Yashwaree Moonshiram, Senior Lecturer, University of Mauritius, Mauritius

Disruption is the term used by the World Economic Forum (WEF) to predict the future of
the global labour market. Sectors that are projected to decrease as a result of the greening of
the economy will need to be realigned structurally, and workforces will need to be retrained
accordingly. Experts at The Growth Summit 2023-WEF stipulate that demand for green
skills has risen by 40% since 2015 and that only 13% of the labour workforce actually possess
the skills that organisations need and want. This study highlights the significance of forging
resilient and sustainable university-industry linkages to support the transition towards a
greener and more sustainable economy. The literature review aims to explore successful case
studies related to greener jobs and sustainability best practices from Small Island Developing
States (SIDS) perspectives, highlighting effective collaborative models between universities
and industries for green skills development and job creation. The research objectives,

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methodology, key findings, and implications of the study are outlined. The first objective of
this study is to investigate the role of the higher education sector in Mauritius in promoting
green skills development and addressing industry needs. A comparative analysis of successful
case studies and best practices from SIDS and other countries that demonstrate effective
collaborative models between universities and industries for green skills development
provides the conceptual framework. A third objective would be to explore the mechanisms
and key success factors for establishing resilient and sustainable university-industry
linkages in the context of green skills and job creation. Finally, the fourth objective of this
paper is to formulate recommendations for enhancing collaboration between universities
and industries in Mauritius to foster green skills development and create sustainable job
opportunities. This study employs a mixed-methods approach, incorporating qualitative
and quantitative research methods. Desk research and document analysis provides a
comprehensive review and inspection of relevant literature, policy documents, and reports
related to green skills development, sustainable employment, and university-industry
collaborations in Mauritius Selected case studies of successful horizontal collaborative
networks in other countries were analysed to draw lessons on best practices that can be
applied in the Mauritian context. A survey of government agencies to gather quantitative
data on green skills initiatives, job creation efforts and successful collaborative networks
followed by in-depth interviews were conducted with key stakeholders from educational
institutions involved with university-industry Links. The findings highlight the significance
of mutual engagement, shared objectives, and practical experience in preparing students for
sustainable employment in emerging green sectors. Mauritius can leverage the expertise of
its universities and industries to foster green skills development and drive the green energy
transition while creating renewed job opportunities. The study provides valuable insights
into the concepts, frameworks for green skills development within university programmes
including sustainable economy, entrepreneurship, responsible research and innovation, and
the role of higher education institutions in promoting sustainable development.

Urbanisation and Green Jobs in India

Balwant Mehta, Sr. Fellow, Institute for Human Development, New Delhi
Siddharth Dhote, Sr. Research Associate, Institute for Human Development, New Delhi

India has undergone a decent growth in urbanisation over the past two decades. According
to the Census of India, the urban population has increased from 27.7% in 2001 to 31.1%
in 2011, with projections indicating it may reach 50.0% by 2047. However, this expansion

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in urbanisation brings forth numerous environmental and climate challenges. It is widely

recognised that the promotion of a green economy can address the issues of poverty and
mitigate the adverse effects of environmental and climate changes. Consequently, there has
been a surge in interest and investment in the ‘green economy’. In simple terms, a green
economy is one that is in harmony with and supports low carbon objectives. Within the
framework of a green economy, the concept of green jobs has gained prominence. These jobs
involve workers adopting technologies that emit lower levels of carbon and embracing more
sustainable practices. By fostering the transition to green jobs and a green economy, one
can mitigate the negative environmental impacts, promote sustainable development, and
tackle the challenges posed by climate change. The government of India has also recognised
the significance of the ‘green economy’ and has taken proactive measures to promote its
development. It has released a comprehensive low carbon development strategy and set
targets to reduce one million tons of CO2 emissions by 2030. As part of the 2023 Budget,
the government has allocated 277.2 million dollars of priority capital investment towards
achieving net-zero emissions. Furthermore, it is estimated that the green economy in India
has the potential to create 35 million green jobs by 2047. To fully harness this potential,
active public policies are crucial, particularly in investment, and reskilling or upskilling the
workforce to meet the demand for greener and higher productivity jobs. However, there is
a lack of comprehensive studies that highlight the composition of employment in the green
economy, especially in urban India. In this context, the main objective of this paper is to
examine the employment-generating potential of the green economy and related sectors
in urban India. Additionally, the paper will explore government initiatives and provide
suggestions on how to effectively harness the employment potential of the green economy.
By understanding the current landscape and implementing targeted strategies, India can
maximise the benefits of the green economy and create a sustainable future for its workforce.
The Input-Output table, available from the National Statistical Organisation (NSO),
will be used to calculate output and employment multipliers, allowing for an exploration
of the impact of investment in green sectors on employment and economic growth. To
conduct this analysis, employment data from the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS)
and output data from the national statistical office will be also used. This paper will adopt
a methodology broadly derived from two important sources: “Assessing green job potential
in developing countries: A practitioner’s guide” (2011), and “A policy proposal for Green
Jobs in India: A quantitative analysis on inclusivity of green jobs” (2019). These sources
have identified six key green sectors: forestry and logging, watershed development, wind
energy, metro transport services, wind turbine generator manufacturing, and rail transport
services (excluding metro). By utilising this methodology, the paper aims to examine the

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employment-generating potential of these sectors. In addition to the aforementioned data

sources, other relevant published and unpublished secondary data, as well as supplementary
information, will be incorporated to enhance the quantitative analysis. This comprehensive
approach ensures a robust and well-rounded assessment of the green economy and its
implications for employment in urban India.

Exploring the Potential of Green Jobs through Urban Agriculture

Enterprises in India
Maitreyi Koduganti Venkata, Sr. Research Associate, Indian Institute for Human Settlements
Bengaluru
Swarnika Sharma, Research Associate, Indian Institute for Human Settlements, Bengaluru

Every decade, millions of new residents move into the ever-growing cities of India in search
of a better livelihood. From a mere 13% urban dwellers in 1900, today the world is more
urban than rural and by 2050, the global urban population is expected to be 6.3 billion
(70% of total population.) On one hand cities are key sites of innovation and development,
rapid urbanisation has also triggered urban sprawl, urban poverty and inequality, relatively
high unemployment rates, higher and often exclusionary living costs, and environmental
degradation. On the other hand, cities are also identified as critical sites of action to meet
climate change and sustainability goals. Several researchers have identified nature-based
solutions, more specifically urban agriculture (UA), as one of the key strategies to generate
income and green jobs. However, scholarly literature regarding the implications of UA
on livelihoods remains thin. A few available studies also iterate that the lack of policy
and institutional support limits UA’s contribution to generating green jobs. Despite this
limitation, numerous business models, enterprises, collectives, and individuals are emerging
in cities. In this study, we attempted to examine the potential of such UA enterprises to
generate green jobs and better livelihood opportunities in Indian cities. Using these findings,
we aimed to unpack how current policies around livelihood generation can support UA-
based interventions to foster a green livelihood strategy. We employed a qualitative approach
to map and survey key UA businesses and enterprises in Pune and Bengaluru. We conducted
an online survey (that garnered 441 responses) to understand how people perceived UA
as an income generating opportunity. A secondary literature review and online research
was followed by in-depth interviews with selected enterprises. Parallelly, we conducted a
detailed review of current policies, to identify barriers and enablers for incorporating UA
based green livelihood strategies in urban policies. We observed that several practitioners,

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entrepreneurs, and collectives offered unique opportunities to urban and peri-urban

populations, while individuals continue to find ways to increase their income and save
costs on food and health expenses. More specifically, social enterprises like Urban Mali and
iKheti, business platforms like Farmizen and FarmFresh, offer several material benefits to
their employees and suppliers. Collectives like Abhinav Farmers Club, a farmers’ collective
based out of Pune generated over 700 direct jobs in supply of agricultural products, around
70% of whom are women working with various self-help groups in and around the Pune
city. It also trains members in chemical-free farming practices, providing a green-skilling
service. Anecdotal evidence also indicates that UA enterprise models help create new jobs,
secure agriculture-based jobs, fill the demand-supply gap for organic/healthy food, and
connect urban consumers to peri-urban farmers, offering jobs and skills of different kinds
— managerial, technical, and manual. People with prior experience in farming can start UA
with little training, but almost all these initiatives train them extensively and upskill them to
practice urban agriculture in cities at different scales. Using such selected case examples, our
study clearly demonstrates how UA offers a unique opportunity to create urban green spaces
and grow one’s food while providing several material benefits like livelihood and income.
Through our policy review we suggest that an explicit recognition of the potential of UA as
a source of green/decent jobs (like horticulture, hydroponics, beekeeping, vermicomposting,
so on so forth) within the NULM, Skill Mission, Vegetable Initiatives for Urban Clusters,
and Urban Employment Schemes is imperative. Furthermore, tax benefits for entrepreneurs
and subsidies through existing schemes — to set up farms, access inputs including seeds,
organic fertilisers, tools — will only encourage more enterprises to venture into UA-related
activities. In absence of substantial literature on UA generally and the engagement of the
urban poor in UA specifically, our case study offers empirical data on some innovative ways
that urban poor are benefitting from UA practices.

Can Urban Agriculture Contribute to Sustainable Urban

Development? Lessons from Cuba’s Experiment with Urban
Agriculture
Joseph Tharamangalam, Professor, Mount St. Vincent University, Canada

This paper examines Cuba’s experiment with organic urban agriculture (organopolicos)
and attempts to assess if and how it has contributed to Sustainable Urban Development
(UD). It draws on the author’s many years of fieldwork as well as on secondary material.
Cuba launched this initiative in the early 1990s when it suddenly faced an unprecedented

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food crisis that followed the collapse of the Soviet Union. Cuba was cut off from its trading
partners and food suppliers overnight. Faced with the prospect of impending hunger
and famine, Cuba made drastic changes to its agricultural system, transforming its high-
tech and high input industrial farms into decentralised and self-managing organic farms
with the use of human and animal power and organic fertilisers in place of fossil fuel that
was no longer available to the country. The initiative into urban agriculture was, in fact, a
desperate, but daring attempt to avoid starvation and famine. Cuba’s urban agriculture soon
became a success story attracting world-wide attention and becoming a “model” for other
countries too. Under the charismatic leadership of Fidel Castro, Cuba’s highly educated
and mobilised population, inspired and helped also by the country’s ample supply of highly
trained and skilled agricultural scientists, soon transformed their backyards, balconies and
rooftops into very productive urban gardens, flush with verdant and healthy vegetables
and fruits. By the mid-1990s, Cuba’s capital city of Havana was producing most of the
vegetables and fruits needed to feed the city’s population. While Cuba’s imported staple,
rice, remained in short supply, Cuba became world-renowned for the way it managed not
only to avoid a famine but, in fact, make its people healthier and to improve the country’s
life expectancy. Cuba became an example of Amartya Sen’s famous dictum that famines are
caused not by lack of food but by entitlement failures. Undoubtedly, a major contributor to
its success was its urban farms that supplied a substantial amount of organically produced
and nutritious vegetables and fruits. The paper argues that Cuba’s experience offers useful
lessons for sustainable urban development in the Global South, and especially so in the
tropics that are suitable for all year farming without expensive and fossil fuel-dependent
devices such as green houses. The benefits of such urban farms include green cities, better
supply of fresh air and less urban pollution, and most importantly, substantial amounts of
locally produced organic foods that contribute significantly to food security and even a level
of food sovereignty.

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Urban Geographies, Gender and Work

Waste and Intersectionality: Exploring the Linkages of Informal

Livelihoods, Housing, and Gender for Women Waste Pickers in
Delhi
Shalini Sinha, Urban Asia Lead & Home-based Work Sector Specialist, Urban Policies
Program, WIEGO
Shalaka, PhD Student, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar University, Delhi

Estimates suggest that in Delhi, waste pickers in the informal economy recycle about 20-
25% of the daily 10,000 metric tonnes of waste produced in the city. A large portion of
Delhi’s waste, i.e., 55% of Municipal Solid Waste (MSW), would be dumped in enormous
and towering landfills, causing environmental damage and costing hundreds of crores of
rupees . However, only 10-20% of Delhi’s waste is recycled, and most of this work is
done by the city’s unorganised sector. The waste-picking industry is essential to recycling
waste and lowering greenhouse gas emissions, but municipal agencies do not recognise
or emphasise this fact. Most of these workers are women who do most of their economic
activities in their houses and neighbourhood. As waste picking livelihood is mostly carried
out as a family labour, women make a living by laboriously collecting, sorting, and reselling
various recyclables, providing substantial economic, environmental and health benefits to
the city. Many of these are migrants with no formal contracts and social security with
low incomes. Among the various urban informal occupations, women waste pickers’ lives,
livelihoods, and health are severely negatively impacted, ranking highest. This paper will
focus on the women waste pickers in Delhi whose house (where they live and work) is
a key productive asset. In other words, the ‘housing unit’ for most women waste pickers
operates as a workspace, directly impacting their productivity, security and earnings.
However, these housing units, services and infrastructure are not upgraded to support
informal waste pickers. These houses are situated close to landfills and in conditions of
congestion, in tiny and poor-quality houses without essential services like potable water,
sanitation, toilets, electricity and ventilation. Further, women’s care burdens determine the
livelihood choices that they make. This situation worsens among migrant waste pickers,
who live in temporary accommodations and lack basic facilities. With this, the pragmatic

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understanding that housing and livelihood for many women workers are not separated but
very much interlinked has to be considered as a priority as this could be an entry point for
securing the women workforce participation in informal (waste picking) livelihood. It is
also pertinent to note that such an intervention is critical to urban planning processes as it
can significantly enhance the standard of living and working conditions for these workers.
In this paper, to understand and conceptualise the livelihoods of women waste pickers, we
will establish a linkage between housing, livelihood and gender. There are planning and
policy documents that talk about livelihood and housing. Policies and rules like SWM
Rules 2016 and Swachh Bharat Mission and evolving labour legislations will help in
understanding and identifying the gaps in livelihood as well as the housing, planning
and development schemes that will be useful from the waste management point of view.
It will be crucial to analyse the Delhi Master Plan 2021 and the new draft Master Plan
of 2041, and Smart Cities mission carefully to work on the relevant areas. The socio-
spatial lens will be required to explore the on-ground challenges and risks prevalent in
waste pickers’ houses. This would tell us about the domestic and economic contributions
of women waste pickers, usage patterns and costs of space for livelihood, and implications
on the productivity and income of the women and their families. This would also help
us connect with the design infrastructure of the houses of women waste pickers where
they live and work. Through this paper, a cross-disciplinary discourse around this crucial
sector’s major areas like housing, livelihood and gender will be created, which will be a
step towards advocating for the waste pickers in a more holistic and integrated manner.
A better understanding and a positive shift in perception will be developed, which
will support and strengthen the women waste pickers’ livelihood and will encourage a
vision which does not look at housing and livelihood in silos, but underlines the deep
interconnectedness of these issues in the lives of the women waste pickers. This will help
encourage the policymakers and planning authorities to work towards improving these
frontline waste warriors in a holistic, empowering, and gender-sensitive approach.

Women in the Labour Force: An India Story

Yogeshwar Bharat, Research Director, Centre for Advanced Financial Research and Learning
(CAFRAL) (RBI), Mumbai

An increase in female labour force participation can lead to better economic outcomes for
all economies and for the world in general. Greater participation of women in the workforce
and, in particular, trade can help in achieving greater gender equality and empowerment of

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women. In this study, we are trying to understand the interplay of gender and international
trade by reviewing trends for the world, and in particular, looking at India’s growth story.
For the purpose of the study, we use mostly publicly available data published by the Indian
government (NSSO, Economics Census, DGCIS, and various ministries) and multilateral
organisations (ILO, World Bank, IMF, CEIC, etc.). Trade has an important role to play in
promoting gender equality across the globe. Countries that are more open to trade (higher
trade-to-GDP ratio) have higher levels of gender equality. In India, we have seen that the
services sector contributes a large share to the overall GDP, employment, and growth over the
last decade. For women, the service sector has become increasingly significant, with its share
in employment rising from 40% in 1991 to 60% in 2019. In comparison, male employment
shares in the services sector increased by 13 percentage points during the same period. India
has a low labour force participation rate (LFPR) compared to the world average. One of
the reasons for this is the dismal numbers for female labour force participation. The overall
share is similar to that of southern Asia. Less than one-third of the working-age population
of women participate in the labour force in some of the economies of Southern Asia, North
Africa, and the Middle East. Despite India’s relatively high real GDP growth rate, the
country still struggles to boost female labour force participation, primarily due to family
responsibilities and societal expectations. Over time the global connectedness of India has
been growing, and it can be seen through a rising share of international trade. Service sector
exports have been increasing for some time now, and MSME products form about 50%
of the total exports of India. Nearly 24% of the workforce in MSMEs comprises women,
higher than in any other industry. There exists a positive correlation between the women
empowerment index for states and the share of female enterprises. We find that two major
drivers of female workforce participation in India are the services sector and MSMEs. We
find that female participation and entrepreneurship in MSMEs are more pronounced in
the southern part of India in comparison to the northern part. This is attributed to the fact
that these states are more developed and have a higher share of urbanisation which fosters
more opportunities for job creation and entrepreneurship. A similar argument can be put
forward for the services sector, as a majority of employment generation in this sector is
urban-centric. We further find that states where the perception of women’s safety is high
and if they are more urbanised have a higher share of female workforce participation. It
shows that female workforce participation is correlated with the perception of women’s
safety in the workplace. Furthermore, a sector-wise composition of the female labour force
shows a higher share of women working in the services sector, especially in health and
education, followed by trade and manufacturing. Lastly, the paper discusses the existing
policies to bolster the participation of women and lays down some suggestions for the same

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to foster inclusive development. By implementing gender-inclusive policies and initiatives,

governments and stakeholders can create an enabling environment that supports and
empowers women in economic activities, thereby fostering sustainable development and
greater gender equality.

Visible Infrastructures, Invisible Inequalities: The Gendering of

Engineering Colleges in India
Khusdeep Malhotra, Sr. Research Associate, Indian Institute of Technology, Delhi
Nandana Sengupta, Assistant Professor, Indian Institute of Technology, Delhi
Ravinder Kaur, Professor, Indian Institute of Technology, Delhi

This study aims to understand the gendering of student experiences on an elite engineering
campus located in New Delhi, where women constitute only 23% of the student population.
While the masculinisation of engineering colleges and marginalisation of women in STEM
is well studied in India, what is less understood is how college campuses, contested locations
which shape knowledge production and students’ life trajectories, can be empowering
or exclusionary for women students. Using Massey’s theorisation of space as a relational
entity which shapes, and is shaped by, the social interactions that unfold in it, we examine
how gender intersects with campus space to shape female students’ experiences. We also
explore how these experiences translate into opportunity and mentorship networks around
campus, affect women’s choices and consequently shape their career trajectories in STEM.
Methodology Our study uses ‘grounded visualisation’, an approach which combines
Geographic Information Systems (GIS) based visualisation with grounded theory to
produce research which is iterative but also reflexive. Using an in-class participatory mapping
activity, we asked 86 undergraduate students, of which twenty-seven were female, to provide
a sketch of their daily activities across different spaces on campus. Students were given a
detailed instruction sheet, and asked to indicate using colours and symbols, why and how
they used different spaces on a georeferenced campus map. Mapping was accompanied by
a short online survey in which students were asked to provide demographic details, and
share information on their personal and professional networks on campus. While mapping
and survey data help us visually depict and measure gender based spatial segregation across
campus, in order to understand gendered interactions which take place “beyond” the map,
we are also conducting in-depth interviews with undergraduate students. Interviews are
ongoing, and we hope to complete a total of 30 by the end of June. A preliminary analysis
of students’ sketch maps shows explicit gendering of the campus built environment. Hostels

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emerge as the focal point of student life, where students form meaningful relationships and
also access important social networks. There are eleven men’s hostels and three women’s
hostels, located on opposite ends of campus. The proximity of men’s hostels to spaces such
as eateries, the Student Activity Center (SAC) and sports grounds, results in fewer women
frequenting them compared to men. This leads to the unintended consequence of further
invisibilizing women from public spaces on campus, and creates the perception that these
spaces are largely male. Within the only mixed gender hostel, movements of men and women
are policed, and often lead to disciplinary action against male students. Maps also show that
students access networks primarily through hostels and to some extent through public spaces
such as SAC. Women’s absence from these spaces could therefore, potentially disadvantage
them in terms of access to opportunities and experiences on campus. These findings are
corroborated by the survey, which shows that student networks too are gendered, with males
interacting at higher rates with males across both vertical (professional) and then horizontal
(personal) networks. Combining spatial visualisation with grounded theory, this research
examines the gendered experiences of women students at an elite engineering campus.
While the persistence of male hegemony in engineering disciplines is well studied, the
role that gendered infrastructure on a college campus can play in reinforcing it is only now
beginning to be appreciated. This study attempts to visualise and measure gender segregation
on a college campus, and begins to theorise how gender can implicate itself in the campus
space to result in unequal experiences for women. As student-activists, merely studying the
consequences of the gendered campus space is not our goal. Rather, we aim to inform policy
change across Indian institutions. To this end, we hope to compile our findings, along with
those from other studies being conducted alongside this project, into a ‘Gender Inclusion
Framework’ which will address the multiple structural inequalities on campus.

Work Choices of Women Residing in Urban Informal Settlements:

The Spatial-Contextual Factors
Deepa Ebenezer, Assistant Professor, Azim Premji University, Bengaluru

This paper analyses the spatial-contextual factors influencing the work choices of poor
‘lower’ caste women residing in informal settlements of urban areas like Chennai in Tamil
Nadu. This analysis also reveals unexplored aspects of unskilled and least-paid women’s
lives in urban spaces. The urban centres, unlike rural areas, have become a space where a
large number of poor people flock as distress migrants, with the hope of basic survival and
livelihood. Many studies in this respect have shown how a large section of workers are

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recruited in the informal sector who live in notified and non-notified slums, also known as
informal settlements in urban cities. There is a class within urban cities that are dependent
on the services offered by the distress migrants, who constitute the major section of the
informal sector workers. Among them, paid domestic workers form a major part of women
service workers in the urban centre. Many empirical studies have discussed the link between
home and workplace from the perspective of urban social geography. But most of these
studies are based on the experiences of high/ middle-income earning women. There are
very few studies that have analysed the work choices of poor urban women in South India.
This study is an attempt to contribute to this literature. Paid domestic work has become
one of the most sought-after jobs for women, not just globally but also in India, especially
by the poor ‘lower’ caste women across India. Therefore, it is important to understand why
and how the ‘lower’ caste poor women in urban areas are clustered into this work. Their
everyday struggle and experiences are embedded in their everyday choices. This directly
plays a vital role in their work choices. Analysing these complexities of urban poor women’s
lives, especially those who reside in an informal settlement, is crucial in understanding their
work choices. For this study, both quantitative and qualitative methods have been used to
capture the nuances of work and women’s lives. The study area is an informal settlement
called Ambedkar Puratchi Nagar (APN), Kallukuttai, in Chennai. After a census of APN,
a stratified random sample of 250 women workers was surveyed along with an in-depth
interview of paid domestic workers. SPSS/STATA was used to analyse the data. It was
found that most of the residents of Kallukuttai are distress migrants who have come to
Chennai primarily in search of jobs. They are mostly employed in some form of informal
sector work. Three kinds of spatial-contextual factors seem to be playing a major role in the
work choices of women of Kallukuttai. First is the location and distance of the workplace
from their home. For example, most of the workplaces are in the vicinity of five km from
their home. Second is the spatial accessibility of public facilities like transport services,
child care, primary health centre, ration shops, etc. Third is the availability of basic facilities
and amenities in the residential space like proper housing, piped drinking water, sanitation,
paved road, street lights, electricity, etc. For instance, women who live in Kallukuttai spend
substantial hours a day fetching water from the corporation water tankers. Drinking water
is also made available by corporations, on a humanitarian basis, once a week and it is
women’s ‘duty’ to collect and store drinking water for the household. Therefore, a sizeable
number of women in Kallukuttai who are seeking paid work take up paid domestic work
nearer to their homes to be able to find enough time to attend to their households’ chores.
Thus, patriarchal constrictions on accessing paid work get further intensified due to these
spatial-contextual constrains of living in a non-notified slum. They pressure women to take
up only certain kinds of paid work, even within informal sector.

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In Pursuit of Purpose and Passion: Experiences from Girls’ Hostels

in the North Campus, University of Delhi
Rashmi Gopi, Assistant Professor, Miranda House, University of Delhi

In a country like India which is witnessing rapid urbanisation, there is a constant influx
of students from various parts of the country to metropolitan cities like Delhi. This
mass migration happens every year in the pursuit of better education and life chances.
The process is a mixed bag of opportunities and challenges for young students. The
objective of this research is to study the implications of finding safe accommodation
for girl students coming from different parts of the country through a field study done
from August to October 2022 in the neighbourhood areas of North Campus, University
of Delhi. Especially, in the background of the University starting offline classes in the
post-Covid 19 world this study attains larger significance. On the one hand, this paper
highlights how young girls explore the city by paying-guest facilities (PGs) in the area
and empower themselves for staying alone in a city. On the other hand, this transition
to urban areas exposes the fault lines of social inequalities in terms of gender, class, caste,
region and religion. This research has taken a sample of 20 PGs with 40 participants. The
participants in the research are aged between 18 and 20 years. Due to the restrictions and
fear attached to COVID-19, the questionnaires are curated in online mode with Google
Forms. These PGs are chosen based on their location, that is, in the neighbourhood of
North Campus, University of Delhi, namely, Roop Nagar, Kamala Nagar, Vijay Nagar,
Mukherjee Nagar, Hudson Lane and Shakti Nagar. The research findings focus on concerns
related to food, access to electricity and internet facilities, hygiene, location, rent, curfew
period and accessibility to public transport. The major highlight of the study is to capture
the experiences of young girls in adjusting to urban space and how they see it as a litmus
test to adulthood. Predominantly, the economic and emotional churning in young girls
is a life-altering experience. This pushes us to rethink how we can attain sustainable, safe
and inclusive cities. In this work, it is highlighted that the process of migration and the
experiences associated with it are raising both ontological and epistemological questions.
Ontologically, girls are re-discovering the self. They are transitioning from a predominantly
protected environment at home and school to a new city. For most of them, this is their
first experience of living alone. How do they navigate between the ‘particular self ’ and
the ‘universal self ’ provided to them in a big city like Delhi? What kind of infrastructure
and facilities do the owners of the PGs promise and deliver? How the gendered identity
based on their understanding of body, mind and emotions evolves in an urban space is an

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interesting question to engage with. Similarly, these experiences are creating a new theory
of knowledge, a new history and a memory of the city for posterity. The documentation of
the opportunities and challenges of the young girls staying in PGs is becoming a reference
point for not only policymakers but the public at large. This work is a combination of
qualitative and quantitative research. A feminist standpoint methodology is adopted to
understand the universal and yet particular experiences of girl students coming to the
University of Delhi to pursue their higher education. It is an effort to understand how girls
experience urban space through their voices. This exercise highlights the process of change
and continuities. It reflects power dynamics between different types of girls (meaning girls
coming from diverse social and economic backgrounds) sharing a space. It has taken an
inductive method to understand a contextual experience in North Campus, University
of Delhi, and then apply these learnings to larger urban spaces. This research navigates
negotiations taking place between parents, students and PG owners. The voices are valuable
as it peeks into questions of security and inclusivity in an urban space. Thus, this work is of
significance to policymakers, policy implementers and the public at large

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 4
Climate Finance and Energy Transition for Green Urban Development

Effects of Urban Development Pattern on Ecosystem Services in

Coronel, Chile
Isabel Margarita Figueroa-Aldunce, PhD Student, University of Florida, USA

This research article aims to determine the landscape composition and spatial configuration
in the urban and rural areas in Coronel, Biobío Region in Chile, with landscape ecology
metrics to analyse the influence of urban developed patterns in the ecosystem services
provision in this city. Ecosystem services provides cities with fresh water, clean air, and
shadow spaces to avoid the heat waves in summer, control stormwater, areas for recreation
and leisure, control floods, and reduce the urban heat island, among others. These services
contribute in improving the well-being and the quality of life in cities by supporting the
cities from an ecological, social, and economic point of view. It has been proven that robust
Ecosystem services is key in dampening climate change impacts and making cities more
sustainable. Furthermore, empirical studies in landscape ecology and urban ecology have
demonstrated that clustered and diverse urban patterns contribute to generating ecosystem
services in the city. The literature on ecosystem services is largely concentrated in developed
countries, with fewer references in Global South. This study attempts to fill this gap in
the literature by addressing the challenges faced by Latin American cities in integrating
the ecosystem services approach into their planning and decision-making processes. To
determine the landscape composition and spatial configuration, the study uses landscape
metrics: area, patch number, shape index, Euclidean nearest neighbour (ENN), and largest
patch index (LPI). The research worked with the LULC of World Cover ESA 2021 with a
spatial resolution of 10 meters. To calculate the indicators, the research used Fragstatsv4.2,
which works with raster data and gives indicators to patch, class, and landscape scales.
This presentation includes class indicators for Coronel commune and class indicators for
the urban and rural zone to establish the urban and rural gradient. The findings illustrate
that the Coronel has a homogeneous landscape, considering urban and rural areas, because
71.9% is concentrated in one LULC (Tree cover), and the rest of the 28% is distributed
in seven classes of LULC, which is a disadvantage in the ecosystem services provision.

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However, the patches’ shape depicts a simple form, which means microclimate disturbances
and demographic changes will affect the patches of the different LULC classes to a lesser
extent. Most LULC classes have many patches, affecting structural connectivity since a
larger number of patches increases the Euclidean nearest neighbour distance. The landscape
analysis on an urban scale show that Coronel is a small city with 0.19% of built-up and
30% of natural and seminatural spaces. On the other hand, the rural area has an 86.5%
of tree cover LULC, followed by grassland with 8.5% and permanent water bodies with
3.6%. The dominant LULC is forest plantations, which negatively impact local biodiversity
because they are exotic species and determine a homogenous landscape. These outcomes
are relevant because they contribute to the urban ecosystem services studies, which are key
in planning because they contribute to the holistic and ecological understanding of the
cities’ issues. Besides, they support human well-being, and their studies promote sustainable
planning tools in settlements with rapid growth, increased slums, environmental damage,
and weak governance.

The Effective Implementation of Green Supply Chain Management

in the Urban Tourism Industry: The Case of Bangladesh
Meshbaul Hassan Chowdhury, Lecturer, North South University, Dhaka, Bangladesh
Sakib Amin, Associate Professor, North South University, Dhaka, Bangladesh
Nargis Monami, Research Assistant, North South University, Dhaka, Bangladesh
Maeesha Mobashwera , Research Assistant, North South University, Dhaka, Bangladesh

The objective of this research is to identify the opportunities and challenges of implementing
a Green Supply Chain (GSC) in the urban tourism industry of Bangladesh and to
determine the possible implications of GSC practices in the industry. The participants for
the research study are the key stakeholders of the tourism industry as hotels, resorts, and
other similar establishments. This qualitative study aims to collect data through surveys
and focused group discussions with relevant stakeholders. Data from government reports
and industry publications will also be studied. The methodology for this study will be a
mixed-method approach of qualitative research, including a literature review, focused group
interviews with tourism industry stakeholders, and a case study of a tourism company
that has implemented the GSC. Interviews will give more practical data from the people
who are directly involved in the industry. The interviews will be conducted with a variety
of stakeholders, including tourism operators, industry leaders, government officials, and

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environmental experts. The case study of a tourism company that has implemented a GSC
will give a practical perception of implementing a GSC. It would also act as an example
for the study. The company for the case study will be selected based on its experience with
GSC and willingness to participate. The literature review will identify the opportunities
and challenges of implementing the GSC in the urban tourism industry of Bangladesh. The
focused group interviews will help gain an in-depth understanding of the challenges and
opportunities from the perspective of people directly involved in the industry. The case study
will provide a deeper understanding of how the GSC is applied in practice. The literature
review will also identify the challenges and opportunities of the implications of the GSC
in the tourism industry. The literature review will include academic journals, government
reports, and industry publications. The findings of the literature review, interviews, and case
study will be used to develop recommendations for overcoming the challenges of the GSC
and making it more feasible in the context of the country. GSC practices are not common
in Bangladesh and are even less prevalent in the tourism industry. The lack of GSC practices
could be many, including inadequate infrastructure, lack of awareness and inclination
towards green and sustainable practices, high costs associated with transportation, storage,
and allocating facilities for the purpose of GSC, etc. Finding local suppliers who share the
same vision is challenging, thus making the goal of implementing a green supply chain
harder to achieve. Most companies in Bangladesh might not be able to financially sustain
these practices if they do not get sufficient government support. However, the practice
of GSC will unquestionably have positive environmental implications. Some specific
examples of how GSC can benefit the tourism industry of Bangladesh are given: • Reduce
environmental impact: GSC can help reduce the negative effects on the environment of
the tourism industry by conserving energy, using sustainable materials, and reducing waste.
• Improving efficiency: GSC can help to reduce the amount of time and resources that
are wasted. • Increasing customer satisfaction: GSC can help to provide customers more
satisfaction by providing a sustainable and environmental-friendly experience. This study
is relevant to all other developing countries that have similar opportunities and barriers.
Additionally, the findings are important for researchers and academicians since the study
of the implementation of GSC in Bangladesh has been very limited, specifically in the
tourism industry. Hence, it would also provide researchers with new scope of study in this
field.

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Financing India’s Solar Energy Transition for Green Urban

Development
Aditi., PhD Student, Indian Institute of Technology, Patna
Nalin Bharti, Professor, Indian Institute of Technology, Patna

India’s announcement to reach net zero emission by 2070 and fulfil its required 50% energy
consumption from renewable sources by 2030 is quite significant in meeting the goal of
Paris Agreement on climate change and energy security. Many countries such as African
nations, Japan, Sweden, Norway, Denmark etc. have introduced private financing in solar
energy. Today, India has secured fifth position in solar power deployment worldwide,
and its uses has increased manifold in India but there is still huge gap between supply
and demand of energy. To strike a balance between inflated energy demand in cities and
meeting climate change goals energy consumption should be adequate and sustainable. The
exaggerated rate of urbanisation, expanding population, growing digitalisation, and India’s
huge dependence on fossil fuel for energy consumption, triggers the need of investment
in clean energy generation capacity for accomplishing the goal of climate change. Solar
energy consumption in cities reduces greenhouse gas emissions and mitigate climate
change. The potential for climate finance in off-grid solar energy sector is huge for clean
and reliable source of energy for the growing energy demand in Indian cities. World Energy
Investment 2022 report of IEA estimates a global need of about $4.5 trillion investment by
2030 for clean energy transition. India needs to add 25 GW of renewable energy capacity
annually for which USD 15 to 16 bn. is required as per the Ministry of New and Renewable
Energy, Government of India. Financial Constraint has been a challenge for India’s energy
transition but better government policies can attract necessary low-cost foreign capital.
There are various examples of institutional climate financing such as from World Bank
or other Investment agencies. For example, World Bank through Multilateral Investment
Guarantee (MIGA) agency encouraged private lenders to for commercial investment of
about $4.4 billion under Grid connected rooftop Solar Program in India. It has eventually
led to a capacity growth from 545 MW in 2016 to 5.5 GW by 2020. About $3 billion loan
was also given to Egypt by the World Bank to reform electricity sector. Certain steps like
allowing 100% FDI in India’s energy sector has mobilised private finance in India’s energy
sector. There has been a growth in solar energy deployment in India and for that the role of
Indian government has been pivotal. In this context, the paper tries to present the Indian
government current policies and private investment scenario in revamping India’s solar
energy sector. Further, the paper also presents the case studies of some foreign countries

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to know the growth and impact of solar energy deployment for a comparative analysis.
The data and policy papers have been mainly collected and reviewed from the databases
of World Bank, IEA, World Economic Forum, NITI Aayog and Ministry of New and
Renewable Energy. The major findings in the paper shows that there has been the growing
influx of foreign capital in solar energy sector with huge FDI inflows in energy sector in
India. The reformed policies of Indian government are very much conducive for inducing
huge investment in solar energy. There has been rise in climate finance for the solar energy
installation through establishing solar parks in India for energy accessibility and reducing
carbon emissions for all. Previous studies have mostly focused on government investment
in infrastructure but this paper try to explore other sources of private financing such as
inducting FDI, taking loans from Multilateral Development Banks, offering tax benefits,
introducing green bonds etc., in solar infrastructure development. But there are challenges
such as delay in land acquisition, social acceptance, awareness among common public and
dependence on imports from China or Germany. So, mobilising finance for solar energy in
India is quite significant for a green energy consumption in a nation where almost 365 days
there is sunlight. The growing energy needs in cities can rely on solar energy for sustainable
development. The role of government is also huge in inducing private sector participation
in stimulating climate finance for Solar energy transition. The study will also be helpful for
planning green urban development and address climate change in Global South.

Climate Change Risk and the Firm Financial Performance:

Evidence from Indian Agriculture Related Firms
Ruwan Samarakoon, PhD Student, IIT Kharagpur, Kharagpur
Buddhini Tharanga, Senior Lecturer, Wayamba University of Sri Lanka, Kuliyapitiya, Sri Lanka
Rudra Pradhan, Professor, IIT Kharagpur, Kharagpur

Climate risk poses a significant obstacle to the pursuit of sustainable development for
countries. Two key categories of climate risk have been identified: transition risk, arising
from the shift towards a lower carbon economy, and physical risk, encompassing hazards
associated with extreme weather events such as severe temperatures and rainfall conditions.
The adverse consequences of natural calamities caused by climate change can have a
detrimental effect on the financial performance of climate-sensitive businesses, leading
to irrevocable negative outcomes. Notably, sectors such as agriculture, food production,
healthcare, and energy are particularly susceptible to these climate-driven fluctuations. As
such, the need to address climate risk has become a critical area of focus for policymakers and

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businesses alike. In recent years, the urgency to examine the socioeconomic ramifications
of climate change has escalated worldwide due to the upsurge in natural disasters. India,
in particular, has experienced considerable fluctuations in climate patterns, manifesting as
severe heatwaves, droughts, and floods. Against this backdrop, the current study seeks to
explore the susceptibility of the food, paper, and forest products sector companies in India
to the impact of climate change on their financial performance. The study encompasses a
sample of 2474 firm-year observations, spanning the time frame of 2008 to 2022, pertaining
to companies operating within the food products, paper, and forest sector in India. In terms
of climate factors, the study focuses on temperature and rainfall, classified under four
seasonal categories: winter, pre-monsoon, monsoon, and post-monsoon. The researchers
adopt the approach of measuring the percentage deviations of temperature and rainfall
from the mean values for each respective season. The study employs Return on Assets
(ROA), Return on Common Equity (ROCE), and Tobin’s Q as financial performance
proxies, while also controlling for firm size, leverage, and current ratio as additional
variables. Descriptive analysis, correlation analysis, and panel data pool regression analysis
are employed to investigate the impact of climate change on firms’ financial performance.
The study findings suggest that pre-monsoon and winter temperature conditions positively
impact the financial performance of food, paper, and forest products sector companies
in India. More specifically, pre-monsoon temperature was found to have a significant
positive effect on firms’ Return on Assets, Return on Equity, and Tobin’s Q ratio. Moreover,
temperature conditions during the winter season showed a significant positive impact on
firms’ Return on Assets and Return on Common Equity during the period under review.
However, the study found that rainfall conditions across all four seasons had an insignificant
impact on the financial performance of companies operating within the food products,
paper, and forest sector in India. These results underscore the importance of temperature
as a key climate factor that can significantly affect the financial performance of firms
operating within these industries in India. The study results confirm that physical climate
risk can impact the financial performance of firms that are sensitive to climate change.
The significance of these findings is noteworthy, as the study offers a unique contribution
to the literature on the impact of physical climate risk on firms’ financial performance. As
such, this study holds immense value for future researchers and policy makers in related
industries who seek to gain a comprehensive understanding of the financial implications
that arise due to changes in climate conditions. By providing insights into the impact of
physical climate risk on the financial performance of climate-sensitive firms, this study can
inform policymakers and industry leaders in their efforts to mitigate the potential financial
losses associated with climate change. As such, the study’s findings have the potential to

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inform strategies and policies aimed at fostering sustainable development practices and
reducing the impact of climate change on firms’ financial performance.

Heat Health Risk and Land Use Forms Interaction to Support

Resilient Urban Design: A Case Study in Delhi
Suvamoy Pramanik, PhD Student, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi
Milap Punia, Professor, CSRD, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi

The heat health risk (HHR) is one of the most well-known effects of climate change
that urban inhabitants must deal with. Urban energy balance has quickly changed as a
result of increasing urbanisation, raising city temperatures relative to the city outside.
Thus, the most vulnerable might suffer the most, including older people, children, and
socially and economically underprivileged groups residing in metropolitan areas. This
research attempted to map the heat health risk vulnerability of Delhi at the ward level after
Crichton’s risk triangle approach (i.e., the risk is a combination of exposure, vulnerability
and hazard) and also explored the interconnection between urban forms and heat health
risk. The study was conducted for the years 2001 and 2017 while following four successive
stages: (1) developing a comprehensive HHR index adopting Crichton’s risk triangle, (2)
derivation of urban landscape metrics (ULM) and building a composite density index
(DI), (3) testing correlation between HHR and DI, and (4) spatial autocorrelation and
spatial regression modelling for exploring spatial dependence and interaction between
ULM and HHR. The result showed a strong positive correlation between DI and HHR
(R2=0.36 and 0.64 for 2001 and 2017, respectively). The models revealed ULM and HHR
as spatially interconnected, although spill-over, direct, and total effect varies. The findings
may contribute to the long-standing academic debate on ’dense growth’ versus ‘sprawling
growth’ and help effective heat-resilient land use/land cover (LULC) planning.

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 5
Water Security

Overregulated and Underserved: Regulatory Overlap in WaSH

Service Provision in ‘Informal’ Settlements
Shruti Syal, Assistant Professor, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, Virginia, USA

Despite a tag of ‘informal’, there is plenty of evidence that regulatory agencies are active,
not absent in self-built settlements. This mixed methods study examines the regulatory
footprint for Water Sanitation Hygiene (WaSH) infrastructure and service provision in
these settlements, with the goal of identifying operational gaps or overlaps in their activities
and exploring how those impact waste management outcomes in these settlements. We
conducted field observations at 20 stormwater drain-adjacent settlements, content analysis
of 9 state and national legislations and policies on “slums” and the responsibilities of specific
service-providing regulatory agencies, and interviews with (i) 56 settlement residents,
(ii) 14 officials from the water, planning, shelter and municipal authorities, and (iii) 8
NGOs working on environmental remediation and/or WaSH services in Delhi. While
the inadequacy and inaccessibility of essential infrastructures and services in informal
settlements is well-documented globally, studying a settlement and its environment as an
integrated unit, a social-ecological settlement or SES, reveals another critical institutional
challenge: regulatory overlap. When agencies have similar functional jurisdictions but
adjacent spatial jurisdictions—for instance, when one agency was responsible for ‘main’
connections but another agency was responsible for providing ‘internal’ connections—some
settlements gained access to services while others didn’t, based on the mandates of individual
agencies and the specific dynamics of the interactions between them. When agencies
have different functional jurisdictions but similar spatial jurisdictions, they crate several
unintended consequences for residents or other regulatory agencies. Be it when sewage
collected in community toilets gets collected and dumped into drains, or when standing
water due to intermittent water supply becomes a hub for mosquito breeding, or when solid
waste keeps getting transferred between drains and public spaces or getting burned and
polluting the air with (sometimes hazardous) pollutants. When agencies have similar spatial

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and functional jurisdictions, the multiplicity of actors further challenges coordination. This
occurs not only in situations where different regulatory agencies operating under different
levels of government, different programmes, and different (internal) agency mandates
provide toilets that collect and dispose waste very differently, and even more so, when
private contractors become involved in infrastructure construction, vs infrastructure/service
management. Weaving together interviews and content analysis, we identify multiple loci
of regulatory overlap between the mosaic of agencies active in drains and their adjacent
informal settlements at city-scale. This research recognises the several legislative and policy
reasons behind the inability of street-level bureaucrats to provide infrastructure and service
provision. More importantly, this study demonstrates the need to understand the network of
international, national, state, and local actors and instruments (plans, policies, legislations,
programmes) playing a role in access to essential urban services in ‘informal settlements’.
The presentation will end with a snapshot of where the research currently is—this actor
network map is being constructed using extensive content analysis (using 650 documents,
64 actor websites) and next, interviews with all these actors. The goal is to share this map
on KUMU— an open access, interactive software that allows us to create network maps not
only as a way to visualise complex interrelationships, but to automate the empirical analysis
(using matrix algebra) to identify actor centrality, reach, and other Social Network Analysis
metrics. This will make the research truly applicable for planning infrastructure provision
in informal settlements.

Implementing Net Zero Water Concept & Green Infrastructure

Applications in Urban Development Projects: The Case of Jordan
Ahmad Seyam, Co-founder & Principal Architect, Seyam Architects, Amman, Jordan

Jordan is one of the poorest countries in the world with 145 m³/capita/year in 2010, which
prompts us to pay more attention to this critical issue, which has become more complex
with the increasing manifestations of global climate change. Where like other cities in
the world, Amman, which is the capital and the most populated city, and the focus of
this research, faces many climatic events such as irregular patterns of rainfall swinging
between the extremes of drought to excessive rain over a short period, leading to flooding
in lower-lying areas of the city. With the increase in global interest in the concepts of
cities resilience, the Greater Amman Municipality has identified four main challenges,
all of which play a pressing role in the file of water scarcity locally, which are climate

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change challenges, lack of natural resources, the recent influx of migrants in addition to the
economic challenges, and there is no doubt that the progressive adoption of sustainability
concepts will play a role in alleviating the severity of water scarcity problem. However, the
reflection of these concepts is still limited locally. Despite the announcement by the official
authorities of a package of incentives for projects that adopt the local green building guide,
which was issued in 2013, most local projects were not able to obtain these incentives,
which led to limited demand for the guide. Also, the LEED, which is the most widespread
in the region, there are only seven projects classified in addition to 30 projects under study
until the time of this research, which is considered a very small number. However, the main
challenge here lies in how to give greater and more important weight to the water problem,
whether at the urban level or the level of building projects. Despite the limited turnout that
was mentioned previously, the mere promotion of green rating systems is not enough, due
to the specificity of the water situation in Jordan, Therefore, this study presents a rating
appendix for sustainable projects while giving water efficiency a higher weight within more
detailed criteria, through the use of the concepts of Net Zero Water and the applications of
Green Infrastructure principles, and presenting a design model for residential development
with some public buildings, which paves the way towards benefiting from rating systems
in a way that is more compatible with the most pressing problem, which is water scarcity.
Water resources face constraints and rising demands as a result of the population growth
and climate change. Globally, the amount of electricity consumption from the water sector
is around 4%, and it is predicted to remain the same percentage by 2040, however; there
will be large regional differences. It is well known that there is an interdependence relation
of water and energy which will intensify with significant implications for the water and
energy resources, but it is also important to highlight that this thesis discuss the water
practices separated from energy aspect.

Determinants of Household Water Saving Technology Adoption

and its Implications for Demand Side Management Policies
Ashwin Ram, Assistant Professor, RV University, Bengaluru
Zareena Irfan, Professor, Madras School of Economics, Chennai

Cities across India are highly susceptible to extreme weather events such as drought and
flood as a result of rampant urbanisation and inefficient urban planning. Climate change

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further increases the risk of such climate extremes. There is a growing consensus that the
recurrent water crisis faced by Indian cities are purely a case of mismanagement of the
resources resulting from poor governance and weak institutional framework. Predominant
supply driven approaches to manage water resources perpetuates inefficient use of water
resources across sectors. Given the increasing urban water demand in relation to the
declining per capita water availability, there is an urgent need to shift focus from supply
side to demand side management. Water crisis is increasingly becoming one of the biggest
environmental and development challenges which warrants immediate attention of all the
concerned stakeholders. Cities are most vulnerable to the impacts of climate change on
water resources. About 600 million people in India face acute water shortages. It is expected
that large cities such as Delhi, Mumbai, Hyderabad, Bengaluru and Chennai may soon run
out of groundwater and face high risk of day zero. In the absence of good water governance
and institutional framework, none of the cities in India provide 24x7 reliable water supply
leading to overexploitation of groundwater resources. In addition to pricing and metering,
water saving technologies are an effective way to reduce household water consumption
and improve water use efficiency though with the possibility of certain degree of rebound
effect or offsetting behaviour. The adoption of water saving technology is mostly perceived
as one of the household coping mechanisms during periods of acute water scarcity. While
there are several factors which may influence household decision to invest in water efficient
technologies, the evidence on the same in the developing countries context, particularly
in India is very limited due to lack of granular micro level data. Against this background,
based on a primary survey, this paper makes a novel attempt to understand the determinants
of household water saving technology adoption in Chennai City. In order to understand
the factors influencing household decision to adopt Water Saving Technologies (WST),
a primary survey was conducted between August 2019 and January 2020 across eight
apartments in Chennai Metropolitan Area (CMA). The households are spread across eight
different locations across CMA and are drawn from central and south zones. A purposive
sampling was used to identify the apartments based on the installation of smart water
metering and then a simple random sampling was used to select the participants for the
study after a series of discussion with the Resident Welfare Association groups (RWA). The
total sample size is 450 households representing different socioeconomic and demographic
characteristics. The data was collected across medium sized apartments and large gated
communities characterising different housing typologies.

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Understanding Water Sharing and Payment Arrangements

between Landlords and Renters in Delhi though a Property Rights
Framework
Saumitra Sinha, PhD Student, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, North Carolina,
USA

Water tariffs and subsidy designs often don’t consider the heterogeneity of housing
arrangements present in urban areas. When only focusing on an average household that has
exclusive use of a water connection, many intended beneficiaries of water subsidy schemes
who live in informal, or unconventional housing arrangements become ineligible. Tariff
structures like the increasing block tariff (IBT) are designed so that customers that use
more water pay a higher price per cubic meter, and in theory, cross-subsidise low-income
households. However, this often doesn’t materialise since many low-income households
are renters that share a water connection and may have large household sizes. Because of
higher water use from a single connection, they become ineligible for subsidies and pay a
higher price for water. Delhi’s water charges are also based on an IBT with three tiers, water
connections that fall in the lowest tier are given a water subsidy. If a connection uses less
than 20 kilolitres of water a month, the customer does not have to pay a bill. However, if
the water use exceeds that threshold, the entire water use is charged. The volumetric charges
are even higher if water use exceeds 30 kilolitres a month. According to the 76th National
Sample Survey (NSS) of Delhi from 2018, about 9.4% of households in Delhi have a
common principal source of drinking water, and about 13.0% have common bathrooms.
These households that share water connections are likely to cross the 20-kilolitre threshold,
and even fall into the highest tier of water use, although the water use for each household
may be low. In these cases, since the water connection is in the landlord’s name, they are
obliged to face the water tariffs. Since the water utility has no information about renters
sharing connections, landlords are free to decide how they would charge for water. Because
of this, the degree to which water policies affect renters is moderated by landlord-renter
relationships. Understanding these relationships and water payment arrangements between
landlords and renters is crucial for designing policies that better target low-income
households. The study is based on semi-structured interviews conducted from June to
August 2022 with 11 landlords and 16 renters in Delhi. The respondents were chosen from
four neighbourhoods in Delhi, two sites were in resettlement colonies and two in urban
villages. A significant portion of the population living in these neighbourhoods are renters.
They may either be living with their families, or in shared accommodations. For example,

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two to three migrant workers may live in the same room. Not only may renters share water
connections, they may also have common bathrooms, latrines, and cooking areas. This study
frames water sharing and payment arrangements between landlords and renters using a
property rights framework. By understanding how rights to access, use, and manage water
in shared housing is structured, this study asks, what factors influence the formulation
of water sharing and payment arrangements between landlords and renters when there
are shared water connections? The interviews indicate four main types of water payment
arrangements that are influenced by practical considerations and social factors.

Measures to Revive and Restore Waterbodies in Peri-Urban Area:

A Case Study of Gautam Buddha Nagar District, Uttar Pradesh,
India
Yogendra Solanki, Manager-Environment and Water Resource Management, Society of
Development Alternatives, New Delhi
Anisha Guta, Deputy Manager, Society of Development Alternatives, New Delhi
Aakriti Uttam, Programme Officer, Society of Development Alternatives, New Delhi
Pratik Goel, Deputy Manager, Society of Development Alternatives, New Delhi
Soumen Maity, Chief Technology Officer, Technology and Action for Rural Advancement, New
Delhi

India is one of the world’s water-richest countries, getting roughly 4000 billion
cubic metres (BCM) of rainfall, 1123 BCM of which is available as surface water and
groundwater. However, rainfall varies significantly across the country in both time and
space. The driest parts of the country receive as little as 50 mm of rain in Leh, compared to
11,872 mm in Meghalaya, India’s wettest state. Apart from that, peri-urban Indian cities
are confronting water crises due to watershed erosion, rising pollution levels, decreasing
water balance, encroachment, illegal constructions, and a severe shortage of groundwater
recharge. Although sufficient policies and actions are in place to protect and restore the
water bodies, but most of them need to be more capable of handling the complexities
and challenges of peri-urban areas involved, and often see the restoration only from a
beautification front. To fulfil the increased demand for water, augmenting and improving
the health of these traditional water bodies is essential. Their revival and rejuvenation in
cities are mainly significant from a public health standpoint since they provide numerous
ecosystem services required to control microclimate, biodiversity, and nutrient cycling.
The present study shows the case stories of 13 ponds that were completely restored and

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rejuvenated through a technical approach in 8 villages of Gautam Buddha Nagar District,

Uttar Pradesh, India. The intervention villages are: Dujana, Kachera Varsabad, Bishnoli,
Talabpur Hathipur, Khodna Kala, Milak Lachhi, Mahawad and Rampur Banga. The pond
scenario in Gautam Buddha Nagar is similar. Heavy siltation has led to reduced water
holding capacities, groundwater levels have decreased, and the quantum of water availability
has reduced. The lack of ownership to conserve these water bodies has led to a change in
farming patterns and reduced vegetation in catchment areas due to encroachment, leading
to increased soil erosion. The citizen science approach was used to collect the primary
data, impact assessment, community awareness, and sustain the intervention. The pond
rejuvenation process follows physical and technical assessment, community mobilisation,
de-weeding, de-siltation and bund construction, greywater treatment, plantation, and
awareness generation. Series of focus group discussions, bridging information gap sessions
at the school level, street plays, wall paintings, and trainings were conducted in respective
locations to make people aware and take ownership necessary to sustain the intervention.
All activities were held to emphasise the importance of the conservation of water bodies.
After the rejuvenation of 13 ponds, it was observed that 51.6% of pond storage capacity
was increased, a total of 518-hectare catchment area was impacted, nearly11,65,436 cubic
meters of water storage capacity was created, 1,628 trees were planted to grow green cover
in and around the pond ecosystem, and 21,000+ population impacted leading to an increase
in community awareness. Besides serving as an essential water source for humans, aquatic
plants, and animals, ponds help increase groundwater levels and recharge ground aquifers.
The pond ecosystem is an important site for biodiversity conservation. The current study
will benefit India and the world, lay a precedent for such practices, and can ameliorate water
shortages at a micro level.

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 6
Urbanisation and Regional Economic Growth

What is Hidden about India’s Hidden Urbanisation?

Saurav Chakraborty, Assistant Professor, Presidency University, Kolkata
Indranil Maity, PhD Student, University of Calcutta, Kolkata
Saswata Ghosh, Associate Professor, IDSK, Kolkata
Josef Novotný, Associate Professor, Charles University, Prague, Czech Republic

Rapid urbanisation in the global south is engulfing hitherto rural areas, which are typically
found on the outskirts of large cities. Government officials are reluctant to acknowledge these
rural settlements as (official)urban areas, even though they share many socio-spatial traits
with cities. The hidden urbanisation theory, which characterises it as the occurrence in areas
that manifest urban features but are not officially classed as urban, has a greater influence
than the political grounds for maintaining the official rural status of these outlying villages.
Practically speaking, this covert character of urbanisation lowers the rate of urbanisation,
skews population predictions, and casts doubt on the success of urban policies. Contrary
to previous research, our focus is on conceptualising hidden urbanisation from the rural
perspective, which is unaffected by local politics and the issue of livelihood. Instead, we
contend that hidden urbanisation happens when a set urban population threshold (UPT)
is adopted and that the ongoing socio-spatial transformations taking place outside of
city boundaries and in remote rural areas have rendered this fixed UPT outdated. Two
eastern Indian states, West Bengal and Bihar, are the geographical focus of the empirical
investigation for this article. In order to do this, we created a geodatabase with information
on the total population, labour force, and area of 86,526 villages in these two states for
the census years of 2001 and 2011. Then, we calculated the population densities for the
census years of 2001 and 2011, the share of males in the non-agricultural main workforce
(MMNPW), and the population growth rate between 2001 and 2011. Additionally, based
on these growth rate statistics, the projected population for 2021 was computed. Then,
using the Census of India’s criteria, we analysed these data to find probable villages from
the previous census year that should be upgraded to new census towns (CTs) for the
current census year. Results show that 71 villages in West Bengal satisfied the population
density and workforce requirements in the 2011 census year, but they will hardly meet

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the population threshold requirements (a total population of 4000 in the previous census
year) and will therefore be treated as villages in the 2021 census year. This situation will
continue to be in play even in the census year of 2031, according to the population increase.
In contrast, the state of Bihar does not have a problem with the slow pace of population
growth, therefore it is not more difficult for villages to reach the 4000 population mark.
We, therefore, argue that the ongoing fertility transition in rural West Bengal could have
an impact on reaching the total population threshold criteria for villages and thereby slow
down the rate of urbanisation; nearly 0.25 million people will be treated as rural in the state
in 2021 despite the fact that their respective settlements meet the population density and
workforce criteria. This phenomenon, which we define as the absolute nature of hidden
urbanisation, is prevalent not just in the immediate vicinity of cities and major towns but
also in remote rural areas throughout the state of West Bengal.

Emerging Pattern of City Formation in the Global South:

A Comparison between Asian and African Urbanisation Process
Surajit Deb, Professor, University of Delhi (Aryabhatta College), Delhi

Although, more people live in urban areas than in rural areas at the global level, there
is significant diversity in the urbanisation levels reached by different geographic regions.
While Northern America (with 82% urban), Latin America and the Caribbean (81%),
Europe (74%) and Oceania (68%) remains as the most urbanised geographic regions,
urbanisation levels in the two major regions of the global-south, viz., Asia and Africa
remained relatively low at the level 50% and 43%, respectively in 2018. Regardless of the
low level of urbanisation, Asia in 2018 had the largest number of urban persons in the world
at 2.3 billion due to its large population, while 548 million urban dwellers lived in Africa
in the same year. According to forecasts, these two regions are expected to have the largest
numbers of urban dwellers in the world, also countries in Africa and Asia have revealed
wide dispersion with respect to the urbanisation rates. Almost half of the urban population
in Africa is concentrated in urban settlements with fewer than 300,000 inhabitants. In
contrast, Asia reveals an urban concentration profile, where urban population is evenly
distributed across the city sizes. Thus, half of the urban dwellers in Asia live in urban
settlements with fewer than 500,000 inhabitants. The proportion of urban population
living in megacities or large cities with 5 to 10 million people or in cities with 500,000 to
5 million inhabitants also remains high in Asia. A vigorous debate has emerged in recent
years over how to understand the cities of Global South, particularly the city growth in Asia
and Africa as most of the world’s fastest growing cities are happening in these two regions.

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A crucial issue in this debate therefore is whether the urbanisation processes in the Global
South are shaping different from the historical urbanisation process of Global North.
Objectives: The patterns of city formation in the urbanisation process remains essential for
the promotion of sustainable city development. The New Urban Agenda (NUA) adopted
by the international community in 2016, calls for the strengthening of the role of small
and intermediate cities and towns, and more generally the cooperation and mutual support
among different scales of cities and human settlements. This paper would examine the
comparative growth of secondary and primary cities in Asia and Africa and subsequently
examine whether the system of city growth bear any implication for economic growth.
The patterns of city size and growth show great variation across the Asian and African
regions. To discern the differences in patterns of urban concentration across the Asian and
African regions, we compare the percentage of urban population living in different size
classes, along with the number of cities in each class. We subsequently use these cross-
sectional data to examine links between the system of city growth and growth levels, across
the African and Asian regions, employing data from 50 and 43 developing economies from
Africa and Asia, respectively. The required data was collected from the United Nations
publication “World Urbanisation Prospects”. The paper examines the estimated projections
of the population in urban settlements of various sizes that are published in the 2018
Revision of the publication.
The World Cities Report 2022 envisages a well-planned urbanisation scenario with effective
interventions to tackle inequalities and social, environmental and institutional resilience. It
also affirms that the vision for the future of cities must embody the policy actions designed
in the NUA. Approaches to urban planning and governance particularly in developing
countries cannot overlook the informal sector or the social contracts like basic income,
universal health coverage and universal housing and basic services. The results of this paper
could provide some useful insights on these issues.

City Region as Economic Growth and Sustainability Driver:

Drawing Lessons from Experience in Nepal, India and Vietnam
Akriti Kacker, Manager-Urban Planning Division, Spatial Decisions, New Delhi

Cities are widely recognised as the key locations for advanced economic activity in
contemporary globalisation. However, recent evidence suggests that a new type of urban
economic formation is emerging at the start of the 21st century, called a polycentric global
mega–city region which is an extensive and functionally interconnected cluster of urban

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centres that is developing around the world’s major cities and corridors. As nation states
embrace the post-industrial global economy, these city regions are bringing upon significant
changes in the urban fabric that are occurring from a regional to a local level. This increasing
integration and informationalisation of the city region have challenged the conventional
system of urban planning as well as the institutional arrangement over the long-established
jurisdictional territories. In this compound city-region dynamics, small and medium towns
play a pivotal role in the socio-economic transformation of regional spaces through active
movement and exchange of services. The world is witnessing a rapid change from agricultural
and rural lifestyles, to a more urbanised way of life. The first contact point of such vivid
transformations are the small and medium towns. Sustainable and planned urbanisation
of these towns is essential for the growth of the city-region as whole. These towns can
be major drivers of economic development which shall serve equity, quality of life and
adequate utilities to its inhabitants. This will further encourage the creation of self-contained
sustainable communities and discourage proliferation of urban sprawls. On one hand where
the development of such towns pave way for decongestion from high density concentration
of the megacities, on the other, it also motivates the advancement of vernacular identity of the
town. The mushrooming of these small and medium towns is an indication that these nuclei
serve as a key link of urban service delivery to the big cities and have tremendous potential
to tap into. For urban development to take place in the continuum of human settlements
and in alignment to the region, it is necessary to evaluate the role of these small and medium
towns and integrate them into the national, regional, and local development frameworks
for the development of the city-region. This research paper elaborates the experiences
drawn from city region planning of prominent urban corridors and urban clusters of Nepal,
India, and Vietnam. The main objective is to evaluate the inherent potential of such city
regions, and present a sustainable urban planning framework for the same. The data and
methodology will be based upon project experiences. The key finding includes the fact that
urban corridors hold a strategic position wherein it presents significant economic potential
in a limited geography, that if enhanced and better managed, has the potential to positively
influence the economic growth and sustainability factor or the region, and by extension, of
the nation. Another objective of the paper is to understand the role of small and medium
towns and their relative inter dependency on the city-region. It stresses upon the fact that
urban mechanisms do not function in isolation and there is a need to encourage strategic
spatial planning of such small and intermediate towns, as a part of the urban cluster of
its surrounding region. Based upon experience, this paper evaluates the potential of such
towns, and presents a methodology to integrate their role and function into the larger city-
region under consideration. The paper also emphasises upon the fact, that there is a need to

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step away from the conventional system of planning as well as institutional setups and to
innovate sustainable urban planning frameworks which promote a liveable and good quality
of life. All these aspects shall bring about a paradigm shift in the conventional methods of
urban development and invent a new culture of preparation methodology which can result
in more contextual, people centric and sustainable urban development.
Act East Policy and Changing Paradigm of Urbanisation in North
East India
Mahalaya Chatterjee, Professor, Calcutta University, Kolkata

Urbanisation in the modern sense, came to India with the colonial rulers. They developed
urban centres matching with their economic interest. India remained a country of villages
with only 17% of the population living in the urban areas in 1951. Urbanisation was
concentrated around the four metropolises, three port towns and the capital city of Delhi.
In the post-independence period, the number of metropolis and urban agglomerations
increased making India a country with top-heavy urbanisation, with about 70% of the
urban population living in Class I cities. In the regional level, the eastern region lags in
level and rate of urbanisation, which is related to the economic situation of the region. The
north-eastern region makes the picture gloomier. Historically, it is related to the aftermath
of partition. There were influx of refugees from eastern Bengal, which not only increased
the population but also changed the demographic composition of the region. On the other
hand, the age-old connectivity was destroyed for the time being. The river route through
Brahmaputra and its tributaries, connecting the northeast to Calcutta and Chittagong port
was truncated. As for the land route, the connection to the mainland was just through the
northern part of West Bengal, popularly known as “Chicken’s Neck”. Rail connectivity
was poor in the region, gauge mismatch problem was there. Air travel became the only
option but that was not within the reach of majority of the population. Suddenly, the region
became isolated from the mainland, surrounded by not so friendly neighbours. On the
economic front, underdeveloped agriculture had to provide livelihood to a major portion of
the population. Though the Five year Plans from 1951 started to allocate industries in the
region but they were not different from the resource-based factories in the colonial period.
Transportation became real difficult, old river ports declined, the growth of railways were
slow and road transport for bulk carriage in the difficult terrain was slow. The conditions
were not at all conducive for industrialisation and urbanisation. And that was combined
with different types of unrest – political or ethnical, and so on. The international conflicts
led to some development in the border areas but those were too little compared to the

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needs. On the political front, the largest reorganisation of the states was done in this area.
Urbanisation and urban growth in the region may be seen as a product of this exercise, rather
than the result of demographic and economic changes. With the liberalisation starting in
1991, it was expected that the states would be attracting investment on their own and
urbanisation would follow industrialisation. In this paper we are not in a position to enter
that discourse, rather conclude by saying that the service sector took off the manufacturing
sector in the next 30 years. And the north east was no exception. As for the policy level,
India formulated the Look East Policy in 1992. It took another 10 years to become a
summit partner of the ASEAN (Association of South East Asian Nations). But at that
time, India was more interested in the SAARC (South Asian Association of Regional
Cooperation) of which it was a founding member in the eighties. As the SAARC could
not mature as per expectation, India started to look eastwards literally with smaller regional
group like BIMSTEC, BBIN and BCIM. And all these three regional cooperation groups
had to take into account the north east of the country to succeed. So, with the change of
guard in the central government in 2014, Look East Policy was transformed into Act East
Policy and special emphasis was given on the north east by reformulating a subsection Act
East-North East. In this paper, we would like to look into the prospects of urbanisation
in this perspective. We would be using secondary material from government sources
(Census and other database) along with the emerging literature on development prospects
in the regional blocks. Our objective is to look into the emerging pattern and process of
urbanisation in the region, changing it from a model of resource-extractive model to a
vibrant region based on small manufacturing, trade and service based on better connectivity
and local resource and skilled manpower.

Tactical Urbanism: A Collaborative Approach towards Urban

Planning
Rohit Ashok Nimje, Associate Professor, L.J. School of Architecture, Planning and Design
Ahmedabad

Cities all over the world have taken COVID-19 as an opportunity to reclaim the space
occupied by private vehicles for pedestrians, cyclists, and vendors. The pandemic has
presented an opportunity not only to reimagine the streets but also to distribute the streets
equitably. A surge in the demand of cycles in the cities over the past few years matches this
vision. To keep the momentum going, supporting actions by the cities to create adequate
infrastructure for pedestrians, cyclists, and road safety is required. Developing such

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infrastructure will help not only in reducing air pollution and congestion on the streets but
also help in maintaining the physical activity of the people. Systems, demography and life in
Indian cities is facing complex transformation. Rapid urbanisation has put forth the demand
for a new thinking process of planned development. In recent past, small-scale attempts to
improve urban areas, referred a tactical urbanism, have inspired planners around the world
to consider low-cost, experimental and incremental projects as a means to sustainable urban
development. The momentum of tactical urbanism has been increasing; however, the role
of planners and the importance of such experiments in professional planning exercises,
especially in India, remain undefined. The research investigates how tactical projects allow
citizens to participate in urban change, and give planners a chance to develop inclusive,
acceptable and sustainable planning policies over a period of time. Drawing satisfactory
evidence on tactical approach to urban planning, findings of the research suggest that if
our cities require big plans and policies, they also require small tactics, and the momentum
of huge visionary policies can also be collectively attained by smaller tactical projects and
schemes. Tactical interventions have represented an important practice of redefining public
spaces and urban mobility. The concept of Active Transportation coheres with the idea
of sustainable urban mobility, characterizing the means of transportation through human
propulsion, such as walking and cycling. This paper aims to debate the potential of tactical
urbanism in promoting active transportation by revealing opportunities of transformation
in the urban space of contemporary cities through initiatives that promote the protection
and valorisation of the presence of pedestrians and cyclists in cities, and that subvert the
importance of motorised vehicles. In this paper, the character of these actions are presented
in two different ways: when they are used as tests for permanent interventions and when they
have pre-defined start and end periods. Many planners and policymakers work to improve
the public realm in cities, yet the cost of making improvements can be prohibitive and
strategic planning processes with long-term implementation horizons can make it difficult
for planners to be responsive to local, social and economic changes. In the last decade,
short-term citizen-led interventions, popularly known as tactical urbanism, have sprung up
across various parts of world to improve local neighbourhoods. These informal initiatives
driven by citizens have also inspired planners and municipal officials to experiment with
low-cost, temporary projects. However, while the momentum around tactical urbanism is
growing, the place for these initiatives within professional planning practice and the role
of the planner is unclear. Tactical and temporary projects appear to offer an opportunity to
improve the resilience and adaptability of both planning processes as well as policies that
are created.

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Urbanisation and Regional Economic Growth

Urban Risks and Management Resilient Cities for Disaster

Management: Role of the ULBs
Shipra Maitra, Professor, Institute for Human Development, New Delhi

Urbanisation is an irreversible process. Low and middle income developing countries are
facing challenging pressures due to spread of urbanisation. It is estimated that 65% of Asia’s
population will live in urban areas by 2050. Needless to say, these areas are ill-prepared
to accommodate so many persons in so little land, thereby adversely impacting the land-
man ratio. Challenge of inadequate housing and infrastructure create tremendous pressure
on services with resultant deterioration in quality of life. Over consumption of natural
resources and over exploitation of natural services sow the seeds of disaster – both natural
and man-made. Infrastructure and buildings are major components of city development.
If these components are not developed in an orderly and regulated ways, problems of
urbanisation keep manifesting. Around one third to one half of the city population
in low and middle income countries live in informal sector as a result of unrestricted
urbanisation. Rural-urban migration of unskilled and semi-skilled labour in search of
better opportunities leads to formation of informal sector as people desperately search
for shelter and jobs. They search for low-cost lands for shelter, ready to settle in marginal,
flood-prone and shallow areas, throwing lives to hazardous exposer, aggravated by weak
local governance. Inappropriate constructions expose the city to high risks of disaster
and disruption of economic activities and community assets. The resilient city must be
capable of withstanding a disaster with minimum damage to its physical infrastructure
and human resources. It should rebound at the earliest without much difficulty. The major
attribute for this rebounding act is a strong local body that is competent, transparent
and accountable. It must be equipped with necessary resources to take quick decisions to
restore normalcy. The local body should be able to foresee the vulnerability of the city and
develop a strong information base. It will be able to anticipate disaster and take steps to
minimise physical, social and economic loss. Delhi is one of the top five richest cities of

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India. However, wealth does not make the city better in disaster preparedness and the risks
keep on increasing. The city adds nearly 3.79 lakh population every year, natural growth
contributing to 1.59 lakh and migration accounting for the rest 2.2 lakh persons. The
rate of growth of migration, though declining, is still more than the natural growth. The
increasing prosperity of the city will continue to attract migration in future as population
estimates for Master Plan 2041 indicate. The informal sector accounts for around 70% of
the city with nearly 17 lakh persons residing in encroached lands, known as slums and
JJ colonies, served by inadequate infrastructure. The city state exemplifies the exposer to
both natural and man-made disaster and the need for resilience. Earthquake, flooding are
natural disasters aggravated by human folly and carelessness. Fire hazard, deforestation,
depletion of ground water, piling of garbage and the like are examples of man-made
disaster. The city administration is run by three local bodies, the state government and
the central government. The largest one is the Municipal Corporation of Delhi, followed
by two more; the New Delhi Municipal Council (NDMC) and the Delhi Cantonment
Board. NDMC caters to less than two% of Delhi’s population and area. It has been a
designated Smart City in the state of Delhi. In this paper, we study NDMC to understand
if the Smart City, working within the ambience of six decades of city planning, is capable
of being a resilient city.

Launching a People-Centred Crisis Response: Building Institutions

to Help Marginalised Populations in Precarity
Taru, PhD Student, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan, USA

This research paper is derived from a larger dissertation project that studies the role of
collaborative governance and institutional hybridity in delivering effective disaster response
in the face of a poly-crisis. A global poly-crisis, like the pandemic and climate change, is a
situation where a crisis in one global system has cascade effects on other systems, creating
a causal interaction and creating an interwoven, multifaceted crisis across socioeconomic,
governmental, and other related institutions. Literature on disaster and disaster response
indicates that such local or global situations disproportionately harm the already marginalised
populations, heightening their precarity. Strong collaborative socio-economic systems are
required to create safety nets and build resilience. Researchers have described collaborative
emergency management as “a coordinated effort among all stakeholders, including the

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government, private organisations, and citizens, to enhance community resilience and

preparedness, response, and recovery to disasters”. Hybridity has been defined as an umbrella
term that can be defined as an entity that consists of mixed origins or composition of objects;
emphasising shared power and plural perspectives in governmental frameworks. Deriving
insights from two case studies of collaborative emergency-response, this paper asks: How can
hybrid/collaborative institutional frameworks leverage networks, technology, and resources
to plan for and address disasters and assist marginalised populations? What do these unique
arrangements tell us about how planning institutions in the Global South could transform
to plan for – and with – plural populations and systems effectively? Furthermore, how can
these initiatives, grown in the face of a crisis, result in long-term institutional changes?
On March 27, 2020, alarmed by the precarity of the low-income migrants in India, as
well as understanding the unique need for a place-based pandemic response, a group of
civil society workers, indigenous networks, and grassroots activists came together with the
state government in Jharkhand to set up a hybrid and iterative organisation. In the first
six months, this hybrid organisation had registered and directly aided more than a million
migrant workers from Jharkhand. We have used various methods to understand the JSCR’s
formation and impact, including participant observation, 105 semi-structured interviews,
and two surveys. We have also conducted content analysis, looking at internal WhatsApp
chats, daily reports, case summaries by caseworkers/counsellors, and internal evaluations to
understand the organisational function, effectiveness, and accreted practical authority. This
paper focuses primarily on the procedural analysis, unpacking insights gained from my long-
embedded engagement with JSCR as it evolved and “built an airplane while trying to fly it.”
This analogy can be used for most organisations created to address the unique challenges
posed by the pandemic. To emphasise critical learnings, it also draws comparatively with
another case study focusing mainly on implementing COVID-19 Emergency Rental
Assistance (CERA) Program in Detroit, USA. To understand procedural evolution and
impact, our team worked with United Community Housing Coalition (UCHC) in Detroit
and conducted 35 interviews and five focus groups. These case studies highlight the role of
flexible, iterative, and reflexive process building and emphasise the need for power-sharing
and accountability within these collaborative coalitions. Further, it highlights the need for
cantering compassion and care in our systems that aim to secure and support the most
vulnerable groups in our societies

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Building Safe Urban Spaces: A Decadal Analysis of Urban Fire Risk

in India Using Press Reporting of Fire Incident Statistics
Satorupa Karmakar, PhD Student, UQIDAR (The University of Queensland-Indian Institute
of Technology Delhi), New Delhi.
David Lange, Associate Professor, The University of Queensland, Queensland, Brisbane,
Australia.
Upasna Sharma, Associate Professor, Indian Institute of Technology Delhi, New Delhi.

Fire often results in loss of assets and in personal injury or death. According to WHO
(2018) statistics, annually around 180,000 fatalities are caused by fire across the world.
The India Risk Survey Report (2021) ranks urban fire as one of the most significant risks
in India, where unprecedented and unplanned highly dense urban spaces exacerbate risks
associated with fire significantly. Despite this, urban fire risk in India has been neglected as
a topic of research, resulting in a limited policy focus and a lack of fire safety practices. One
key factor behind this phenomenon is the dearth of a national fire database, which sets
the backdrop of the present study, as we consider national newspapers a possible source
of information regarding fire incidents. In this article we present and apply the PROFIS
(Press Reporting of Fire Incident Statistics) methodology, implemented in R, to extract
reports from newspaper archives. The key objectives of the present study include: (i) to
conduct a spatio-temporal analysis of urban fire risk in India across different occupancy
types, (ii) to identify fire risk zones across different parts of the country. The study showcases
a spatio-temporal analysis of urban fire across India over the decade 2012-2022. The study
uses The Times of India (TOI) newspaper and follows a quantitative design where web-
scraping and spatial analysis are used to fulfil the research objectives. The scraping script
has been jointly created and modified by the authors, depending on the accessibility of
data on various parameters. The extracted newspaper articles have been processed in R
to generate workable .csv files, which further have been processed manually, to find out
the type of fire hazard, elimination of rural fire incidents, duplicate news, “fire” used as a
metaphor. We have classified fire incidents in ‘structural’ and ‘non-structural’ categories.
Detailed classification of structural fire incidents has been based on India NBC-2016
(National Building Code) classification: residential, commercial, industrial, mixed use,
utilities, recreational and special. Non-structural fire incidents include vehicular fires, fire in
undevelopable land (e.g., marshy land, forest area, lake, barren land) and fires due to social
cause(dowry, kidnapping etc.). Furthermore, we have conducted spatial analysis of urban
fire hazard in India using ArcMap 10.8.1. For spatial analysis, we have incorporated fire

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incidents in structural establishments and mapped fire density using Kernel Density tool.
Furthermore, we have used IDW (Inverse Distance Weighted) interpolation technique
for hotspot analysis. Using the PROFIS methodology has served crucial for extracting
fire incidents from the TOI. We observe a decadal decrease of 1.2% (2012-2022) in the
total reported urban fire incidents, with a corresponding decrease in structural and non-
structural fire incidents. A sector-wise classification of structural fire incidents suggests
that spatial and temporal variation of the same is highly dependent on the occupancy
type. Higher number of fire occurrences in has been reported in residential buildings,
followed by commercial and industrial occupancies. Unlike other sectors, vehicular fire
portrays a decadal increase of 1.9%. Few fire incidents due to burning of garbage have been
reported as well. Secondly, hotspot analysis of the reported urban fire incidents suggests
a concentration of high-risk zones around the major urban centres of the country. While
the majority of the country falls in moderately fire prone areas, high risk clusters have been
observed around Delhi, Mumbai, Bengaluru, Kolkata and Chennai. A detailed inspection of
the press reported fire incidents portrays inter-urban differences in the trends of structural
fire events. Finally, no significant seasonal variation has been found in the occurrence of
press reported urban fire hazard incidents. Since urban fire primarily takes place due to
man-made reasons, no significant association can be drawn between the month of the year
and number of fire incidents reported. The scope of the paper lies in its contribution to
supplementing fire hazard dataset in India. While forest fire has been discussed more in
existing scholarly works, the present study will attempt to fulfil the hitherto existing gap
of consolidated fire statistics in India. A detailed fire hazard classification will supplement
fire safety and management by identifying the worst affected sectors. The broader scope
of this work pertains to resilience building to fire hazard in the urban spaces, aided by
awareness generation and information sharing.

Urban Risk: An Inquiry City Risk Governance Framework of

Mumbai
Niti Mishra, Assistant Professor, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai

Cities with a huge concentration of people, physical and financial resources, services,
and dense interconnectivity implies a greater potential for damage from disasters. They
generate, and at the same time are affected by risks and vulnerabilities which continuously
challenge policy, planning, and implementation of disaster risk reduction interventions in
urban areas. By considering research from the point of view of disaster governance rather

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than management highlights spatial inequalities of urban areas and challenges of urban
governance in mitigating the impact of disasters. Existing studentships on megacities
and disasters have focused on the need for resilience, disaster preparedness, urban risk
reduction, and the importance of institutions and governance, as there is a need to examine
the disaster risk governance framework adopted by megacities to address emerging risks
and uncertainties. This study draws from the researcher’s ongoing Doctoral study and
examined disaster risk governance within the contextual setting of a metropolitan city
such as Mumbai. Over the year Mumbai has developed as a metropolitan and urban
agglomeration interconnected with several neighbouring cities. Disruption to this system
( generally seen as floods) results in not only economic but widespread social disruption.
The relation between disaster risk rooted in urban governance is well established and the
proposed study undertook a review of disaster risk governance, its practice, and knowledge
for urban areas that has been gaining prominence in the field of disaster studies. Studying
disaster through the governance lens needs an approach embedded in a societal context
that affects disaster management, related institutional actors, and varied mechanisms for
promoting effective management of disaster risk. The Mumbai case study on urban floods
has focused on the existing disaster risk governance context adopted by the city and the
multiple agencies that engage with risk and tolerate it. Following the recurrent floods
Mumbai faces frequently, the research followed a qualitative approach that uses diverse
methods for data collation and analysis with several key stakeholders. The study analyses
the existing risk governance through the integrated urban risk governance framework
approach for disaster management. The avenue of applying integrated approaches to
complex environmental problems, resource management, and to some extent in disaster
risk reduction (DRR) has been recognised. However, work remains on how better
pathways to integrate DRR with development and emerging climate crisis still remain
a challenge. Adding to this is the complexity of urban settings with their own set of
challenges for governance. Drawing from these arguments the study will analyse the
existing information from the perspective of integrated risk governance for the city of
Mumbai and its implication on disaster risk governance. The present study contributes to
the existing studentship on disaster risk governance of mega-cities. The understanding of
risk governance and its tolerability/aversion from actors (mostly government) will be an
attempt to contribute to the policy and practice of city risk governance. It strengthens the
discourse for the need to focus on urban risk governance experiences of middle and low-
income countries like India through the case study of Mumbai

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Considering Holistic Planning Approach towards Inclusive

Mobility: A Case of Ranchi city
Ashwani Kumar, Student, Birla Institute of Technology, Ranchi
Smriti Mishra, Associate Professor, Birla Institute of Technology, Ranchi.
Rizwan Kazmi, Assistant Professor, Birla Institute of Technology, Ranchi.

The consequences of 20th century industrialisation, urbanisation, and environmental

degradation, in developing nations like India have neglected the approach to inclusive
development. A successful city is people-centred and accessible in all aspects to all
individuals irrespective of their physical or socioeconomic status. In cities, poverty, and social
isolation are usually not the result of a single occurrence. This is driven by several variables
such as socioeconomic patterns, discrimination, housing access, the physical environment,
transportation, and social networks, and is frequently accompanied by institutional failures.
The need of the study is to comprehend this challenge by emphasising the importance
to construct inclusive cities designed to keep people at the centre. The study area of the
research i.e., Ranchi has been chosen because it is the capital city of the state. And because
of presence of the central business district in the core city. There are existing certain efforts
proposed in pan-city development projects for specially abled that have nothing to do
with the issues of universal accessibility in the areas surrounding the prescribed length and
junction. The methodology adopted is a mixed-method approach: literature review, case
analysis, stakeholder interaction (open-ended-questions) and online survey questionnaires.
Firstly a comprehensive literature review to develop an understanding of inclusive cities
and the aspects and parameters of the inclusiveness of people with disabilities is conducted.
The case study chosen in this regard is the Ward 18 of Ranchi city which is the major
commercial and business district along with major transit routes connecting various parts
of the city. The case study was split into two parts: The first stage was conducted on the road
stretch in Ranchi’s central business district. The second stage involved assessing pedestrian
crossing safety and signal systems at city intersections. The goal was to investigate
accessibility through the lens of the differently abled. The influence of municipal and smart
city initiatives on the attitudes of people with disabilities, regardless of socioeconomic level,
was investigated too. The findings of the survey states that there is nonetheless universal
accessible pedestrian infrastructures, public buildings and recreational/open spaces available
for all. Comparing and interpreting the findings of this survey on people’s perceptions of
a disabled-friendly city lays the groundwork for the evaluation of people’s perceptions,
allowing Ranchi to take the first step towards meeting the criteria for becoming a disabled-

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friendly city. The focus is towards an integrated approach for the development of accessible
infrastructures for all, which improves the inclusivity of the city as well as the opinions of
local authorities about the initiatives which are feasible and can be implemented in the city.
The proposals in this research project includes the redevelopment of the existing pedestrian
crossings (at grade), pedestrian signal at intersections, auditory signals for visual impaired
persons, kerb ramps, accessible bus/auto stands, mid-way crossings at busy land uses, multi-
functional zone (MFZ), etc. Also some policy recommendations have been made regarding
the signals and safe pedestrian infrastructures. This argument is based on genuine facts
from research based in Ranchi, India. This is based on the evaluation of a series of public
and semi-public buildings and places for people with physical and automotive disabilities,
intellectual, and cognitive disabilities, and worked with govt. officials and others to collect
ideas for the improvement of social inclusion for people with disabilities in Ranchi and
rate the importance and feasibility of those ideas in the field of accessibility to urban basic
services for all. The paper concludes with a discussion of beneficial local solutions that
acknowledge several levels of governance and their applicability within Ranchi and beyond.
The study’s findings will be of special relevance to architects and planners.

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 8
Urban Expansion and Rural Transformation

Land Use Changes in High Density Rural Areas of India

Sandeep Agrawal, Professor and Associate Dean, Graduate Studies, University of Alberta
Edmonton, Canada

This paper intends to document the nature and extent of land use changes occurring in
select rural areas of India. The exploration is limited to ‘urural’ areas, i.e., the rural areas that
are remote, far from zones of urban influence, but are experiencing increased population
pressures and density to determine if these two factors contribute to land use changes. To
do this, the study tracks changes between 2001 and 2020 to decipher the spatiotemporal
trends in land use changes in high-density rural districts in Bihar, West Bengal and Kerala
using GIS and remote sensing datasets. This study builds and expands the previous study
of the author. High population density is seen as a crucial attribute of urbanity. Thus,
one might expect that high density and population pressure would transform the spatial
organisation, land market, and housing and community needs of a rural area, endowing
it with urban characteristics. Vast regions that are economically and socially rural but
whose population densities qualify them as urban—which are identified as ruralopolitan
densities—have emerged in India, neighbouring countries in South Asia, and many parts
of the Third World. Among such areas are parts of rural Java, most of Bangladesh, central
Punjab and the Peshawar valley in Pakistan, the South Yangtze River valley in China,
the Mekong Delta in Vietnam, the lower Nile valley in Egypt, the islands of Barbados,
Jamaica and Cape Verde, north-east Nigeria, Burundi, and Rwanda. India loosely follows
the United Nations (UN) guidelines on rural-urban designations defining a rural area
as having a maximum density of 400 persons per square kilometre. Based on this, along
the Ganges River in India, on the route from Delhi to Kolkata, in Kerala, and along the
coasts of the states of West Bengal and Odisha, rural population densities are way past the
density threshold. This density criterion, along with two other requirements: (a population
of less than 5,000 and b) at least one-quarter of the adult male population employed in the
agriculture sector) forms the definition of a rural area in the Census of India. High-density

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rural regions are both a little-understood phenomenon and a distinct type of human
settlement. High-density settlements in the rural Indian context specifically are largely
unexplored. In contrast, in the Western world, the urbanisation of the countryside has been
more thoroughly investigated within the context of suburbanisation and urban sprawl.
However, a few scholars have examined the mixing of urban and rural areas in regional
contexts, particularly in Asia, generating insights on changing land and density patterns
in such locations. They have described this phenomenon through various terminology:
dispersed metropolis, desakota, in-situ urbanisation, rurban, ruralopolis or urural. The
method comprised three major components: 1. Selecting satellite-borne remote sensing
data (i.e., freely available, and with minimum cloud contaminated pixels); 2. Collecting
GIS datasets representing study areas (i.e., specific districts of interests in the states of
Bihar, West Bengal and Kerala in India); and 3. Navigating Google Earth datasets during
and after classification procedures, for referencing when required. We expect to find
changes such as a reduction in agricultural lands, an increase in built-up areas and bare
lands, and depletion in vegetative cover and water bodies. If all of this comes true, then it
means that high population density, population pressure, and economic changes in remote
rural regions are leading to significant land use transformations, essentially, turning them
into areas with urban characteristics.

Infrastructure Project Induced Expansion of Urban Margins in

Bihar: Rural Community Response to Land Acquisition in Rural
Urban Fringe
Rakesh Tiwary, Assistant Professor, AN. Sinha Institute of Social Studies, Patna

Rural-Urban fringe zones of Bihar are transforming at fast pace; impacts are more prominent
in the contiguous rural belts. Traditional rural society of Bihar, of late, is undergoing large
scale changes under the influence of modernisation and ‘catch up’ process driven by the
ideas and structures of developmentalism. Cities and towns are witnessing expansion of
transport & communications infrastructure in rural areas leading to changes in land use.
However socio- spatial changes induced by the infrastructure projects are not adequately
understood. For communities living in fringe areas, imminent urbanism has evoked
diverse responses in forms of allurement of new opportunities as well as anxiousness about
changes in livelihood, economy, social structure and community life. The community,
instead of being insular and resistant, have accepted the inevitability of development

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process and even is bargaining for maximising the private and public benefits. Decision
making is based on fuzzy and uncertain scenarios in context of unprecedented price rise
of land, increasing size of families, emphasis on current and urgent problems, insecurities
of regular income and others. Impact mitigation is being perceived, and hence negotiated
with ‘here and now’ perspectives on concomitant new economic opportunities. The paper
aims to analyse and discuss community views and responses to proposed railway transport
infrastructure creation and land acquisition in rural urban fringe of Lakhisarai town of
Bihar. Perspectives and arguments in the paper are based on observations made during
Social Impact Assessment Study entailing household survey among affected households,
Focussed Group Discussions among directly and indirectly affected people, discussions
with community leaders, young members of community, consultation meetings, personal
observations and study of documents and reports. The paper brings out community views
about the infrastructure project, impacts on land use and land market in urban margins,
livelihood, public amenities, family structure and other social impacts. Community views
and anxieties of future urban life have been discussed. Paper highlights expectations
from government and nature of mediation process between requisition agencies and the
community. The paper also highlights inadequacies in comprehending the ‘rural’ in rural-
urban continuum based on traditional constructs and argues for fresh, concurrent and more
nuanced insights, particularly from people’s perspectives. Social scientists have focussed
long on normative categories, i.e., urban and rural. Previous studies have drawn attention
towards long term harmful effects of urban expansion on rural society living in zone of
influence. There is underlying notion of ideal types and the research and assessments are
also restricted to categories of benign and harmful effects. The paper also argues that
more studies are required to understand how community perceive the space and their
positions vis- a- vis the city. There has been little effort on part of social scientists to
understand rural urban fringe from perspectives of community. The underlying factors
that influence community responses towards development and urban expansion requires
deeper understanding. Hence there is urgent need of social scientists to explore more with
insightful studies incorporating interdisciplinary perspectives. Participatory approach of
studies without baggage of old conceptual frameworks of rural urban fringe can only
reveal the ‘emic’ views of the people.

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Politics, Promises and Speculative Practices: A Case of Merger

of Rural Areas into Municipal Cooperation from Small Town
Dharamshala, India
Uttam Singh, Research Associate, Indian Institute of Technology, Mandi

The merger of rural areas and peripheries is a standard feature of expanding city administrative
boundaries. The primary rationale for the merger advocates planned urbanisation, improved
financial position and civic service conditions and boosting the economic potential of
the cities. In rural and peri-urban areas, land is available for real estate and expansion of
other infrastructure projects and land use zoning is not applicable in these areas, as seen
in the city regions and municipal areas. The merger of such areas not only complicates
the theoretical understanding but also provides interesting insights to understand how
cities in India display features which are hard to put in a neat category of legal or illegal,
authorised or unauthorised. The paper discusses how urban planning system restricts to
the interconnectedness of land use zoning and physical planning of the city. In doing so,
it neglects development and urban sprawl outside the city boundary that bypasses the
segregated land use. It explores speculation in land markets that relates to the objective of
capital gains from investment, and how Indian cities escape municipal rules and regulations;
how insufficient municipal arrangements of basic services design choices of people; how
local political agents, business communities and citizens provide a shape to Indian small
towns. The built form in small towns is built from scratch where well-planned areas co-
exist with haphazard growth – an unavoidable feature of Indian cities. Such growth is the
result of changing demographic growth, uneven economies, and new legislation to attract
finance. It presents an urban form that not only contradicts urban planning but also shows
that speculation cannot be restricted to global finance actors in small and medium cities
and towns. The paper uses Dharamshala, a small town in the western Himalayas, as a case
study to explore how in small and medium towns speculation practices are associated with
urban aspirations and aspiration of capital accumulation. The ethnographic insights from
Dharamshala explore the merger process of rural areas into municipalities and links with
local politics to regularise their structures, land price appreciation and fragmentation of the
social web of the city. It argues that merger is a way to get a political advantage, fragmenting
the social dynamics of the city and regularising the structures that are built in-between
situations of urban and rural. The built form that emerges in-between situations negotiates,
co-exists with legal and illegal and acquires a form. Ethnography as a methodology and
method is utilised to document everyday practices based on the seven-month fieldwork

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in Dharamshala Municipal Corporation, divided into 17 wards. A mixed methodology

used ethnographic data collection tools, including interviews, observation, discussion,
and visual documentation. The unstructured interview and observation followed to draw
a genealogy of different activities and processes. The paper argues that urban landscape in
India particularly in small and medium towns is emerging around the coordinates of land,
politics, state legislation, social dynamics and merger strategies of rural areas demonstrating
the importance of theorising urban transformation from the below. In small and medium
towns emphasis should be on the agency of residents’, aspirations of capital accumulation
and local politics in the production of space rather than focusing on the investment
strategies of private actors.

Becoming Urban: Dynamics of Census Towns in Maharashtra

Harshali Damodar Ghule, PhD Student, Indian Institute of Technology Bombay, Mumbai

Census towns are settlements that India’s census classifies as towns but are governed by
gram panchayat under the 73rd Constitutional Amendment. Census towns are emerging
as a key feature of India’s urbanisation. Census data shows that one-third of the urban
population, lives in census towns or emerging towns. Maharashtra is the fifth most
urbanised state in India, with a 45.23% urban population. According to the 2011 Census,
there are 35 districts, 355 tehsils, and 534 towns in Maharashtra. There were 251 statutory
towns in the 2001 Census, which increased marginally to 256 in 2011. On the contrary, 121
census towns in 2001 increased to 279, with absolute growth of 158 census towns in 2011.
The research aims to understand the spatial spread of census towns at the state level. The
research used two types of secondary data. The first is quantitative data from the Census of
India, and the second is qualitative literature on Maharashtra’s developmental and policy
evolution. It also included reports from the Planning Commission and reports on regional
inequality. The understanding of the development history of the state provides a foundation
for tracing urbanisation in the state. Literature review was done to find historical, social,
and political factors impacting development and urbanisation. The research involves a
quantitative analysis of Maharashtra’s urban data. State-level data was readily available,
but district-level data was collected from the District Handbook of the Census 2001 and
2011. The urbanisation data includes the total number of cities and census towns in the
state and their population. This exercise aims not to trace the history of urbanisation in
Maharashtra but to understand the overall development approach in the state. Considering
the broad historical aspects, development decisions made between 1960 to 1990 and 1990

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to 2010 are essential to understand today’s urbanisation trends and patterns in the state.
The term region has geographical and socio-cultural significance. The region allows us
to contextualise the urbanisation process at the local level. This research attempts to give
urbanisation trends in Maharashtra by using the framework of ‘region as analytic.’ The
important assumption for village urbanisation is that it cannot be a local process; it implies
multilevel policies, political decisions, and administrative strategies resulting over time.
Therefore, this regional analysis helps establish the core foundation of the overall pattern.
To reiterate, the urbanisation process in any village needs an in-depth understanding of the
state’s developmental history and local factors together. To understand the trends in village
urbanisation in Maharashtra, the spatial mapping of district-wise data of statutory and
census towns was executed using Arc-GIS using Maharashtra’s district and village shape
files. The proximity analysis was carried out by using the same tool. The spatial mapping
portrays the uneven urbanisation in Maharashtra. As the state development is deeply
skewed regionally, industries flourished in the Mumbai-Pune-Nashik triangle, resulting
in uneven urbanisation. Western Maharashtra has received the maximum benefit from
cooperative movements and canal irrigation. Villages around Maharashtra’s metro cities are
emerging as Census Towns. As per the Census definition, the continuous expansion around
the boundary that is ‘outgrowth’ is predominantly visible. Maharashtra’s Census towns are
forming clusters or agglomerations. Small villages around Census towns are also becoming
urban due to the spread effect; hence clusters of two or three census towns are visible on the
map. This research concludes that urbanisation cannot be studied as an isolated process; it
has to relate to the overall development process of the region.

Impact of Urbanisation on the Hills of Guwahati

Anisha Dey, SLWM Specialist, Water Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH) Institute, New Delhi

Urban growth is the rate at which the population of an urban area increases and urbanisation
indicates the increase in urban areas. According to the UN World Urbanisation Prospect
2018, in 1950, only 30% of the world’s population lived in urban areas, a proportion
that grew to 55% by 2018. The sheer magnitude of the urban population, haphazard
and unplanned growth of urban areas results in inadequate infrastructure and various
externalities. Some critical environmental and socio-economic problems caused by urban
growth are overexploitation of natural resources, air, noise, and water pollution, change in
micro-climate, and generation of large amounts of proliferation of slums. According to
Census of India 2011, the level of urbanisation in India increased from 27.81% in 2001 to

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31.16% in 2011; and the total urban population had increased more than ten times from 26
million in 1901 to 377 million in 2011. Urban growth is a recent phenomenon in North-
east India, which consists of seven states. There are a total of 9 cities in the entire North-
east region having a population above one lakh; and Guwahati with a population of 9.62
lakh, far exceeds the other eight cities in terms of population and urban growth. Guwahati
is the major city in North-East India, and is also known as the gateway to North-East
India, because of its strategic location connecting North-eastern India through a developed
transport network. The city is also the business hub and largest city of Assam as well as of
North-East. The population of the city has grown from 11.4 thousand in 1872 to 9.62 lakh
in 2011, registering a growth rate of 84%, much higher than any other city in the North-
Eastern states. The city accounts for 24% of the urban population of the state. The city is
growing rapidly to accommodate the increasing population. At present, Guwahati has a
population of 962334 in an area of 264 sq. km. and the hills occupy a total of 58.18 sq.
km (22%) and act as a breathing space for the city, which lacks in formal open spaces. This
rapid unplanned urbanisation has led to encroachment of its hills, wetlands, streams, and
forest; increasing vulnerability to many natural and human-made hazards like landslides,
waterlogging, and flash floods, etc. as well as an increase in man-animal conflict and threat
to biodiversity. In this research paper the analysis has been done by understanding the
regional settings of the area and the properties of the hills; doing primary surveys and
group discussions, followed by comparing decadal land-cover change, population change,
and the legal framework and governance of the study area. Through the impact matrix, the
impact of urban growth and human activities on the ecology of Guwahati was analysed.
And, the ecosystem services valuation of forest land cover aided in calculating the economic
losses happening due to the degradation of forest cover and increased intensity of disasters.
Furthermore, the legal framework of the study area was studied to understand the legal
framework and governance of the study area, as well as the jurisdictions of the different
institutions over the same were studied thoroughly. This study aided in understanding the
need of enhanced management’s ability to implement governance and the board’s ability
to exercise proper oversights. In the study, it was found that the Assam Hill Land and
Ecological Sites (Protection and Management) Act, 2006, is there for the conservation of
Hills and Ecological Sites. Still, it lacked a Governing and Executive body. The Hills were
under multiple jurisdictions and boundaries were not mapped, and this created conflicts
between institutions and restricted the implementation of rules and regulations. The study
concluded with a deeper understanding of the need for planned eco-urbanisation to handle
the impact of climate change, where environment and development go hand in hand and
every citizen has access to basic services, resilient infrastructure, and a clean environment.

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 9
Slums, Relocations and Politics

Slums, Housing, and Evictions: The Contested Domains of Law and

Human Rights
Piyush Poddar, Professional, Martha Farrell Foundation, New Delhi

Despite the fact that justice ought to be an integral part of the law and, unquestionably, is
its goal, law, and justice are, sadly, not always synonymous around the world. Even when
just laws exist, they are frequently ignored or applied only in certain circumstances. In
August 2020, a three-judge bench of the Supreme Court in M.C. Mehta v. Union of India,
2020 ordered the removal of about 48,000 slum clusters in Delhi. This order brings back
the discourse of “illegal encroachment” concerning slums in Indian cities. This position
is in conflict with the poor, their livelihoods, and their right to have adequate housing.
The role of the state is being questioned as it fails to provide the basics for its vulnerable
citizens. This paper attempts to critically analyse the current order of the Supreme Court
in M.C. Mehta v. Union of India, 2020 with respect to the Human Rights Violation,
lack of rehabilitation plan for the slum dwellers, elite bias in the order of the Court and
ignorance of the previous judgments of the judiciary on the subject. It presents the issue
within the Human Rights-Based Framework of development, considering the “Right to
Adequate Housing” as a human right and eviction as a violation of it. It makes use of the
study of Ghertner (2008) according to whom, in its pursuit of making Delhi a “world-
class city” spaces that appear polluting or unattractive (e.g., slums) which unfavourably
represent Delhi in its “world-class” pursuits, is being aggressively cleared even in the
absence of accurate information while developments that have the “world-class” look,
(e.g., Delhi Commonwealth Games Village) despite violating laws and bye-laws are
granted amnesty and heralded as monuments of modernity. It discusses the relationship
between social work and human rights, explaining why it is important for a social worker
to stand with the vulnerable community. It asserts this by arguing that the right to
adequate housing is an inseparable right when it comes to fulfilling the human rights
of the slum dwellers and since social work as a profession has human rights as one of its

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principles (as per the global definition) and its pledge to walk with the marginalised and
voiceless, the profession needs to stand with the slum dwelling community and work for
brining structural changes. It outlines the role of a social worker in preventing eviction
and working with slum dwellers (in the case of eviction), on their social, economic, and
psychological aspects of rehabilitation. It advocates for social workers to work within
the socio-ecological model (as developed by Urie Bronfenbrenner) i.e., working at the
individual, community, societal, and the policy level to bring about a change in the way
slums in India are looked upon by the state and its institutions. It recommends a three-
pronged strategy comprising of: advocacy, provision of services, and social work research,
for the social workers to work with the slum-dwelling communities. In the last part, the
paper emphasises the idea of the “Right to the City” and stresses its importance for the
nuisance discourse. It asserts that prioritising the housing needs of such a population
should be imperative for a state committed to social welfare and its obligations flowing
from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international conventions
and agreements and the Indian Constitution.

Strategies of Survival and Politics of Exclusion: Gendered Realities

of Urban Slums in Kolkata
Nandita Banerjee Dhawan, Assistant Professor, Jadavpur University, Kolkata
Sayana Basu, PhD Student, Jadavpur University, Kolkata

The thinktank behind urban development programmes launched by the Indian government,
such as ‘Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission’ (2005) and ‘Smart Cities
Mission’ (2015), has considered the urban poor to be the biggest impediment to the
materialisation of such projects. Slums are seen as an eyesore, and they raise concerns about
the safety, security, health, and hygiene of the urban elite. However, these ‘smart cities’ are
supposed to act as primary agents in the 2030 Agenda of the Sustainable Development
Goals, which focus on making cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient, and
sustainable for all. In the macro context of the discourse on ‘right to city’ amidst increasing
socio-economic inequalities, aggravation of ‘spaces of difference’ and ‘spatial purification
of cities’, the paper will discuss the gendered implications of the urban slums in the
existing framework of sustainability of cities. The objectives of the research are as: to study
how women in slums make gendered negotiations for survival and consolidation in their
everyday lives; focus on the physical, economic, and emotional strategies taken by women

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living in slums; to understand the challenges faced by them during the lockdown due to
the COVID-19 pandemic. The paper draws from empirical research done on women living
in two slums in Bidhan Nagar positioned in middle-class neighbourhoods. These are non-
notified slums but ‘recognised’ by the government and started as encroachments on vacant
lands by people coming from rural areas for employment opportunities or people displaced
from other sites in cities. Mixed methods were used for the study. In the first phase, a survey
was conducted in January 2021 with 136 inhabitants of the slums, comprising 101 women
and 35 men. Qualitative, in-depth interviews were conducted with 35 women in the
second phase of the study, which was conducted in September 2022. The study found that:
women have assumed greater, multiple, and time-consuming responsibilities in their daily
lives, with the double burden of productive and reproductive labour. There are clear gender
disparities in the labour, time, and resource inputs they put into household livelihoods.
They have always been pushed to the frontlines of poverty management; whenever in
crisis, as during the onset of COVID-19, women have significantly contributed to issues
of household survival and have been managers of violence. There has been little rise in
material rewards and entitlements, though a few of them are appreciated by family and
community members for being caregivers to their families, which serves as a stimulus
for them to carry on with their care work; during the lockdown, the community has
survived and received some relief because of voluntary aid and donations from different
quarters. It was evident that though charity, volunteerism, and philanthropy helped them
survive this crisis, they obscured the history and contemporaneity of structural inequalities
to a large extent. The glaring loopholes of unhygienic and disastrous living conditions,
poorly ventilated homes, no electricity, a lack of clean toilets and clean drinking water,
and healthcare systems for those living in slums were thus exposed blatantly, especially
in this period. The paper therefore points out that the scheme of smart cities launched in
2014, which is supposed to act as a primary agent in the process of creating ‘economically
productive, efficient, equitable and responsive cities’ to achieve the SDG in 2030, may
become just another ‘spectacle’ if we continue to look at the urban poor as an ‘eyesore’,
‘nuisance’, and ‘threatening’ for the safety, security, health, hygiene, and well-being of the
urban privileged middle class. It is important to realise the interdependence of different
sections of society and feel ethically responsible for bringing about gender equality and
sustainability.

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How the Occupational Diversifications Influence the Economic

Status of the Slum Dwellers: An Analysis in the Districts of West
Bengal?
Shashwati Banerjee, Assistant Professor, IIEST Shibpur, Howrah, West Bengal
Kishor Goswami, Professor, IIT Kharagpur, Kharagpur

The achievement of the first sustainable development goal concerned with eradicating
poverty necessitates analysing the economic status of the slum dwellers associated
with their occupational diversifications. A lack of research exists in understanding the
heterogeneity of the demographic and occupational characteristics of slums across regions.
The basis of heterogeneities primarily is the income variation associated with different
occupations across cities or towns which need to be addressed distinctively in research. It
is a well-known fact that urban migration by slum dwellers is driven by rural hardships for
better employment prospects in different industries of urban areas. But their occupational
profile after migration, particularly in the industries, is rarely studied. This dearth of studies
demands an in-depth analysis of the occupational profile of slum dwellers, particularly
in industries. Multi-stage random sampling is used to collect the primary data from the
industrial workers living in slums of the Indian state of West Bengal. The primary data
are collected through an in-depth survey of 320 respondents in the slum settlements of
four districts of West Bengal. The districts are the North 24 Parganas, Hooghly, Howrah,
and Cooch-Behar. A close-ended questionnaire is used to conduct face-to-face interviews
for the collection of primary data. The questionnaire is categorised into personal and
occupational characteristics of the slum dwellers to gather specific information about
their personal and occupational details. In addition, Focus Group Discussions (FGD) in
each slum were conducted with the primary earners of slums. Each FGD was attended
by at least 20 participants with a balanced representation in terms of age, religion, caste,
livelihood activities, and economic status. An ordered logit model is used in determining
their economic status which is categorised into three different types viz., poorest, poor, and
better. It was found that diversified economic status exists across industries and regions
of West Bengal. Being in a less developed district and distant from the metro district of
Kolkata, the industrial workers in Cooch-Behar are more vulnerable to poverty. Moreover,
their background characteristics portray a picture of sustained poverty across generations
which needs immediate policy interventions through employment opportunities and wage
increments. The industrial workers exposed to risks by working for more than eight hours
along with hard physical work earn higher wages which might be resulted in a higher

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average monthly per capita consumption expenditure. However, in the absence of proper
job insurance, these higher wages might be the opportunity cost of health expenditures
for the workers exposed to higher risks. The factors of religion, dependent members,
education, experience, types of industry, job tenure, salary basis, and districts are among
the significant determinants influencing the economic status of the industrial workers in
slums. The analysis of the unexplored occupational profile and associated economic status
of the Indian slum dwellers from the field survey is a more accurate representation of their
standard of life. Past studies on the livelihood of the slum dwellers have mostly considered
the socio-economic conditions but the significance of this study lies in modelling the
economic status of the slum dwellers based on their occupational characteristics along with
the individual, social and human capital. The novelty of the study lies in understanding the
heterogeneity in the industrial income of the slum dwellers across districts which has policy
implications in formulating industry-specific policies. An in-depth analysis of their socio-
economic background contributes to identifying the constraining factors that hinder the
improvement of the slum dwellers’ livelihoods.

Unravelling the Political Economy of Relocation, Resettlement,

and Inclusive Urban Infrastructure Development: A Case Study of
the Kolkata Metro Railway Extension Project
Tamoghna Mondal, PhD Student, Visva Bharati University, Santiniketan, West Bengal
Soumyadip Chattopadhyay, Associate Professor, Visva Bharati University, Santiniketan
West Bengal

This abstract summarises a comprehensive research study focused on the complexities and
challenges surrounding large-scale urban infrastructure projects, using the Kolkata Metro
railway extension project in India as a case study. The research aims to unravel the political
economy of relocation, resettlement, and inclusive urban infrastructure development
by examining the role of the subnational state, analysing resource allocation dynamics,
exploring power struggles among stakeholders, and considering the influence of legal and
regulatory frameworks. It also investigates the alignment or divergence of the Kolkata
Metro project with broader trends of infrastructure-led development and neoliberal
urbanism, taking into account political, economic, and ideological factors driving these
trends. The study encompasses four key areas of exploration. Firstly, it examines the role
of the subnational state in implementing infrastructure projects and addressing the needs
of low-income groups during the resettlement process. This includes understanding the

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strategies employed by the state to ensure the well-being and inclusion of these vulnerable
populations. Secondly, the research delves into the dynamics of resource allocation, power
struggles, and competition among various stakeholders involved in the Kolkata Metro
railway extension project. This includes government agencies, private contractors, and
civil society organisations. It aims to uncover the mechanisms through which these actors
negotiate, collaborate, and compete for resources, power, and influence. Thirdly, the study
investigates how legal and regulatory frameworks shape the behaviour and strategies of the
different actors involved in the project. It examines the implications of these frameworks for
accountability, transparency, and community participation, and how they affect decision-
making processes and outcomes. Lastly, the research scrutinises the Kolkata Metro railway
extension project in relation to wider trends of infrastructure-led development and neoliberal
urbanism. By considering the underlying political, economic, and ideological factors
driving these trends, the study aims to identify the project’s alignment with or departure
from broader development paradigms. The study employs a mixed-methods approach,
combining qualitative and quantitative methods. Qualitative interviews were conducted
with key stakeholders, including government officials, political leaders, community
members, and representatives from civil society organisations. These interviews provide in-
depth insights into the perspectives and experiences of these stakeholders. To ensure gender
equity and inclusion, focus group discussions were held with female community members
and core committee representatives. Document analysis was also conducted to complement
the interview data. The findings of the study emphasise the importance of involving low-
income households and communities in the decision-making processes of infrastructure
projects. When stakeholders are consulted and given a voice, their empowerment leads
to more effective project outcomes. The study also underscores the need for well-planned
and coordinated relocation strategies, such as the adoption of a single-phase and same-
day resettlement approach, which minimises conflicts and ensures timely relocations.
Furthermore, the research highlights the critical role of the subnational state in infrastructure
project implementation and funding, particularly in managing resettlement crises. It calls
for a redefinition of the roles of state agencies and local elected bodies to better address
the needs of vulnerable communities and improve governance structures. However, the
study identifies a significant shortcoming in the Kolkata Metro railway extension project—
the lack of provisions for differently-abled and unwell individuals. This underscores the
necessity of adopting a more inclusive approach to resettlement, which considers the
diverse needs and challenges faced by all members of the affected population. The study’s
policy implications emphasise the importance of involving low-income households and
communities in decision-making processes, ensuring the participation and representation
of women, implementing well-planned relocation strategies, recognising the facilitative
role of the state, and providing provisions for differently-abled and unwell individuals

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in resettlement projects. Future research directions include further investigation into the
effectiveness of involving low-income households and communities in decision-making
processes, a deeper exploration of women’s involvement, a detailed analysis of relocation
strategies, an examination of the roles of state agencies and local elected bodies, and a study
of provisions for differently-abled and unwell individuals in resettlement projects and a
study of provisions for differently-abled and unwell individuals in resettlement projects.

Socio Economic Vulnerabilities of Migrant Labour Households:

Evidence from the Slums in Delhi
Namita Mathur, Assistant Professor, Indraprastha College for Women, University of Delhi,
Delhi

The vulnerability and insecurity of the migrant population during the pandemic revealed
how the country’s social protection system does not meet the requirements of the migrant
workers who are a part of India’s informal economy. It also highlights the need for putting
in place sustained policy measures for generating robust data on migrant flows, showing the
characteristics of labour migration and improving the access of migrant workers to social
security schemes in order to maximise the developmental outcomes of migration. In this
context, this study makes an attempt to show the social security issues for the migrant labour
households in Delhi, which is one of the major destinations for migrant workers in India.
The main secondary data sources on internal migration in the country have been the Census
of India, National Sample Surveys (NSS), and the Periodic Labour Force Surveys (PLFS)
which gives data on the employment situation, consumer expenditure and migration. To
understand the key concerns of the migrants, a field study was carried out in two slums of
Delhi in 2018 to explore living and working conditions of the migrants belonging to the
vulnerable sections. The paper discusses the precarity of employment for the vulnerable
workers and the laws and policies meant for protecting the interests of the migrants.
The employment structure in Delhi has been examined to gauge the pattern of informal
employment for the workers in Delhi. Information was collected on whether they had any
written contract, paid leave or social security benefit. The figures reveal a very sordid picture
for a majority of the workers in Delhi. Many of them do not have any social security, legal
protection of their jobs and work under terrible conditions. Such workers suffer the most
in the event of any economic crisis as they are first ones to lose their jobs. It is imperative
to put in place a growth process that is based on the principles of equality and inclusivity
in the labour market outcomes. Some of the interventions need to focus on livelihood
protection for a large mass of the population. In this backdrop and in order to provide

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a more complete picture of the migrants belonging to the marginalised and vulnerable
sections in, the NCT of Delhi, field work was carried out in two slums of Delhi, namely
Kusumpur Pahari and Trilokpuri using convenience sampling. Some of the key questions
that were sought to be answered were regarding the socioeconomic conditions, the nature
of employment and living conditions of the migrants in the slums of Delhi. A majority of
the slumdwellers did not receive the minimum wages as mandated by the government. They
had little job security and very limited scope for an improvement in their condition. Often,
the migrants are excluded from various social welfare schemes of the government due to
a lack of residence proof or a lack of awareness of the social welfare schemes. Most of the
problems of the migrant workers in India are covered by law, as they are for other workers.
But, implementation of most of the labour laws has been limited. There is only one law,
namely, the Inter State Migrant Workers’ Act, 1979 that is specifically meant to protect the
interests of the migrant workers. However, the Act is poorly implemented. While social
security system has been expanded to cover informal workers, but migrant workers are
still outside as the institutional structure of these schemes is creating problems in being
accessible to migrants. This was prominent in the pandemic when the migrants were the
worst affected in the country. It was only in 2019 that the government realised the need for
One Nation, One Ration Card (ONORC) to bring about ration card portability. However,
studies have shown that despite the ONORC scheme, technology failures at FPS, fear of
stockouts and the unwillingness of PDS dealers to use any exception handling mechanism
in case of technology failure are some key reasons for denial of service. All these factors
point towards the complete lack of visibility of the migrants for decades from the policy
framework. There is an urgent need to develop strategies that reduce the vulnerabilities of
the migrants in the cities and help alleviate their miseries.

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 10
Mobility and Urban Planning

Two Tiers, One Vision: Understanding Perceptions and Challenges

of Active Mobility in Tier 1 and Tier 2 Indian Cities
Aishwarya Agarwal, Sr. Research Associate, OMI Foundation, New Delhi
Anish Michael, Sr. Research Associate, OMI Foundation, New Delhi

An efficient urban mobility relies on a robust public transport system along with the
presence of a well-designed infrastructure for active mobility modes such as cycling and
walking. Active mobility forms the backbone of Indian mobility systems with 42.0%
of urban households owning a bicycle and 48.7% of urban work trips relying on non-
motorised transport. Cycling is also the most sustainable mobility choice, making cities
more accessible to all, making cities more liveable. However, cycling in India faces numerous
barriers that hinder its widespread adoption as a viable mode of mobility. Factors such as
inadequate infrastructure, unsafe road conditions, pollution, and cultural perceptions pose
challenges to cyclists. Overcoming these barriers is crucial to promoting sustainable and
healthier urban mobility options in India.
This study explores the perceptions and disparities of active mobility infrastructure in tier
1 and tier 2 cities. It identifies the factors contributing to the disparities and the specific
challenges and opportunities for promoting active mobility in both tier 1 and tier 2 cities.
It provides evidence-based policy recommendations to enhance active mobility adoption.
This study uses OMI Foundation’s “The Ease of Moving Index: India Report 2022” which
encompasses nine parameters evaluated across 41 indicators. The methodology employed
for this research involved the collection of primary data through survey questionnaires
and focus group discussions. The sample size was determined to ensure representativeness,
employing random selection and stratification by gender, disability, and household income.
This paper will concentrate on parameters on how cities can provide and impetus to active
mobility, adoption of active mobility in cities, bicycle ownership in cities, use of active
mobility for first and last mile to access public transit, condition on pedestrian infrastructure,
mode share of active mobility, availability of bicycle parking at transit hubs among other
things. It will further identify factors contributing to the disparities in attitudes towards

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active mobility through correlational analysis. The preliminary analysis reveals several
noteworthy insights. Tier 1 cities demonstrate a better active mobility infrastructure. In
tier 1 cities, Pune-Pimpri Chinchwad exhibit higher bicycle ownership rates, indicating
the untapped potential for increased active mobility in these cities. Pune has proposed the
development of a robust bicycle infrastructure across the city, holding promise for fostering
greater adoption of active mobility. However, among tier 2 cities, Chandigarh stands out
as a frontrunner in promoting active and shared mobility due to its significant investments
in dedicated cycling infrastructure and a thriving public bicycle-sharing system. Certain
cities like Nashik, Nagpur, and Jammu (tier 2 cities) share of using active mobility to access
public transportation is higher compared to some tier 1 cities. The research paper on active
mobility infrastructure and its influence on commuters in tier 1 and tier 2 cities in India
seeks to contribute to the understanding of sustainable urban mobility. By exploring the
unique challenges and opportunities, this study aims to assist city authorities, policymakers,
and mobility service providers in formulating evidence-based strategies to increase active
mobility uptake. Ultimately, these efforts will lead to more inclusive and sustainable urban
environments, reducing emissions and congestion while enhancing the quality of life for
urban dwellers in India.

An Assessment of the Paratransit System in Delhi using

Confidence Interval based Importance-Performance Analysis
Jyotika, PhD Student, Symbiosis International (Deemed) University, Pune
Jyoti Chandiramani, Professor, Symbiosis International (Deemed) University, Pune

Transport is an essential connector that plays an important role in shaping communities

and economies, connecting people with each other as well as with places of work, leisure,
learning, healing. India has witnessed rapid urbanisation with the proportion of the
population residing in urban settlements increasing from 20% in 1950 to 35% by 2021.
It had the second largest urban population with 465 million urban dwellers in 2018.
Cities with more than 10 lakh population stood at 53 in 2011 with a projection of 87 by
2030. The capital city Delhi was the third largest urban agglomeration with 32 million
city residents in 2022. Cities contribute about 60% to India’s gross domestic product
(GDP). The high urbanisation rate in India has raised demand for mobility solutions,
with transport demand growing by almost eight times since 1980. Mobility is essential for
achieving sustainable development that ensures shared prosperity for all the stakeholders.

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Availability of different transport modes reflect a country’s level of development to a large

extent. Efficient and sustainable urban transportation is the key to ensuring sustainable
cities of the future. City planners have traditionally focussed on private transport,
neglecting the public transportation needs and infrastructure. The ridership of the mass
public transportation system is highly dependent on the quality and the time it takes to
access the public transit system. Access and egress are the weakest links in the public
transportation network. The growing agglomeration of the National Capital Region
comprising NCT Delhi, Ghaziabad, Faridabad, Noida, and Gurugram over the past
decade has seen high demand for intra-city movement where there is a high dependency
on paratransit options of cycle-rickshaws and auto-rickshaws. Paratransit is a travel mode
that differs from conventional transit in the sense that there is no fixed schedule and the
demand-responsive nature of the service. National Urban Transport Policy, 2014 (NUTP)
suggests that paratransit should be developed to serve a dual role – as a feeder service
in big cities with organised Mass Rapid Transit network and as a main public transport
in small cities. It has the potential to provide a safe, clean mobility solution with low
emissions. The present study seeks to assess the performance of the Paratransit System of
Delhi on 8 parameters of: availability, accessibility, reliability, safety and security, comfort,
affordability, environmental and technological considerations, using Confidence Interval
based Importance-Performance Analysis (IPA). The paper aims to address the research
question: Which service attributes of the paratransit system should the policymakers
focus on in the capital city of Delhi to ensure a sustainable urban transportation system?
The study was conducted in Delhi and a total number of 150 filled responses from the
questionnaires were analysed. The questionnaire required participants to rate the service
attributes on the importance they attach to each attribute as well as the performance
they perceive of the paratransit system on each attribute on a 5-point Likert Scale. The
collected responses were analysed using the IPA. The main takeaways are: The attributes
with high importance and low performance should be focused on by the policymakers to
increase ridership of paratransit vehicles and ultimately Mass transit. The attributes with
high importance and high performance should be maintained at least at the present level
of service quality. The integration of confidence intervals in the above analysis reduces the
variability of point estimates observed in different samples and helps the policymakers
identify strengths and weaknesses based on the considered sample. This study has policy
implications for the megacities in the Global South which are tasked with ensuring
sustainable development of the teeming millions.

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Sustainable Solutions for Effective Vehicular Mobility, by Means of

Parking Policy: A Case Study of Pune
Saylee Jog, Assistant Professor, Gokhale Institute of Politics & Economics, Pune
Surabhi Jaju, Director, Rustic Art, Satara, Maharashtra

The ever increasing demand for parking and its unrestrained supply necessitate huge costs
to the municipal corporations. Traditionally, the parking policy has involved planning
for an incremental supply of free-parking rather than effectively managing the available
alternatives. Urban mobility can be improved by limiting the parking supply, discouraging
the car dependency and encouraging efficient & increased public transport use.
Globally, roads are considered to be a public good. The specific use of a road is to provide
for congestion free mobility within the city. Therefore the use of it for the purpose of
parking acts as a hindrance to smooth mobility. In many growing Indian cities like Pune,
it is estimated that on-street parking takes up to 40% of the length of the road. This, along
with the rising number of vehicular ownership within cities and the lack of dependable
public transport services, together have contributed to increasing issues of urban mobility.
The limited availability of urban land further adds to the cost of allocating free on-street
parking and promotes its indiscriminate use. The aim of this study is to: 1. study the
role played by on-street parking and off-street parking in the existing mobility issues
and increasing travel time faced by residents. 2. analyse the current state of the road
policy/mobility issues plaguing the city of Pune. 3. examine the existing parking policy
implemented by the Pune Municipal Corporation (PMC), within the city limits of Pune.
4. gauge the willingness-to-pay of citizens for on-street parking, by conducting a bidding
game. 5. compare the rate arrived at through the study against the existing PMC rates and
make recommendations for smoother implementation of on-street and off-street parking
rates. This study has employed both primary and secondary sources of data. Secondary
data was in the form of the ready reckoner rates, which were referred to in order to arrive
at the land prices employed by the PMC to determine on-street parking. The parking
policy document of the corporation, along with other development plans of the city was
also referred to. Primary data was collected from the respondents to ascertain willingness-
to-pay for on-street parking. A questionnaire was designed aimed to capture detailed
socio economic information of the drivers, to evaluate the general responses of car drivers
on proposed on-street parking fee collection system. This questionnaire was circulated
amongst various car owners and drivers who frequent the road under considerations

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(Fergusson College road). The entire 2 km stretch of the road was covered at various hours
of the day to account for peak times as well as slack periods.. A consolidated database
was formed from the collected data and descriptive, statistical and economic analysis was
conducted on the same. This paper suggests a willingness to pay approach to obtain a
base on-street parking rate, which would not only be acceptable to the citizens, but which
in the long run, will also act as a deterrent to on-street parking. The optimal parking
rate calculated by using the formula recommended in Pune Parking Policy is ₹70/hour.
The willingness to pay study concluded that, while almost all the respondents reacted
positively to the proposed implementation of on-street parking rate, they were willing to
pay only up to a maximum of ₹20 per hour. Therefore, we can conclude that the PMC
proposed base rate of ₹60 per hour, with a 100% hourly rise, will most definitely not
be agreeable to the citizens. The study also finds that unless the provision of alternate
modes of public transport become robust and dependable, it will be very difficult for the
municipal corporation to charge a very high incremental parking rate. Furthermore, such
high rates will also find strong political opposition and therefore it will be challenging for
the administrators to implement such a policy. A comprehensive and enforceable parking
policy will nudge the citizens to consider alternate means of transport. Which could
result in reducing traffic congestion, improving vehicular mobility, reducing per capita
environmental impact, and aid in sustainable development of the city. Further studies can
be carried out on a larger scale to identify optimum parking rates in various parts of the
city based on their differentiating characteristics.

Evaluating Transit-Oriented Development as a Planning Strategy

in Indian Cities
Rijhul Ladha, Research Associate, India ZEV Research Centre, University of California Davis,
USA

Urban planning in India is a contested policy space. The development plans have a
large divergence from the city realities. The objectives of development plans remain
limited to land-use spatial planning overlooking the interdependencies of a city system.
The institutional framework for urban planning is in India is diverse and complex. The
discipline of urban planning has often transferred principles and concepts from the Global
North for execution in the Global South. Transit-oriented development (TOD) is one such
planning strategy originating in the United States and transferred to nation-states around

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the world. TOD can be defined as integrating land-use and transport planning to enable
more people to live, work, and play near the transit corridors. TOD has entered into Indian
urban planning paradigm with the push for building Mass Rapid Transit System (MRTS)
in cities and enhancing their operational and financial viability. The policy ecosystem at
the national level has reinforced emphasis on TOD through the National TOD Policy and
Metro Rail Policy in 2017. With this national push, multiple states and cities have taken
up the design and implementation of TOD in a retrospective manner for their existing
or under construction MRTS. But, the urban planning and governance institutions have
incorporated this strategy to varied extent and form in their statutory framework. This has
informed a diversified understanding of the TOD concept and shaped the policy discourse
depending upon the stake and interests of different stakeholders, including planning and
development authorities, mass transit authority, urban local bodies (ULBs), real estate
developers, and civil society. This paper contextualises such varied understanding of TOD
among involved stakeholders and its impact on policy design and implementation. This
paper arrives at the impediments in TOD delivery in India through a qualitative research
of two cities – Delhi and Pune; the former serving as the first city to consider TOD and
the latter implementing it at present along with an under construction MRTS. The research
methodology is qualitative using methods of semi-structured interviews, policy document
analysis, and direct observation. The case study approach aims to understand the contextual
setting better and bring out the enablers and barriers in each case. The paper presents a
detailed account of the concept perception, policy and regulations timeline, role of different
actors in shaping policy discourse, current status of implementation, and the consequent
impediments in effective delivery of TOD in India. The findings for the impediments are
grouped within governance and planning frameworks. The governance issues include the
functional precedence of planning and development authorities, TOD taken up as a new
revenue source for local authorities, fragmented nature of transport governance in urban
India, and linking TOD to accessing finance for MRTS projects. The planning issues
include TOD’s narrow conceptualisation and execution limited to a project level rather
than a growth strategy, densification-based approach proving unsuitable for core areas
in Indian cities and neglect of principles of accessibility and affordability around transit
corridors. These findings provide insights into the skewed focus between land development
and public transit in TOD’s design and execution undermining its mandate of improving
quality of life in Indian cities.

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Impact of Ride-hailing Services on Private Vehicle Ownership and

Intermediate Public Transport: The Case of Metropolitan Cities in
India
Ajay B. Krishna, PhD Student, Madras School of Economics, Chennai

The impact of ride-hailing services on vehicle ownership is a nascent area of research.

In developing countries like India where the adoption of private vehicles is intensifying
rapidly as a result of extensive urbanisation and rising income levels, ride-hailing services
can provide an alternative to conventional modes of public transportation. Since 2010
multinational taxi aggregators like Uber Technologies Inc and Ola Cabs have commenced
their operations in India, a market that was earlier served by traditional taxis and “Call-
for-Taxi” services. The two largest aggregators (Ola and Uber) operating in India boast
approximately 40 million monthly active users. The rapid adoption of ride-hailing services
can potentially deter the proliferation of private vehicle ownership and reduce on-road
externalities. Simultaneously ride-hailing services facilitate Intermediate Public Transit
(IPT) to operate seamlessly. This can also alter various urban transportation metrics
like travel behaviour, congestion, environment, and urban transport systems. Amidst
this backdrop, the effect of ride-hailing services on vehicle ownership warrants closer
examination, especially in metropolitan cities of developing economies like India, where
vehicle ownership rates are rapidly rising since the turn of the century. Existing literature
has largely focused on China and the US. Studies relating to Global South have been
very limited. Using a three-decade long panel data ranging from 1991-2020 on annual
vehicle registration, per capita Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP), Urban city level
population, and various city-level geographical and transportation system characteristics
obtained from the Ministry of Road Transport and Highways (MoRTH), EPWRF,
United Nations, and various city mobility and development reports; this study estimates
a panel-corrected standard error (PCSE) model with first differenced variables to avoid
time series non-stationarity and examines the differential effects of ride-hailing services on
private vehicle ownership and registration of intermediate public transport mode i.e., taxis.
Multiple models controlling for the availability of metro networks in the city, the existence
of mass rapid transit services (MRTS), bus and auto rickshaw ownership rate, population
density, and time trend were also estimated. This paper contributes to the existing literature
by analysing the impacts of ride-hailing services on private vehicle ownership (cars)
and intermediate public transit (taxis) independently. This will provide evidence of the
cannibalisation effect (substitution away from vehicle ownership and movement towards

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ride-hailing services) and value enhancement effect (income generation opportunity that
ride-hailing services provide taxi service providers) from five major metropolitan cities
(Bengaluru, Chennai, New Delhi, Kolkata, and Mumbai) in India. The results indicate a
statistically significant reduction in change in private vehicle ownership ratio with the onset
of ride-hailing services, contrastingly a significant rise in the adoption of intermediate
public transit is also estimated. The findings of this study will provide greater insights into
ride-hailing services as an alternative to conventional mobility choices. This can potentially
assist policymakers, urban planners, and mobility experts in efforts to regulate ride-hailing
services and potentially view it as a metric to slow down vehicle usage and delay ownership
rate, all of which can assist in attempts to decarbonise and decongest urban transport.

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 11
Urban Poverty and Inequality

Labour Market Inequality of Opportunity: A Comparative Analysis

of Brazil and India
Tista Kundu, Fellow, Centre de Sciences Humanities, New Delhi
Daniel Duque, PhD Student, Norwegian School of Economics, Norway
Christina Terra, Professor, ESSEC Business School, Paris
Valeria Pero, Professor, Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro

In recent scholarly discussions on social justice, there has been a growing consensus
that equal opportunity is a more desirable ideal than equality in outcomes. Inequality of
opportunity (IOP) has eventually developed as an alternate manner of inequality analysis
as a response to the arguments that have occurred around inequality. Where inequality can
be comprehended by looking at its root causes. IOP is the ethically problematic aspect of
inequality that arises from factors that are beyond the individual’s control and is referred to as
“circumstances” in the associated literature. This aspect of inequality is specifically described
as “IOP.” In this paper, we evaluate the same to compare wage earning opportunities in
the labour markets of Brazil and India over the course of the late nineties to the early
decades of 2000. In particular, we use the Brazilian National Household Survey (PNAD)
from 1996 and 2014, whereas for India, we use the Employment Unemployment Survey
from the National Sample Survey Organisation for the years 1999–2000 and 2011–12.
We take into account the unique “circumstances” of caste in India and race in Brazil in
order to investigate how these factors interact with additional established unfair sources
of inequality that happen to be prevalent in both countries, such as gender, geographic
location of birth, and the backgrounds of the parents. For the sake of making reliable
comparisons, we are going to have to exclude the people in both countries who are self-
employed and focus only on the relatively younger wage employees who are in the age
range of 18 to 45. In order to achieve this goal, we make use of the recently developed
regression tree methodology. This approach, which is based on the concept of machine
learning, identifies the key interconnections that exist between the aforementioned
collection of “circumstances”. According to our findings, the educational level of the father

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is the “circumstance” that matters the most across the entire time period, and this holds true
for both countries. But we also discover noticeable consequences of caste and race even in
the twenty first century, such as higher earnings prospects for “whites” in Brazil and “upper
castes” in India. This is the case in both countries. The effect of gender is more extensive
in Brazil than it is in India due to the differences in the two countries’ labour market
dynamics. But women wage workers who are members of social minority groups in both
nations are considered to be in the most precarious position, despite the fact that Brazil has
a significantly higher percentage of female workers in its labour market. The point estimates
of IOP provide further evidence that these countries may have a “contrasting trajectory”.
During this time span, Brazil experienced a significant reduction in inequality; yet, the
IOP nearly maintained its previous level. Whereas, despite a static level of inequality, India
depicts a marginal fall in IOP in this course of time, although it still stands worse than
Brazil in 2012. According to our findings as a whole, Brazil and India are both countries
with significant levels of IOP, where 27–30% of wage inequality is a result of some of the
most fundamental factors.

Multidimensional Poverty in Selected Indian Cities

Devarupa Gupta, Research Associate, National Institute of Urban Affairs, New Delhi
Ram Babu Bhagat, Former Professor and HOD, Department of Migration and Urban Studies,
International Institute for Population Sciences, Mumbai

The concept of poverty is often unidimensional, either from the perspective of income
or consumption, and its measures are widely criticised. Globally, it is difficult to compare
the money-metric poverty across countries because of issues like the adjustment for
currency exchange rates and inflation that influence the purchasing power. In recent years,
multidimensional poverty measures were developed to address the topic comprehensively.
Poverty can be defined broadly based on lack of income, education, health, housing,
empowerment, etc. Intra-urban variations based on work, housing, health, and infrastructure
services like drinking water supply, sanitation, drainage, solid-waste management, etc. are
evident in many cities. Thus, an intra-urban study on multi-dimensional poverty is worth
attempting. The study aims to: i. estimate the multidimensional poverty across selected
Indian cities, and understand the association of socio-demographic factors affecting
multidimensional poverty in these cities. The available data on eight selected cities from
NFHS 4 survey (2015-16) was utilised. The data provided information on the type of
residence (slum and non-slum), infrastructure and amenities, health, education, and socio-

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economic characteristics of the population for Kolkata, Delhi, Chennai, Hyderabad, Indore,
Meerut, Mumbai, and Nagpur. The OPHI developed a Multidimensional Poverty Index
(MPI) that compares acute multidimensional poverty for 109 countries in developing
regions. The global MPI estimation by the Alkire and Foster (2011) methodology is an index
that uses dual cut-off points. Similar to this method, Niti Aayog computed the National
MPI. India’s MPI has three equally weighted dimensions: health, education, and standard
of living, and represented by twelve indicators: nutrition, child and adolescent mortality and
antenatal care (health), years of schooling and school attendance (education), and cooking
fuel, sanitation, drinking water, electricity, housing, assets, and bank account (standard
of living). In this study, the indicator of ‘bank account’ was skipped from the calculation
as it was not appropriate to consider it an asset. A binary logistic regression analysis
was applied to examine the association of different factors affecting multidimensional
poverty. Among the cities, Meerut had the highest proportion of multidimensionally poor
population of 19.7% and the intensity of poverty was 43.7% with an MPI of 0.086. Indore
followed next with 7.7% of multidimensionally poor among the total population with an
intensity of poverty of 41.6%. Kolkata had a 5.3% of multidimensionally poor population
and a 41.5% intensity of poverty with an MPI of 0.022. Hyderabad (0.017), Mumbai
(0.012), Delhi (0.011), Nagpur (0.010), and Chennai (0.007) were ranked chronologically.
In most of these cities, education contributed more than 40.0% to the MPI except for
Chennai and Nagpur. The dimension of health contributed the next highest in the MPI.
Of the 11 indicators, less than 6 years of schooling and undernutrition contributed to
the maximum. In Kolkata, poor standard of living contributed to almost one-third of
the multidimensionally poor index. Unimproved sanitation facility was a major concern
(13.8%). Poor standard of living conditions made the highest contribution in Nagpur
(37.3%). Unimproved sanitation facilities (10.5%) impacted the most. The standard of
living dimension was the lowest contributor to the index in Hyderabad (16.8%). Poor
sanitation facilities contributed the highest for all except Meerut where the use of solid
cooking fuel contributed the highest. This study shows that slum households, bigger
household sizes, Muslim population, and SC/ST population were more likely to be poor
in most Indian cities. Variability across the selected cities in India on multidimensionally
poor population was evident. This clearly implemented that the concept of poverty is
inevitably different across cities of India and thus, the true extent of urban poverty is
difficult to explain when urban is considered as a whole. More emphasis should be given
to understand the city-specific situation.

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Access to Healthcare Facility among Urban Poor in Delhi

Swati Dutta, Fellow, Institute for Human Development, New Delhi

Traditionally, public health policy in India has been primarily focused on the rural sector,
which has a higher proportion of the poor and vulnerable people. Nonetheless, urbanisation
has exacerbated health vulnerabilities. The National Urban Health Mission (NUHM) in
2013, followed by the National Health Policy in 2017, played a crucial role in organising
urban primary care. This study aims to understand the provision of primary healthcare
facilities in urban poor areas of Delhi, a city experiencing rapid urbanisation and the
growth of underserved areas. It was found that an average Delhi resident spends 9.8% of its
household income on health care expenditure. The predominance of out-of-pocket financing
in Delhi, potentially for both outpatient and hospitalisation care, is a serious policy concern.
The Government of the NCT of Delhi introduced a four-tier healthcare delivery system
to cater to the needs of many unserved and under-served areas, especially in the slums and
unauthorised colonies. In 2021-22, Delhi had allocated 15.9% of its total expenditure on
health, which is almost three times higher than the average allocation for health by other
States. The objective of this study is to assess the accessibility, affordability, and quality
of healthcare services, as well as examine the factors influencing the choice of healthcare
facilities among the urban poor. The data for this analysis is obtained from the IHD-Public
Perception Survey conducted in 2021-22 as part of the Delhi Human Development Report.
The survey consists of a representative sample of urban poor areas in Delhi. The structured
questionnaire was used to collect information on accessibility, affordability, cleanliness,
waiting times, privacy, and satisfaction of users with healthcare services. The study utilises a
descriptive research design to assess the accessibility, affordability, and quality of healthcare
services, as well as examine the factors influencing the choice of healthcare facilities among
the urban poor in Delhi by using confirmatory factor analysis. The main findings of the
study indicate that the weaker economic sections have higher utilisation of government
health facilities and Mohalla clinics, reflecting an encouraging reliance on the public health
system. While this helps progress towards universal coverage of public healthcare facilities,
there is a need to improve the infrastructure and facilities within government health facilities
to ensure greater responsiveness and quality healthcare delivery. The study also reveals
interesting dimensions regarding the quality of care for health services in Delhi. Both public
and private facility users rate the technical skills and competency of staff equally, indicating
the provision of quality healthcare services. However, users of public facilities and Mohalla
clinics are more attracted by the lower cost of treatment, primarily due to belonging to lower

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economic strata. This suggests that public health services and Mohalla clinics are reaching
out to priority sections of the population. However, user responses also highlight concerns
about cleanliness, the surrounding environment of facilities, overcrowding, lack of privacy,
and long waiting times in public healthcare facilities. The analysis indicates that while
lower costs, treatment effectiveness, and provider competence continue to attract patients
to public facilities, concerns persist regarding interpersonal aspects of quality, including
communication, privacy, and waiting times. There is a need to strengthen primary care by
enhancing the quality of care at Mohalla clinics, which represent a powerful innovation for
delivering urban primary healthcare and should be expanded and strengthened. Integration
of Mohalla clinics into the government health system, particularly for diagnostics and the
supply of medicines, is essential for their effective functioning.

Understanding Multidimensional Child Poverty and Deprivation in

Urban India: Findings from NFHS-5
Sunil Kumar Mishra, Senior Fellow, Institute for Human Development, New Delhi
Vikas Dubey, Research Associate, Institute for Human Development, New Delhi

Although several studies have documented the association between child poverty and
deprivation and the resulting adult deprivation, few have tried to find out a one-to-one
association between different factors leading to multiple deprivation of children. There
can, in fact, be an array of factors and conditions which increase the risk of a child being
multidimensionally deprived today and in future; in turn leading to a loss of human
capital for the country. Over the period a lot of literature analysed the child deprivation
by using monetary and non-monetary measures. In non-monetary measures, many of the
studies analysed the child deprivation by using Bristol methodology and multidimensional
poverty index by multidimensional poverty approach and multidimensional overlapping
deprivation approach (MODA). While a lot of literature has discussed the multidimensional
child poverty at country level as well as at regional level, a very little has been written
on the multidimensional child deprivation in urban context. This paper analysed child
deprivation by using multidimensional poverty approach as well as the MODA which
focuses on indicators such as shelter, sanitation, water, education, food, health, protection,
and information in the urban sector. The study analysed the deprivation of children in
three age groups i.e., 0-23 months, 24-59 months, and 5-17 years. The paper uses the data
from the National Family and Health Survey (NFHS) undertaken by IIPS for the latest
round NFHS 5 (2019-21). The paper shed light on various socio-economic and geographic

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characteristics of the impoverished children in urban India. This approach recognises the
multidimensional aspect of child poverty by looking at the number of deprivations that
children experience simultaneously and the average depth of deprivation among the deprived
children. Based on the choice of parameters discussed above, the analysis is conducted in
five steps, as follows: First, the single deprivation analysis is carried out for children in each
age group presenting the proportion of children deprived in each indicator and in each
dimension in urban areas. Additionally, in this study, the profile of most vulnerable children
is drawn based on their demographic, socioeconomic and geographical characteristics,
including area of residence, mother’s level of education, sex of the child, social category of
household and others. Second, the deprivation counts the number of dimensions in which
children are deprived in urban areas. This gives an insight in the depth of multidimensional
deprivation among children in urban areas. Third, the overlap between dimensions is
analysed by looking at the different deprivations that are experienced simultaneously by
children of specific age groups. Fourth, the analysis of multiple deprivation indices i.e., the
headcount ratio (H%) (incidence of multiple deprivation), the average intensity (A%), and
the adjusted deprivation headcount (M0). The study found that the deprivation in terms
of nutrition is extremely high where more than two fifth of total urban children deprived.
The level of nutrition deprivation is found high for the scheduled caste children compared
to children belonging to general caste (11 percentage point higher). About one third of the
total children in urban India were found shelter deprived followed by one fifth sanitation
deprived. About 3 out of every 10 children in urban India were found information deprived.
The health deprivation among the child in the age group is high (one third) compared to
the other two age groups. Near to 5% of total children in the age group of 5-17 years were
deprived of education. Of the total children in the three-age group of 0-23 months, 24-
59 months and 5-17 years, respectively 74%, 75% and 59%were deprived of one or more
indicator. Among the major states, the BIMARU states showing highest deprivation. The
study recommends the targeted approach based on the pattern of deprivation.

Assessment of Financial Inclusion in South Asian Countries: A

Machine Learning Approach
Arya Chandra, Post Graduation Student/Intern, NITI Aayog, New Delhi
Radha Ashrit, Deputy Director General/ Joint Secretary, NITI Aayog, New Delhi

Economic growth reflects a country’s affluence, standard of living, and worldwide standing.
And one of the prime indicators of economic prosperity of a country is financial inclusion
(FI). FI acts as a bridge between savings and investment and facilitates greater participation

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of the population into the formal financial system. We recognise that financial success
depends on resource efficiency, strong institutions, infrastructure, innovation, technology,
and investment. The COVID-19 pandemic had ushered in unforeseen challenges in India’s
economic milieu, prompting government and policymakers alike to design and promoting
various financial inclusion programmes including digital transactions. Digital transaction
as a whole has made big strides and it is not limited to the financial sector. International
Monetary Fund (IMF) periodically releases data on economic variables, allowing scholars and
policymakers to assess the current state of financial inclusion worldwide. “The mechanism of
ensuring availability, affordability and accessibility is defined as financial inclusion. Providing
adequate and provision of timely credit to citizens, especially vulnerable and weaker sections
of the society at an affordable cost also forms part of financial inclusion, “ Rangarajan
writes. The assessment also assists policymakers in taking prompt measures to minimise
economic catastrophes that may cause citizen misery. A country’s policy instruments for
ensuring financial security for its population are numerous. However, given the enormous
variances in its population’s features, identifying the “right” instruments/instrument is the
solution. It is possible to create intricate mathematical models that can precisely recognise
these instruments. However, applying and adopting these instruments may be impractical
in practice because they require as many input variables as feasible. To assess the amount
of financial inclusion in the current study, we developed a Multidimensional Index that
considers the less-considered social and economic dimensions. Machine Learning (ML)
approach to implementing the dimensionality reduction technique, namely, Principal
Component Analysis (PCA), is used in this study. The PCA is a type of unsupervised
learning used in machine learning to reduce complexity. It is a statistical process that uses the
orthogonal transformation to convert correlated data into a set of linearly uncorrelated data.
The principal components are the newly modified features that identify major trends from
existing data by reducing anomalies. It is a well- known tool for Dimensionality Reduction
and Exploratory Data Analysis; specifically Factor Analysis. This analysis uses the data from
the World Bank’s Microdata Library and IMF’s Financial Access Survey (FAS). Based on
Sarma (2016), we create a multidimensional FI index by incorporating as many dimensions
of FI information as feasible using the most recent data. The three FI dimensions chosen
by numerous papers published prior: access (financial service penetration), availability, and
usage are considered. The FI’s strength is determined using a correlation matrix with other
proven FIs. The study will also compare the situation in different South Asian countries.
This will serve as a benchmark. We also examine the numerous aspects that may influence
access, availability, and utilisation through the perspective of various social and economic
factors. The results of the first stage indexing show that spatial outreach indicators are

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more essential in describing the availability dimension than their demographic outreach
equivalents. Given the population density in South Asia, geographic outreach would be
expected to play a significant role in explaining the availability. As an extension of the study,
we will document numerous initiatives and enabling policy instruments in various South
Asian countries.

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 12
Cities and Governance Initiatives

Building Middle Class Image in New Spaces of Market: Visual

Analysis of a Small City, Dhanbad
Juhi Singh, Assistant Professor, O.P. Jindal Global University, Sonipat

This paper aims to investigate into the visual representation and gradually creation of new
middle class personality in cities. Cities in India especially the small cities are evolving their
spaces and urbanisation has given space to many avenues of liberal market. This further
has led to creation of job market which redefined the Indian aspiring youth perspective
of education and its end goals. The idea of creating a life at par with global citizens,
especially developed countries now seemed achievable. This was ensured through rapid
urbanisation as lifestyle met a wave of change only when opportunities of consumption
were created through real estate development. It was made very evident that the space
with all its features like the built-in environment, the signs and symbols of landscape can
all be bought and sold. Moreover, space is an economic good. Therefore this development
was not limited to creating buildings materially only, but along with it a narrative of a
global citizen and consumer was also built. The purpose of this narrative creation was to
reach up to people from various class categories and make them conscious about their
class characteristics and further defining their consumerism. This was done not by defining
each category individually but an individualistic character was being created of whom the
characteristics resonated not with anybody’s class category particularly but with almost
everybody’s dream class characteristics which is being part of the ‘best’. This best was so
malleable that it got moulded in everybody’s aspirational picture. This selling of aspiration
through urban developments was done by using media as a mode. In early 2000s till 2016
this media was limited to spatial pictures mainly walls, hoardings and billboards either
outside or inside but it then was spread over the virtual spaces also. In this paper a small
city of Dhanbad has been explored through various pictures collected over years ranging
from 2013-2023 through physical as well as virtual spaces of the city. These pictures will
be analysed by using methods of visual sociology. Through analysis we have found the

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story of transformation of a small mining town of Dhanbad which has witnessed various
phases of urban growth over a century or so. However today along with the old ‘mohalla’
culture that has been in the city since ages we can also see new structures coming up there.
Thus we can find that a set of new structures have brought in a new kind of newness in
the lifestyle among the people of Dhanbad. One of the key findings in this journey of
exploration of the city of Dhanbad has been the recognition of various spaces of ‘market
and leisure’. Through these market places and their advertisements like simple taglines
on social media or hoardings in physical space depiction of what a global lifestyle looks
like is done. Hence, the idea that a space produces its own symbol of spectacles attracting
every strata of population to aspire and also to own that lifestyle becomes very prevalent
in Dhanbad too. Therefore a sense of ‘new middle classness’ in these new market hubs of
Dhanbad is created, which defines middle classness as global hence aspirational but also
achievable through consumption.

Transformation of Ghaziabad from a Mandi Town to an Industrial

City
Rachna Mehra, Assistant Professor, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar University, Delhi
Pritpal Randhawa, Assistant Professor, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar University, Delhi

The imagination of cities through the ages has been associated with the aspiration of
progress and upward mobility (despite the attendant social ills and problems) whereas the
vision related to the building of towns is mostly defined in terms of its demographic growth
or functional requirements. In today’s parlance, the prefix of ‘small’, ‘medium’ or ‘large’ is
used to specify the size of a town based on urbanisation trends and occupational status.
The paper will focus on the case study of Ghaziabad, a city in Uttar Pradesh lying in the
proximity of National Capital Region. The research objective is to look at the co-relation
between the process of urban planning and industrialisation which is often assumed to be
in tandem with the demographic growth of town but may not be necessarily true. There
is a notable scholarship on small and medium towns, and industrial urbanisation in India.
While one set of studies is anchored towards comprehending the nature of urbanisation
and challenges faced by the small and medium towns where industries are located, the
other kind of research focuses on deciphering the pattern of industrial growth. Barring
a few exceptions, we often find a gap that connects industrial urbanisation of small and
medium town to the process of urban planning. In some cases, planning is often seen as an

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afterthought to stem the sprawl caused by industrial growth. While this may not be true
of planned industrial townships, where planning precedes the growth of the town Bhilai,
Durgapur, Rourkela etc., the case study of Ghaziabad may be indicative of the former
trend. The paper argues that the present challenges of Ghaziabad are rooted in the post-
independent history of transformation of Ghaziabad from a Mandi town to an industrial
town. It aims to examine the following questions: 1) What were the factors of transforming
Ghaziabad from a Mandi town into an industrial town? 2) What is the interrelationship
between industrialisation, urbanisation and planning in Ghaziabad? The data for our study
is taken from master plan of Delhi and Ghaziabad, economic census and information
published by government departments like Ghaziabad Development Authority and
UPSIDC. The older residents have also been interviewed to get a sense of public memory
about the place. As regards methodology, the scholarship on small and medium towns and
industrial urbanisation is usually based on quantitative research methods. The quantitative
analysis drawn from macro data is an important source for providing a larger framework for
studying cause and effect relationships but this normative understanding often overlooks
other pertinent issues arising from underlying socio-economic-political processes. This
paper draws insights from interdisciplinary approaches of political economy, historical
study of cities (including archival research and oral history), and spatial analysis with a
combination of related methods. The key findings emerging from our research thus far
is that Ghaziabad in the pre independent period was primarily a Mandi town (known
for food and vegetable market). In the post 1947 period, the population increased
significantly owing to the displacement of people from Punjab. At this stage, a number of
manufacturing units were set up by private entrepreneurs who came from West Punjab or
Pakistan. The state government was not actively involved in setting up industries at this
stage; but from 1962-1971, there was planned acquisition of land for setting up industries
as well as residential areas. The Improvement Trust was established in 1960 and it played
a key role in addressing the housing issue. However, the concerns arising out of urban
planning remained disengaged with the industrial expansion in the city. We will conclude
on what lessons can be drawn from the industrial transformation of Ghaziabad which
will be useful for sustainable and inclusive urban development in other small and medium
towns in India.

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Knowledge, Perception, and Participation in the Making of Smart

Cities: A Case Study of Chandigarh
Neetika Mahajan, PhD Student, BITS Pilani, Pilani
Sailaja Nandigama, Professor, BITS Pilani, Pilani

The smart city concept has been perceived as utopian all over the world. The understanding
and perceptions of the smart city concept are variable among the stakeholders. This may point
towards the varying situated knowledge of the stakeholders. Accessibility and inclusiveness
in smart city development are dependent on the quality of participation of these stakeholders
and actors across different levels. Past researches indicate that stakeholder perceptions and
participation (including citizens and other stakeholders) through knowledge, freedom,
and innovation act as potential tools for the improvement of the economy, liveability, and
sustainability of any region. There are a number of innovative and technology-oriented
projects that are being used to build 100 smart cities in India. The intention of the smart
city mission in India is to create data-driven sustainable development. Various Pan City
projects under the smart city mission have created a huge volume of digital data. Various data
transparency initiatives are also considered for improved citizen awareness. However, it is
imperative to understand the level of understanding, perception, and quality of participation
among the stakeholders in these smart cities to assess their functionality. As part of this
research, a conceptual and analytical framework is formulated to inspect the knowledge,
perception, and quality of participation. A thorough assessment of Chandigarh smart city
using this framework was taken up to achieve the following objectives: 1. To know actors’
and other stakeholders’ understanding, conception, perception, and experiences of smart
cities. 2. To understand how actors and other stakeholders are involved in the planning
process of smart cities in India in general and in Chandigarh in particular. 3. To understand
the power and agency dynamics of different stakeholders/actors in decision-making
related to smart cities. To undertake this exploratory research, an ethnographic qualitative
and quantitative methodology was used to examine the knowledge, power, and situated
practices of participation among various stakeholders of smart cities. The stakeholder
responses regarding this research were collected through a structured questionnaire with
a combination of objective and subjective questions. Purposive sampling method was used
for data collection from 227 respondents. The study finds that not only do the citizens
of Chandigarh have a limited understanding of smart city concepts and the mission, but
also, they have limited awareness and agency to participate. Various modes of stakeholder
participation used in Chandigarh were assessed by us to find the quality of participatory

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practices put in place. The research also captured the variations in responses with respect to
regional and economic demographics. This research highlights how limited knowledge and
participation in the smart city missions adversely impact citizens’ services and their overall
smart city experience.

Spatial Transformation of Temple Towns in Response to

Urbanisation in India: A Case of Thrissur
Varsha Vinod, PhD Student, Birla Institute of Technology, Mesra, Ranchi

Religion and culture have highly contributed to the development of religious towns,
immensely influencing their town planning and course of development in the modern
era of urbanisation and globalisation. Temple towns of India have been the cultural and
religious centres exhibiting immense values, cultural festivities and social interactions that
have undergone drastic transformation due to urbanisation — positive as well as negative
impacts. Urbanisation has brought about changes in any given aspect of society — social,
economic, cultural, physical, technological and environmental. The process of urbanisation
has had its positive and negative impacts on historic towns, most of them having similar
and comparable experiences. Considering the case of temple towns, it can be noted that
there is a shift in the original role of the town accompanied by tremendous economic
pressure, loss of heritage values, change in urban morphology, inadequate floor space for
residential or commercial activities, lack of knowledge and sensitivity etc. A detailed study
and assessment on the evolution and development of the temple towns will guide the future
development strategies and guidelines that will be implemented in the heritage towns for
further growth and sustainable development. Sustainable development has become the
need of the hour considering the path of development being followed majorly due to the
effect of industrialisation and urbanisation aiming to improve the quality of human life.
Culture and heritage are not only part of history but can also act as catalysts for future
sustainable development. They can be linked to numerous sustainable development goals,
set out for the upliftment of countries and settlements ranging from improving livelihood,
health, education and wealth, at the same time contributing towards clean and affordable
energy through conventional means. Cultural heritage also has the power to unite
communities together to influence and uplift the settlement for a better tomorrow. This
study investigates the evolution of temple towns in response to urbanisation with a case
study of Thrissur, Kerala, India. The primary objective is to understand the changing role
of the temple town through a case study of Thrissur and assess the current urban fabric,

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existing cultural heritage and social aspects. A comprehensive approach that includes the
study of the evolution of the temple town of Thrissur, an assessment of the existing scenario
of its urban and built form highlights the external influence on the temple town of Thrissur,
and how the urban core transformed itself in response to urbanisation at settlement and
street level. A combination of assessment techniques that include chronological, spatial,
visual and activity mapping, semi-structured interview with the experts and a few residents
has been adopted. As per various cultural literatures, the temple town of Thrissur had
existed in the second century with Vadakunnathan temple at the centre of the settlement
and scared grooves. The expansion of the temple town from the 18th century to the present,
highlights that the major spatial expansion and transformation of the towns had taken
place from the 19th century. This expansion has not only led to spatial growth but shows
key variations in the economic, infrastructural, housing and commercial patterns as well.
Migration to neighbouring towns in search of better economic and infrastructure can also
be observed in a significant temple town, such as Thrissur which was a prominent centre in
terms of culture, art, literature, educational and institutional importance. The present urban
fabric is a mixture of historic and contemporary architecture with no specific restrictions to
maintain the heritage character of the town, which has disrupted the historical and aesthetic
value. Due to the sentimental value of residents, there are certain urban pockets that still
retain cultural and morphological value. The activity mapping reveals that the economic
and residential patterns have evolved over time, but in a radial manner along the streets.
The narrow lanes were designed for the 1900s, and hence traffic management becomes
one of the major challenges. This study paves way for strategies and recommendations for
heritage precincts and zones at an institutional, physical infrastructure, economic and social
level for the conservation and development of the temple town. The cultural heritage acts
as a catalyst in the future proposals, that bind the community, government and heritage, for
inclusive and integrated development.

Social Inclusion Through Online Community-Building: Lessons

from Academia
Kyle Dost, Director- Online Program, University of Florida, USA

At some point we all have, or will, belong to an online community. Whether for social media,
access to a QR code menu, ordering a meal, academic classes, or booking a flight – online
communities are here and more solidified than ever. How can be we be more inclusive of
these semi- or totally-anonymous individuals? What happens when they no longer wish to

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remain anonymous, but instead desire to build a community based on repeated exposure,
experience, or pure desire to belong to a certain sense of place? This abstract and narrative
explore those following themes through the lens of an academic program: the fully-online,
graduate-level Master of Urban and Regional Planning degree program at the University
of Florida. First, people in online communities find themselves there because they initially
and ultimately want to be there. This is a ubiquitous notion and a worldwide phenomenon.
We think here of online ordering – find a QR code, scan, order, pay, delete. But what
about those who remain? The ones who re-order or find themselves a repeat participant?
Academia is, without any doubt, a unique online environment. It is reliant upon both active
and passive online engagement. Active engagement can be considered any interactions
that are real-time, including things like face-to-face meetings, instant chat/messenger,
and phone calls. But online engagement also relies upon passive engagement tools, such
as course submission and email. Creating, fostering, and building an online community
in academia has led to a number of lessons learned and best practices. Below are some
common threads as a framework for inclusion of an online community, through the lens
of academia: The existence of a supporting community Our existing campus community
welcomed our online community within its confines of events, speaker sessions, etc. It takes
a champion of the online community to carve space into live speaker sessions, events, and
other large moments of celebration. However, there is always celebration to be found, no
matter the group! A variety of platforms for different diversity There are, of course, primary
platforms through which assessments are submitted, evaluated, and assessed. The key to
keeping individuals – particularly students – involved and engaged is through diversity
of assignments and tasks. Field opportunities abound, and many students are interested
(e.g. Puntacana study abroad 2023). Other approaches include non-voluntary occasional
meetings, check-ins, and town halls. While it isn’t fair to expect instructors to hold these
sessions weekly, it is encouraged that they happen multiple times in the semester and are
previous planned; Finally, there is the recognition of non-sanctioned media platforms.
This includes platforms like Discord, Facebook Messager, WhatsApp, and others. The
heightened scrutiny of these platforms may cause initial concern, but are ultimately just
a way for those community members to share information candidly, without penalty.
Acknowledgement of legitimacy Many online communities were deemed – official or
vernacularly – unofficial for many of the last years. However, since COVID-19 shifted
almost all daily life online, we have seen increased legitimacy in tasks like service, working
from home, and education. Our online Master of Urban and Regional Planning degree
program is the first and only accredited online MURP in the United States. We have strived
to earn legitimacy not only though quality online education, but also through accreditation;

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prestigious alumni; and esteemed alumni and instructors. Recognition of community value
Online communities exist even after devices are shut down. This may seem apparent, but it
is crucial to acknowledge especially for those who may be under privileged without “data”
or “cell” reception. Indeed, these individuals still make their presence known through their
online communities (e.g. Puntacana VERON research findings). Further, these individuals
require continued engagement and involvement; the expectation has risen from purely
active engagement to inclusion during passive engagement. Overall we can see – through
case studies like MURP online – that the valuation of online community engagement has
increased in years past. We have seen that these participants not only value online platforms
and spaces, but also value live interactions amongst fellow online members as well as in-
person colleagues. A recognition of their community is a baseline supportive mechanism
for their inclusion in more complex and diverse community-building in academia.

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 13
Urban Geographies, Social Identities and Segregation

Whither Inclusive Urbanisation in India? Religious Segregation

and Exclusions in Indian Cities
Abdul Shaban, Professor, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai

Indian society is characterised by significant horizontal (religious, regional, linguistic)

and vertical (income, occupation, caste) divisions. These socioeconomic fragmentations
significantly shape the production of spaces in Indian cities. In fact, all the major cities in
the country are pervaded by socio-spatial divides, which often become sources of conflict,
violence, exclusion, as well as of solidarity. The socio-spatial divides pervade Indian cities
at different scales depending on the size of the cities. They also vary as per the regional
socio-political contexts. The rise of polarising political ideologies in recent decades has
also intensified the socio-spatial exclusion of some religious communities, like Muslims.
Recent studies have shown that the divide between Muslims and Hindus in Indian cities
has been deepening. The religious segregation in some megacities is even sharper than
those based on castes and tribes, and are more widespread. The spatial divide also leads
to labour market discrimination, and even metaphorical de-territorialisation. The spatial
segregations considerably undermine the possibility of achieving SDG-11, sustainable
cities, and communities. Although, the segregation and exclusions have been well-known,
due to the lack of data on the distribution of religious communities at the micro-spatial
units, like wards, has been a barrier to an objective understanding of the expanse and
degree of the socio-spatial exclusion and segregation of Muslins at different scales of urban
hierarchy by regions. The present paper using the electoral list of 2018 attempts to fill this
gap in the research by examining the socio-spatial exclusion at in two megacities (Mumbai
and Delhi), two tier-2 cities (Hyderabad and Bangaluru), and two tier-3 cities, Bhagalpur
and Ujjain. We have examined the exclusion using polling booth level data at the Assembly
Constituency level and then pooling the data of polling booth levels have examined the
socio-spatial exclusion at the city level. The selection of the cities has been mostly from the
western and northern flanks of India which have been prone to more communal violence.
The methods used in the analysis are the dissimilarity index, isolation index, and entropy

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index. The results of the analysis show that there exists severe religious segregation in
Indian cities depriving the communities and individuals of access to the labour market and
housing, as well as the use of public spaces. With regard to social sustainability, governance
remains the key concern. The politics based on religion often weaken the democratic and
other state institutions safeguarding communities, socio-cultural diversities, equality, justice,
and liberties. Many researchers have enumerated and examined the communal violence
between Hindus and Muslims in India since the 20th century, especially in the light of the
divide-and-rule policy of the British and the rise of ethnic politics. They demonstrate that
cities remain the most vulnerable places of religious divide, exclusion, and violence. The
post-colonial India needs to learn from history and strengthen the institutions promoting
democratic and inclusive social development. It is said that the sustainability of Indian
cities has been debated on many counts like water supply, mobility, pollution, etc. Achieving
social inclusion and sustainability (SDG-11), remain another major challenge for Indian
cities.

Experiencing Stigma: Narratives from a Leprosy Colony in Western

Odisha
Madhumita Biswal, Assistant Professor, Sambalpur University, Burla

Erving Goffman (1963) in his book Stigma, catalogues about three different kinds of
stigma: such as bodily, moral and tribal stigma. These three kinds of stigma are described
by Goffman as firstly, ‘abominations of the body-the various physical deformities’;
secondly, ‘blemishes of individual character’; and thirdly, the ‘stigma of race, nation and
religion’, ‘transmitted through lineages and equally contaminates of members of a family’.
Highlighting the importance of ‘territorial stigmatisation’, Loic Wacquant (2007) draws our
attention to Goffman’s omission of the place of residence as one of the markers of stigma.
He terms the stigma attached to place of residence as ‘territorial stigma’. According to him,
though territorial stigma ‘displays properties analogous to those of bodily, moral, and tribal
stigmata’, even as it ‘sports distinctive properties of its own’. Given such categorisations
of stigma as mentioned by Goffman and Wacquant, how does one understand stigma
encountered by Leprosy affected people? Is the stigma faced by Leprosy affected people
limited to bodily stigma alone? Or do they simultaneously encounter different kinds of
stigma in their everyday realities? Do the life narratives of leprosy affected people suggest
varied experiences of stigma in accordance to their social and spatial locations? The paper
draws on an ethnographically grounded study, conducted in a leprosy colony in the Burla

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City of Western Odisha between 2022-23. Tracking the life narratives of people affected by
Leprosy, the paper argues that the once the visible signs of leprosy of rural inhabitants comes
to the public knowledge, on most occasions, they are left with no option than migrating to
cities in order to escape stark forms of humiliation and stigma associated with the disease.
However, in the cities, they are subjected to different regime of marginality which relegates
them to live in ghetto in leprosy colonies. The leprosy colonies have emerged as isolated
territories, resided by the leprosy affected people and their immediate relatives, who are
considered to be the refuse or the rejected of the society. Such ghettoised living on the one
hand while gives a sense of community feeling and a shared identity among the leprosy
affected people; on the other hand it also inscribes forms of marginality which disconnects
them from the mainstream economies of the city. Hence, begging remains the predominant
mode of living for the leprosy affected people. In such scenario, one can perceive that for
the leprosy affected people of the leprosy colonies, the bodily stigma is not experiences in
isolation. Rather, bodily, moral, tribal and territorial stigma are experienced simultaneously.
Further, in the sociospatial constellation of leprosy colony, the inhabitants often claim to be
giving primacy to their shared stigmatised identity of “rogi” over caste division. Contrary to
such claim it is found that though the inter-caste unions among the inhabitants of leprosy
colony have made it possible for the Caste-Hindu groups to project them as casteless, the
Dalits are often kept out of such casteless identity. The retention of Dalit identity even
within the leprosy colony, has subjected them to another layer of stigmatisation within the
colony. The paper also highlights that the stigma of leprosy is experienced very differently
as per gender location of the diseased.

Moral Geographies of Sex Work: Producing and Governing

Northeast India’s Only Red Light Area for Brothel-based Sex Work
in Silchar, Assam
Tridib Mukherjee, PhD Student, Indian Institute of Technology Guwahati, Guwahati

Red light areas have historically existed in a number of locales across the world globally.
Many of these red light areas are located in the bustling tourist and commercial circuits of
the cities, drawing in clients from far and wide, financially sustaining a wide range of actors,
and creating their own ecosystems and networks that go beyond sexual performance alone.
In this paper, we have studied Northeast India’s only red light area for brothel-based sex
work in Silchar, Assam. Popularly known as Silchar Choddo Nombor, the red light area
has been an integral part of the town’s identity. It helps one to identify a part of the Silchar

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town as a clearly delineated urban sexscape. Other than the Silchar-based clientele, the
area draws in a large number of clients from other parts of South Assam and Tripura. Sex
workers residing here come from the different parts of the Northeast, West Bengal and the
neighbouring country of Nepal, in addition to the sex workers who are from the vicinity of
Silchar. The Choddo Nombor is located in the bustling commercial centre of the town —
Premtala. Yet, the sexscape and its history, which traces back to the Second World War, has
been obfuscated in the local histories of Silchar. This is because the red light area is coded
as an immoral geography, reflecting the marginalisation, otherisation and stigmatisation of
its sex worker subjects. This paper brings out the complexities of governance of a red light
area as an immoral geography. It is based on my ongoing fieldwork in Silchar as a part of my
PhD project that looks at the intersections of space, morality and resistance in the context
of Silchar Choddo Nombor. The aim of this paper is twofold. The first is to investigate
the processes through which Silchar Choddo Nombor is simultaneously produced as an
immoral geography and a ‘zone of tolerance’. Despite legal ambivalence around sex work
in India and despite the various demands to shut down the brothels, often coming from
various civil society groups of Silchar, the area has continued to exist for close to eight
decades now. As such, it has emerged as a tolerance zone for sex work. The paper draws on
interviews with the municipal authorities, health officials, anti-trafficking NGO (Prajwala,
Silchar) and the police to document the diverse, and sometimes conflicting notions about
sex work and Choddo Nombor. In doing so, it reflects on the discourses about sex work,
the red light area, and its sex worker subjects among the various stakeholders closely linked
to the governance of this urban sexscape and an immoral geography. The second objective
is to investigate the policies and practices through which this red light area is governed. In
the absence of a legal-institutional recognition for sex work as work, the paper investigates
the role of the National AIDS Control Organisation (NACO) and the police in the
governance of Silchar Choddo Nombor. It documents the various practices through which
this such governance unfolds, and the impediments that sex workers as urban invisibles
have to face because of the nature of this governance. Through a series of interviews with
a number of sex workers, health officials and police officials, we have traced the changes in
the practices of governance of Silchar Choddo Nombor in the light of the 2022 Supreme
Court judgement on sex work. In the judgement, the court had directed the state to create
“conditions conducive for sex workers who wish to continue working as sex workers with
dignity” and ensure “sex workers’ right to live with dignity under Article 21 of the Indian
Constitution.”

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Unveiling Inequalities: Examining Residential Segregation by

Caste in Kerala’s Cities
Neeha Susan Jacob, Sr. Research Associate, Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi.

The cities of Kerala always remained an outlier while analysing urbanisation as well as
residential segregation in India. Kerala has a unique nature of urbanisation. While there
is a glaring decadal urban growth rate – of 92.8% in the 2001-11 period as per the latest
available Census data – the cities in Kerala are smaller than many in the rest of India.
There is no single nodal city with a huge urban population concentration. Even the Class-
1 towns in Kerala had a population below 5 lakhs as per the 2011 Census. Kerala has an
urban spread along its coast, the lowlands and midlands; with most of these urban areas
being Census Towns (CTs), away from the proximity of larger cities in the state. In such
a context, one cannot observe any glaring rural-urban inequities in the state. The ‘rurban’
characteristics of Kerala and the ribboned ‘Deskota’ settlement pattern contribute to a more
inclusive, less segregated urban spaces in the state. While Kerala was considered an outlier
in many studies due to the lesser number and size of cities and changing ward numbers
for comparison across years, literature argued that Kerala had lower levels of residential
segregation by caste and tribe in its smaller cities compared to the all-India average while
using the 2011 Census Data. However, no detailed studies on the levels of residential
segregation in Kerala and its cities in particular based on any identities are explored. This
paper attempts to delve into the same, studying residential segregation in cities of Kerala
based on caste. In addition, the study moves further from the macro-level analysis of
residential segregation using ward-level data into the micro-level analysis of residential
segregation at the neighbourhood level in the cities of Kerala. Using the available ward-
level data from the Primary Census Abstracts, Census of India 2011, and projections based
on the Average Exponential Growth Rate (AEGR) in the Handbook of Urban Statistics
by the Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs 2019, the paper tries to explore residential
segregation in seven class-1 cities in Kerala in the 2011 Census having a population above
1,00,000. For the neighbourhood-level study, we use the Enumeration Block (EB) level data
in the District Census Handbooks of Census of India, 2011. While the paper acknowledges
the changes in ward numbers and sizes after the 2011 Census, the ward-level categorisation
of class-1 towns or cities in this study is limited to that used in the last census. The study
uses the index of Dissimilarity (DI), widely used across studies on residential segregation,
which is the measure of evenness across population groups. In addition to DI, the study also
uses the index of exposure (EI), the measure of interaction across groups of the population.

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Using this additional index, we argue that levels of residential segregation need to be
explored not only based on the evenness in the distribution of residential locations in an
urban space but also based on the levels of interaction across the groups in a city. This study
categorises the population groups into two – one, a group of the minority population in the
state, combining Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (SC+ST) population and the other,
combining other populations labelling it as non-(SC+ST). The study observes residential
segregation based on the identity of caste. Exploring DI and EI based on caste in cities of
Kerala using ward-level data, the state has lesser levels of residential segregation in its cities
compared to many other cities in India, substantiating the arguments in the limited studies
on Kerala. However, going beyond the ward level to the neighbourhood and EB level, we
find an increase in the degree of residential segregation explored. While the macro picture
of residential segregation in Kerala indicates that the DI values are less than 40% in Kerala’s
cities, the micro-view has all cities having more than 40% of unevenness when we take the
residential distribution within the neighbourhoods, streets and smaller lanes within these
cities also into account.

Accessing Urban Space: Views from Migrant Domestic Workers in

Kolkata
Urbee Bhowmik, PhD Student, Indian Institute of Technology Hyderabad, Hyderabad

This study focuses on the everyday lives of paid domestic workers in Kolkata who have
migrated from rural areas to the city. Taking a phenomenological approach to these
understandings, the aim is to understand how these women construct and form their
selves and identities in the process of their daily lives within the contexts entailed by the
abovementioned processes. It also aim to understand how these women construct their sense
of time, both everyday time and the temporal journey of life. Further, it wishes to explore
these women’s understanding of and negotiation with the city and its spaces, including both
its public spaces and its domestic spaces. The understanding of these women’s experiences
in domestic spaces of the urban, specifically in sites of their paid work that are middle-
class upper caste domestic spaces of the city, is a significant aspect of the project. The
purpose being paid domestic work is an important site, in a sizeable part of urban Indians’
lives, where the contested binary between what is private/self and what is public/other is
played out. Thus, through the study, we intend to understand how migrant women, at the
everyday level, negotiate the identity of the ‘intimate other’ in the context of paid domestic
work in urban India and how this stands in conversation with their sense of self. The study

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employs a qualitative methodology. The participant base of the study was developed by
means of snowball sampling. Snowballing was done from existing contacts in the field that
were developed during fieldwork for my dissertation on migrant women and sociality in
Kolkata. Around 30 women were initially involved in the study, from amongst whom 10
case studies were selected that serve as the principal source of data for the study. Further,
we are also participating in various group events for collective viewpoints on our questions.
The methods involve unstructured and semi-structured in-depth interviewing, participant
observation and participatory mapping. This is an ongoing study. The key findings among
the emerging results are the following: 1) Experiences of the migrant identity in the city
can be varied. Some participants have reported extensive hardships in settling down in the
city and considerable difficulty in navigating urban space initially. Others have claimed
their familiarity with the city before the final migrating act and have actively denied any
possibilities of their being seen as outsiders in the city. 2) Experiences of paid domestic
work have varied widely too. Some report it as a significant source of difficulty in their lives,
inadequate wages and constant subordination being some of the principal issues. Others
have claimed this form of work to be quite fine, with ‘caring’ employers and flexibilities in
work life being major advantages. 3) The everyday life is characterised strongly by a lack
of time. These women report not having any control over time and that simply having to
move on task to task is a source of great drudgery. 4) Access to urban space is also limited.
The little access that is exercised is either for work or for visiting other private spaces like
relatives’ places rather than open public spaces. The latter are accessed rarely by the more
affluent among the participants.

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 14
Urban Geographies, Social Identities and Segregation

Evaluation of Public Housing Scheme from Beneficiaries

Perspective: A Case of PMAY Scheme in Jharkhand, India
Marella Sai Rama Raju, Sr. Research Associate, Indian Institute for Human Settlements
Bengaluru
Harshal Deepak Gajjar, Research Associate, Indian Institute for Human Settlements Bengaluru

We have evaluated the PMAY-U scheme from the end-users’ or beneficiaries’ perspective
using a qualitative approach as our research method. End-users’ satisfaction in low-income
housing has been investigated in several fields of knowledge, such as implementation
process, social transition, operations & maintenance, finance mechanism, construction
materials, and climate change. In government low-income housing programmes and
schemes, end-user satisfaction is often neglected, based on the argument that the low-
income beneficiaries of such government housing live in substandard housing conditions
and minor improvement in their housing conditions reflects a major improvement in their
living conditions. With rapid urbanisation, cities today face challenges with respect to
adequate and affordable housing for the poor. The state of Jharkhand, India, is no exception
with an estimated housing shortage of 6.3 lakh households in 2012, of which 96% of
the shortage is in the Economically Weaker Section (EWS) and Low Income Group
(LIG) category. With an existing urbanisation rate of 24%, Jharkhand is expected to
worsen the existing challenges of housing the urban poor with inadequate and unplanned
infrastructure and basic services for the socio-economically weaker sections who reside
in inadequate and substandard living conditions. A summative analysis from our study
reveals that PMAY (BLC+ISSR/AHP) scheme has significantly impacted the lifestyle
of the beneficiaries. It has changed the beneficiary’s lifestyle and created an identity
in the society, where their kids started going to schools regularly and can study in the
evenings under decent lighting. Especially in the ISSR/AHP projects, where a majority
of the households belong to EWS category, do not need to worry about seasonal flooding
into their houses during monsoons, access to water supply and sanitation inside their

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houses and a gate outside their house and settlement. This process assisted with NGOs
and other civic society bodies have streamlined them with respect to formal housing and
documentation for having ownership of incrementality in socio-economic ladder. Whereas
the BLC projects were mostly opted by the beneficiaries from tribal communities who
have small pieces of land in the periphery of the cities. However, there are certain levels of
dissatisfaction from the beneficiaries with the governance and implementation processes
where the priority was given to beneficiaries with elderly and differently-abled in the
ISSR/AHP projects, but prioritisation was not equitable across all segments. One of the
beneficiaries highlighted that she was allotted a house under ISSR/AHP as a priority who
is a widow and a senior citizen, but failed to arrange the deposit money of ₹50,000 in the
stipulated time period, and the ULB officials have delayed her allotment and now she
currently got a house at the 2nd floor in Premnagar Birsamuda project. Households who
reported having strong social capital were able to make the down payment on time using
their savings, borrowing money from their family members and borrowing funds from
formal sources such as employers. On the other hand, majority of the beneficiaries were
from EWS segment with no savings and needed to rely on informal money lenders to
make the down payment on time. In addition, the BLC beneficiaries face issues related to
awareness of the PMAY scheme, where they were advised by the parshad (ward councillor)
to take support from the thekedar (contractor) to help them with the construction of the
house, where the contractor cheated them by taking the money from beneficiary’s bank
accounts and not finishing the house construction. As majority of the BLC beneficiaries
are from tribal communities, they were not aware of the modern construction techniques
using cement and concrete as construction materials. Moreover, they were demanded by
the PMAY evaluation and monitoring representatives from the ULBs to pay ₹5,000 at
every stage of construction, where they take pictures at every stage of construction and
update in PMAY MIS data to release funds on time for the beneficiaries. In conclusion, the
end-users are the actual affected families who were impacted with the stringent guidelines
and the governance structures of PMAY in addition to the issues with access to finance
and the increase in expenditure related to additional utility charges incurred due to the
poor ventilation and thermal discomfort of the modern concrete buildings as compared to
their previous mud-structure house.

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A Sustainable Alternative for the Cement Industry in Global South

Bharti Jasrotia, Deputy Manager, Technology and Action for Rural Advancement, New Delhi
Soumen Maity, Chief Technology Officer, Technology and Action for Rural Advancement
New Delhi
Debojyoti Basuroy, Senior Project Manager, Technology and Action for Rural Advancement
New Delhi

The cement industry is one of the key industries for most countries in the Global South as
it plays an important part in the country’s growth and economic development. It has strong
linkages to other sectors such as infrastructure, construction, housing, transportation, coal,
power, etc. Given its intensive energy requirements and processes, cement is regarded as a
hard-to-abate sector for reducing emissions. It accounts for 8-9% of worldwide greenhouse
gas (GHG) emissions. The Global South, which includes regions such as Africa, Latin
America, and parts of Asia, has been experiencing significant growth in cement production.
The demand for cement in these regions has been driven by rapid urbanisation, population
growth, and infrastructure development. One of the key factors contributing to the growth of
cement production in the Global South is the increasing need for housing and construction
projects. As cities expand and populations rise, there is a greater demand for residential
and commercial buildings, roads, bridges, and other infrastructure. Cement is a crucial
component in the construction industry, leading to a surge in cement consumption. In 2022,
the Indian cement industry had a total installed capacity of 537 MT, with cement production
of 381 MT. With an increasing demand for affordable housing, infrastructure, and smart
cities programme, cement output in the country is predicted to expand up to 1047 MT by
2047, accounting for substantial CO2 emissions. Furthermore, it has been predicted that
the production of conventional cement (Ordinary Portland Cement, Pozzolana Portland
Cement, and Portland Slag Cement) will be constrained in the future due to raw material
availability, rising import prices as well as increasing cost of logistics. Increased concrete
manufacturing will necessitate an increase in cement production from more than 4 billion
tonnes per year today to more than 5 billion tonnes per year by 2050. Governments in
the Global South are looking forward to fostering a sustainable building and construction
sector by adopting low-carbon and resource-efficient technologies to meet their NDC
targets. Limestone Calcined Clay Cement (LC3) is a breakthrough proven technology in
the cement sector which reduces a significant volume of carbon emissions, utilises available
resources more efficiently, and can be produced at a reduced cost in most countries of the
Global South. The LC3 technology was developed over 10 years globally with support from
the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC). A consortium of academic

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partners such as EPFL, CIDEM Cuba, IIT Delhi, IIT Madras, and TARA worked together
to develop the LC3 technology into maturity suitable for industrial production. TARA has
led the scaling up of the LC3 technology from innovation to the cement industry and has
conducted multiple technical feasibility studies in Asia, Africa, and the Middle East over
the last 4 years in close coordination with the cement industry. The study will present case
studies and experiences which highlight the potential and benefits of the adoption of LC3
technology in the Global South. In some cases, analysis shows that not only LC3 can reduce
CO2 emissions by up to 40%, but it is also a profitable technology along with major savings
in foreign exchange for countries that import clinker. It is imminent that emissions will
continue to rise if no effort is made to mitigate the same. To achieve a net-zero future,
the cement industry in the Global South must embrace a low-carbon, resource-efficient,
and cost-effective solution. With growing demand, the high cost of clinker imports, and
the diminishing availability of raw materials. TARA seeks to lead new LC3 projects and
initiatives to establish the technical feasibility of the LC3 technology in the Global South.

Housing Strategy for Vulnerable Population of Sundarbans Delta

Region
Pallabi Banerjee, Assistant Professor, Amity University, Kolkata
Rohit Saha, Assistant Professor, Amity University, Kolkata

Climate change is a worldwide concern, the major impact of which is sea level rise and rise in
earth’s surface temperature. In Indian subcontinent climate change has resulted in one of the
major changes that is, change in monsoon patterns which has caused alteration of water sources
of many river systems ultimately leading to flooding conditions in many areas for around
half a year. People living in the Ganges and Brahmaputra delta are more prone floods due to
lesser altitude levels and rise in sea level. Wetlands play an irreplaceable role in regulating the
global climate, maintaining the global hydrological cycle, protecting the ecosystem diversity,
and safeguarding human welfare. India has designated Sundarbans Wetland as a Wetland of
International Importance. It encompasses hundreds of islands and a maze of rivers, rivulets
and creeks in the delta region of the Rivers Ganges and Brahmaputra on the Bay of Bengal
in India and Bangladesh. Sundarbans are the only mangrove habitat which supports a
significant population of tigers. The Sundarbans is an example of an endangered ecological
system that is highly populated and both fragile and economically valuable. It serves as a
microcosm for examining global dilemmas of development, ecology, and competing values.
By nature, it is an area subject to periodic tidal flooding, tempered by mangrove vegetation;

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human presence in the Sundarbans has been made possible by embankments erected to keep
saline water out. But these earthen embankments are prone to erosion, embankment failure
is also caused due to violent storms, cyclones and tidal surges as well as local human activities
leading to widespread devastation of human settlements in terms of loss of life and livelihood
since most of it is land based. These changes make developing countries more vulnerable due
to higher dependency on local climate for sustenance. To fight these adverse climate changes
many communities have adopted various strategies in the built environment. These strategies
have developed over years and sensitive to the local environment and climate. Nowadays
disasters are multi hazardous in nature, so there is a need to develop strategies which can
be used in combating various forms of hazards. It is argued that the unique eco-region
of the Sundarbans requires special policy measures to address ecological sustainability and
distributional equity, to overcome the ills that undermine human well-being, and to ensure
that people of this eco-region have the choices to live the way they like and value what they
have reason to value. This research aims to study adaptive design responses in the vernacular
settlements in Sundarbans Delta, West Bengal situated in the Ganges and Brahmaputra
delta. The whole study of the settlement is done in three layers, firstly at settlement level to
understand the adaptation in settlement planning, secondly at cluster level to understand
the adaptations in the organisation, orientation of the dwellings in the cluster and thirdly at
dwelling level to study the resilience in the form, shape and size of the dwelling, materials
used and construction techniques. These objectives would be achieved by reviewing existing
passive techniques in the vernacular settlements of Sundarbans Delta, West Bengal. The
learning would result in a development of set of housing strategies for architects and
designers to design disaster resilient environment.

Spatial Strategies for Rental Housing in an Industrial City: The

Case of Hosur, Tamil Nadu
Aparna Soni, Assistant Professor, School of Planning and Architecture, Bhopal
Urooj Iqbal, PhD Student, School of Public Policy, IIT Delhi
Apurv Patel, Master’s Student, School of Planning and Architecture, Bhopal
Aman Kumar, Master’s Student, School of Planning and Architecture, Bhopal
Shiti Sharma, Master’s Student, School of Planning and Architecture, Bhopal

Housing in cities with an industrial base remains an under-researched area with limited
housing options and non-accessibility of basic facilities. The National Rental Housing
Policy, 2014 brings forth the need of formalised rental housing, especially in industrial

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cities where rental housing is preferred due to affordability and demand from migrant
population. However, the policy faces lack of projectisation and implementation due to
absence of comprehensive policy framework at state level and lack of development models
for construction and operation. Furthermore, spatial policies and master plans in industrial
cities have traditionally omitted rental housing despite their identifies need. The study also
suggests use of location choice theory and compact development for better access to facilities
to make the rental housing provisions successful and preferrable choice for the working
population. The study focuses on housing challenges of industrial town with case of Hosur,
an industrial city located in Tamil Nadu’s Krishnagiri district near Bengaluru, Karnataka.
Hosur houses manufacturing plants of companies like Ola, Ashok Leyland and TVS,
approximately 12,000 MSMEs, and various ancillary industries. The city has experienced
rapid urbanisation, with a population growth rate of 26.61% in 2011 and 38.81% in 2021,
along with a surge in large, medium, and small-scale industrial units. The influx of migrant
workers employed in the industrial and manufacturing sectors is diverse with HIG group
(corporate heads, high profile workers), MIG (employee class in manufacturing plants),
and LIG (predominantly the industrial workers). The lack of appealing housing options in
Hosur forces the HIG and MIG workers to settle in Bengaluru and commute daily, and are
left to struggle with lack of basic amenities at walkable distance. Current housing options
are limited to provisions by the Tamil Nadu Housing Board, private developers’ plotted
colonies, individual constructions, and a few institutional housing options provided by
industrial companies. The Hosur Mater Plan 2047 by HNTDA authority expanded the area
of the city to attract more industrial development in a polycentric pattern. The residential
land use area has been increased but the housing strategy is not suited for industrial city
with no mention of rental housing. The master plan does not mention walkable access to
amenities for increasing quality of life in neighbourhoods. The study is segmented into three
parts to comprehensively analyse the housing issue in Hosur. Firstly, the spatial growth
strategy adopted by the HNTDA master plan and proposed development strategies for
the housing sector are reviewed. Secondly, various types of parameters industrial workers
consider when making residential location decisions were identified (socio-economic
condition, accessibility, type of neighbourhood etc.) on the basis of location choice theory.
Finally, rental housing strategies viable for the city are explored by reviewing nationally
and internationally explored strategies (inclusionary zoning mechanism) along with the
required development mechanism for enabling them. The study understands the issue of
housing from the supply side by critically reviewing spatial (location, development norms,
walkability) strategies and from the demand side by identifying parameters affecting
residential location decisions. This twin-fold understanding of the issue suggests policy

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based and spatial strategies to be incorporated in the master plan. The study proposes
inclusion of rental housing provisions in master plan considering residential location
choice theory and walkability. Development norms such as density, floor space index (FSI),
and building height need to be regulated to meet the housing demand while promoting
compact development. The study also suggests the involvement of various institutional and
regulatory mechanisms, including rental housing apartment complexes by government
agencies like TNHB, private developers, or institutional provisions by industries with
private Residential Rental Management companies. The study examines the possibility of
providing rental housing as a solution to the housing challenges in Hosur, focusing on
institutional, developmental, and spatial mechanisms to enable its implementation.

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 15
Cities’ Transformation and Liveability

Toward a Research Framework for Liveable Urbanism-Driven

Metropolitan Development from the Global South Perspectives
Arpan Paul, Assistant Professor, XIM University, Bhubaneswar

The responses to neoliberal urbanism and social inequalities comprehensively outline

‘liveable urbanism.’ The outline attracts urban practitioners and researchers to explore the
idea and dimensions of liveable urbanism for social well-being and urban development
perspectives. Liveability is an all-inclusive paradigm of human development and
community well-being. The prerequisite for liveability is the ability to inhabit a definite
physical space with practical preparedness to social and environmental extents as a part
of communities’ way of life, i.e., ‘urbanism.’ The uprising pace of urbanisation exhibits
its tremendous impacts on Global South urbanism, specifically their liveability quotient.
Based on the UN-Habitat’s projection, cities in Africa and Asia will host more than half
the global population by 2050. The rising pace of urbanisation, its associated economic
development, and its detrimental pressure on urban liveability in terms of infrastructure
decay, environmental degradation, and poverty try to explore the role of cities and their
extended regions precisely based on the quality of urbanism. So, the paper attempts to initiate
a research framework for identifying the significant components of liveable urbanism.
Based on the rising importance of liveability in the intertwined milieu of urbanism, sub-
regional governance, and urban development, the paper embarks upon two key research
dimensions. Firstly, the significant components of liveable urbanism from the Global South
perspective. Furthermore, it attempts to explore the dynamics of a community to succeed
in excellent and equitable distribution of levels of desired liveability. The paper has selected
Kolkata Urban Agglomeration (KUA) for a ground-level case study. It is the largest urban
agglomeration in eastern India and the third-largest in India, with a population of 15.33
million. KUA has a variety of unique colonial and post-colonial antiquities, now resulting
in significant multicultural variations in physical, socio-economic, and socio-cultural
aspects. These variations have contributed to socio-cultural and economic diversity and a
mosaic of sub-regional urban governance capacities and systems. Thus, it is evident that a

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multicultural research framework was needed to attract attention to the desired distribution
of liveable urbanism within a metropolis from the perspective of the Global South. The
paper has adopted a research-driven approach to linking several urban local bodies (ULBs)
within KUA to understand the significant parameters of liveable urbanism and how to
achieve the desired liveability based on metropolitan decision-making. In the initiation, the
paper has identified a pool of parameters from the literature to initiate the questionnaire.
Then the research conducted a spot reaction survey to understand the degree of conformity
between observed and expected liveability variations on aggregate inclusive prosperity and
participatory procedures expressed by residents. For the survey, 8 ULBs out of 40 ULBs
have been selected based on their locational advantages, presence of cultural antiquities,
native communities, and economic supremacies. Based on the residents’ reactions, the
research has initiated six factors with the help of Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA).
These factors help us to evaluate the quality of urbanism within a metropolitan extent.
Hence, the article has proceeded with the research based on descriptive and Ordinal Logistic
Regression (OLR) analyses. The OLR model has depicted that public transportation and
neighbourhood quality have the maximum impact on understanding the degree and quality
of liveability urbanism within a metropolis. The paper endorses the need to examine further
the dynamics of liveable urbanism across the system of ULBs based on the potential and
variations of urban amenities and utilities. The outcome of such research may promote
the exploration of good liveability potentials, and liveability flows between the ULBs to
improve the metropolitan decision-making processes.

The Place and People of Historic Precinct of Charminar

Hyderabad: Survey of Uses, Utilities and Users
Kalpana Raghavendra, Urban Planner, Centre for VENUS, Hyderabad
Vasanta Sobha Turaga, Conservation Architect-Urban Planner, Vasaamaha Consultants
Hyderabad

The historic core/old city of Hyderabad, located south of River Musi, originated from
the city built in 1591, by the fifth Qutbshahi ruler Mohd. Quli Qutb Shah. The city was
designed on grid-iron pattern streets laid around the magnificent monument Charminar.
In the last 425 years, palaces and monuments were added by the Nizams and people
occupied the area. Charminar is a National Protected Monument, a cultural landscape, and
a living heritage city with towering monuments, shops, and people that exuberate a unique
culture and energy. Presently, the Charminar Precinct is a densely populated commercial,

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residential area and a tourist and recreational spot. To ease the pressure of vibrations from
moving vehicles on the monument and provide better visitor experiences, a Charminar
Pedestrianisation Project was designed in 1998 and implemented in 2017, by pedestrianizing
a defined core and diverting traffic to alternate routes. Pedestrianisation of Charminar
Precinct is a major urban transformation, a public space project impacting the residents,
shopkeepers, and users of the busy area. The main streets of Charminar are of commercial
land use and the interior areas are occupied by houses and household industries, including
those involved in the production of traditional crafts and products. Between 2006-2010,
the authors studied and documented the land use distribution, demographic characteristics,
and socio-economic status of artisans working in the area and the state of their living, and
working conditions and presented at different forums. In 2019, in order to understand the
impact of pedestrianisation on the residents, shops and visitors, the authors conducted
surveys of Uses, Utilities and Users of the Charminar Precinct. The study was focused
primarily on three different aspects of post pedestrianisation: first was the study of spatial
patterns, land use distribution and mapping of Uses; second was physical infrastructure and
operational aspects (of Utilities) and the third aspect was to assess the Users perceptions,
and their socio-economic profiles. The area covering 2.5 sq. km around Charminar was
divided into four quadrants (cutting along the street- axes with Charminar at the centre of
the axis) viz., North-East, North- West, South-west and South-East quadrants. The spatial
structure and patterns were studied and physical infrastructure was assessed covering
various aspects such as parking, public toilets, accessibility, sanitation, emergency provisions
etc. The people/stakeholders survey was designed to assess the opinions and perception in
the study area. The users categorised into six groups, viz., residents, shopkeepers, vendors,
tourists, guides and services providers were interviewed by questionnaires and analysed.
Six survey formats were used to collect the data for this study to get multidimensional
perceptions for the study. Adopting the random sample selection method, a total of 218
surveys were conducted covering all six user groups, that included 59 Surveys in North-
East Quadrant, 56 North-west, 43 South-west, and 60 South-east quadrant. Through the
surveys and findings of post-pedestrianisation of Charminar precinct of Hyderabad, it was
attempted to encapsulate the impact of the transformation of historic urban public spaces
and perceptions of people, which could be a learning case study for other projects with
similar context. In this paper, it is proposed to present the findings of the surveys and
studies conducted by the authors in 2019, combined with data from previous studies and
secondary sources. The presentation would be in the form of maps, photos, and infographics
along with perceptions of people.

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Increasing Warehouses and its impact on the Socio-Economic

and Living Conditions in Bhiwandi
Oneza Tanveer Farid, Assistant Professor, Aqsa Women’s Degree College, Bhiwandi, Mumbai

The paper focuses on the warehousing industry of Bhiwandi city, a suburb of Mumbai city,
which is known for its power-loom textile production in India. Warehousing has been
growing rapidly in Bhiwandi as compared to any other city in India. In a short span of
time, Bhiwandi has become one of the largest warehousing hubs in Maharashtra. Being a
popular power loom city and its connectivity to Mumbai, it is an important market with
large floating migrant population. With an excellent road infrastructure and connectivity,
Bhiwandi is well positioned to serve as a major warehousing taluka. The industrial status
granted to logistics and warehousing sector also played a crucial part. Furthermore its
connectivity to international and domestic airports in Mumbai, and with other regions
through the national highway. The e-commerce sector has been the biggest driver of
warehousing across developed markets globally. The ancestral property holdings and
government initiatives, connectivity, cheap labour have contributed to the rise of Bhiwandi
as a logistics and warehousing hub. This makes it a fascinating site for warehousing solutions,
especially for big firms and MNCs like E-commerce giants Amazon and Flipkart, FedEx
etc. The manufacturing units in Bhiwandi also cashed in on the availability of warehousing
facilities in the proximity, further propelling its rise. Traditionally, people in that region
have owned huge land parcels for generations, with farming being the primary as well as
family occupation. With rapid urbanisation and rising land costs, most landowners gave
up farming and leased out lands to build warehouses in a bid to achieve better returns.
The industrial status granted to logistics and warehousing sector also played a crucial role.
Due to their adjacency and cheap land the villages around Bhiwandi have undergone
changes because of the setting up of warehouses in this area. The manufacturing units
in Bhiwandi also cashed in on the availability of warehousing facilities in the proximity,
further propelling its rise. The warehousing activities attract a large number of unskilled
and semi-skilled labourers in Bhiwandi. The majority of warehouses in are older and lack
modern amenities. Furthermore, the roads are narrow and overcrowded, often gridlocked
with traffic. The paper attempts to understand: (a) the role of these warehouses in attracting
labour streams in Bhiwandi, and (b) how the labourers overcome the precarious situation of
housing, water supply, and livelihood in the area, which has little developed infrastructure.
As long term growth and development of a region depends on social infrastructure like
education and health facilities. Adequate provisions of these public facilities to the workers

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is important. As the secondary data on the labourers, who are mainly seasonal migrants,
are not available from any secondary sources, the paper is based on the warehouse owners,
labour contractors and local community leaders. In the milieu of growth of regions with
reduced diverse limitations between the urban and rural within a city region, this study has
important implications for all the labourers and stakeholders involved. It can support the
expansion authority in framing specific development policies corresponding to conditions
found within the region.

Catalysing Rwamagana
George Jerry Jacob, Associate Professor, Kamla Raheja Vidyanidhi Institute for Architecture
Mumbai

Planning processes across time have played their part in either bringing paradigm shifts
to re-structure cities or have introduced surgical replacements to help build resilient
environments. This paper furnishes the successes and failures of an effective, people driven
planning process for the city of Rwamagana. This planning process based itself on a
methodology and subsequent model of the “Rhizome Planning Model – (RPM).” It stems
from the prevailing exchange between environmental processes and socio-economical
networking leading to the formation of a particular urban ecosystem in Rwamagana. Here,
the idea of the rhizome draws inspiration from the plant world and also from the works
of Deleuze and Guattari in ‘A Thousand Plateaus’ where the rhizome is a philosophical
term used to describe the relations and connectivity of things. The RPM here presents
an opportunity for urban planning and city designing to remodel modes of engagement
and thus prepare an alternate vision for Rwamagana. The Vision 2020 for Rwanda was a
result of a national consultative process that took place in Village Urugwiro in 1998-99.
After successful efforts in breaking the cycle of violence that had blighted Rwanda for 50
years, and the horrifying genocide, the Government of National Unity felt the time had
come for Rwandans to build a resolute and sustainable future. There was broad consensus
on the necessity for Rwandans to clearly define the future of the country through a process
proposed by this Vision. Since 2000 with the implementation of Vision 2020 in Rwanda,
the country has seen unprecedented economic growth and development through the
framework of its Six Pillars including the cross-cutting agendas. The need to prepare and
upgrade another city was seen as a way to cater to the needs of urbanisation — harnessing
economic stability and conserving environmental systems. The District of Rwamagana was
chosen as a satellite city to the national-capital of Kigali to help boost and support this

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vision. Its proximity to the capital and surrounding tourist frequented sites of the Muhazi
and Mugesera lakes, Akagera Park, and Volcanoes National Park positions Rwamagana
as a transit city. Through the inception and development of the project we believed just
this lens to be limiting. Rwamagana District has the potential to evolve in its functional
capacity into the administrative, political, and economic heart of the livestock and pastoral
economy of the Eastern Province along with the future city of Rwamagana. If Kigali is the
commercial and administrative capital, we believe Rwamagana has the potential to become
the educational and cultural capital of Rwanda. This promoted the ‘Green City Masterplan
for Rwamagana’ through a deliberative and communicative process involving stakeholders
across various sectors. The paper sets up the urgency to re-look and re-equip the apparatus
of urban design and architecture in similar situations such as Rwamagana where city and
district level planning requires re-adjustments to achieve different goals. The re-inventing
of methods has led to the framing of people-driven-planning, the formulation of new
analytical method known as VOICE, programming of 10 Catalytic Projects, and finally
the setting up of a trust called REACT (Rwamagana Environmental and Community
Trust), is believed to help engineer and safeguard the proposed masterplan. The paper will
also expand on the RPM process and key findings while employing it, to derive planning
principles that are sensitive and centric to the context of Rwamagana.

Liveability in the Urban Historic Cores: A Comparative Analysis of

Traditional Indian Cities
Uzma Khan, Assistant Professor, Rizvi College of Architecture, Mumbai

The aim of the study is to assess the parameters of liveability in the historic urban cores
in the Indian context. The frameworks chosen for the study are Historic Urban Landscape
(HUL) and United Nations Sustainable Development Goal (SDG)-11 which intends to
make the cities inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable. Liveability can be defined as the
sum total of social, economic and cultural well-being of a community which has access
to various resources and infrastructural needs. It is critical to examine the historic cores
which defines the urban character and living heritage of the city. The wellbeing of people
and communities and their associational value at large in traditional neighbourhoods has
been of importance in order to sustain the HUL. In recent times, several old cities of the
country are subjected to rising population, economic and land pressure; and lack of adequate
physical and social infrastructure. This has led to wide scale intra- urban migration in many
historic cores in India. The concept of liveability is embedded in determining community

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sustenance and the urban morphology of a place. The term was first introduced in the
1950s with the Electors Action Movement. Coherently, HUL is an approach that sees and
interprets the city as a continuum in time and space ensuring its sustenance. Sustainability
and its three pillars namely the social, economic and environmental dimensions are the key
foundations towards understanding the concept of cultural heritage and liveability. Since a
traditional Indian city is dynamic with its many historic layers and its elements constantly
evolving, it becomes necessary to ascertain the needs of the community to enhance its
quality of life. The paper studies the walled cities of Jaipur, Ahmedabad and Bhopal from
the lens of development strategies, renewal schemes, infrastructural amendments, citizen
initiatives and stakeholder interventions. Historic urban cores have recently been subjected
to renewal schemes and maintenance projects owing to the urgent need to address such
issues. However, recent trends suggest migration of people from historic urban cores to
developed urban areas for better living options and housing opportunities. India has seen
an intra-district migration of 46% from 1981-2011 as per Census of India. The focus of
the study is to derive sustainable development approaches towards liveability of the historic
urban core. The same will be done by understanding the concepts of liveability, history and
frameworks applicable to historic urban cores. The study methodology involves qualitative
studies conducted on site to analyse the physical infrastructure and address participatory
approaches, stakeholder intervention and policy implementations. Analytical framework
includes theoretical assessment of the concepts of HUL and Liveability Index Parameters
applicable in the context. Historic urban cores are the tangible manifestations of cultural
heritage imbibed through centuries which exist as places of knowledge centres till date.
However, only regular upkeep and maintenance are not sufficient for the sustenance. For
it to truly transcend as the source of knowledge impartation, it is required to be able to be
liveable for its community. Conclusively, the study proposes recommendations for future
strategies which are holistic in nature and addresses the issues identified.

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 16
Gender Equality and Urban Space

Gendered Public Spaces: A Study of Women’s Mobility in DTC

Buses in Delhi
Prakriti Arya, Ph.D. Student, Indian Institute of Technology, Roorkee

Globally, the dominant discourse of development revolves around sustainability largely

driven by the United Nations through its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). There
are 17 goals that have been envisioned to include various aspects such as education, health,
water, energy, climate, gender and gender equality, urbanisation etc., and targeted to be
fulfilled by 2030. This paper tries to look at the mass transit system and its planning and
governance through the lens of gender. Specifically, it deals with women’s access to and
mobility in mass transit such as Delhi Transport Corporation (DTC) buses in urban areas.
It tries to bring the gender perspective into the seemingly depoliticised and gender-neutral
concept of sustainable development. Women’s needs and priorities have been ignored in the
design of human settlements and the provision of urban services like transportation etc..
Their participation in urban governance is also low, especially in India and their concerns
are seldom featured in urban governance policies and planning. Thus, cities, urban spaces
and their planning reflect the societal stereotypes of women belonging to the private sphere,
while public spaces are for men and their usage. Keeping in view the gendered nature
of urban spaces, states and their agencies, NGOs and international organisations have
started incorporating the idea of safer and inclusive cities in their schemes, programmes,
and plans. One such global initiative is UN Women’s ‘Safe Cities and Safe Public Spaces’
which was started in November 2010. With the help of global and local partners, it aims
to transform public spaces in 27 cities. This issue was further acknowledged and affirmed
in the SDGs of 2015. According to SDG 11, the aim is to provide universal access to safe,
inclusive, and accessible green and public spaces, particularly for women and children, older
persons, and persons with disabilities by 2030. Theoretically, this paper attempts to explore
the relationship between gender and space and talks about reflections of gendered social
inequalities in space and place. The concept of space has been used in the sense of a physical,
immobilised geographical entity, and was seen in separation with time in the disciplines

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of physics, mathematics, and geography. Lefebvre (1974) redefined the concept of space
and argued that space has a social character. Space is produced by day-to-day practices of
people living and experiencing that physical or natural space. The socio-cultural biases and
differential power equation of gender relations manifest in public spaces in the form of
gendered public spaces and physical environment that is suitable for a particular gender.
This paper will try to understand women’s experiences, their perception of safety, unsafety,
and mobility in urban public spaces like buses, bus stops, roads and neighbourhoods. How
do women experience and perceive measures, such as the installation of CCTV cameras,
deployment of marshals and free tickets in buses, taken by the state to make public
spaces safer for them? How do women negotiate access to urban spaces? This exploratory
research used methods like semi–structured interviews with female commuters, survey and
participant observation. Convenient sampling has been used to get respondents. Factors
like frequent harassment of women in buses, most of the workforce being men and lack
of basic facilities such as loos for women etc. make their travel experience in DTC buses
relatively more uncomfortable than men. Women often self-regulate their travel timing
in order to negotiate access to buses and thus to the city. Thus, this paper explores the
gendered experiences of women in the DTC buses and related built environments such as
bus stops etc. to understand the mobility of women in Delhi.

Women’s Safety and Mobility in Urban Bihar: A Case for

Investment
Madhu Joshi, Lead- Gender Equity, Centre for Catalysing Change (C3), New Delhi
Sonal Shah, Director, The Urban Catalysts, Mumbai
Gunjan Bihari, Specialist, Centre for Catalysing Change (C3), New Delhi

Approaches to accelerate women’s economic empowerment have traditionally focused on

improving skilling, job conditions, wages, and access to capital and networks. Women’s ability
to access education, skilling, job opportunities and networks however remains influenced
by myriad factors like social identity, economic standing, prevailing norms, and governance.
There is growing evidence that constrained daily mobility or the ability to physically access
different facilities has a profound impact on women’s economic participation and their
empowerment. The inability to safely, and easily, reach educational institutions or places
of work limit women’s economic engagement. The daily mobility of women is guided
by complex factors including established social norms, transport infrastructure, urban
planning, and access to information and communication technology With this background,

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mapping women’s safety concerns, experiences with transport, and their mobility patterns
in urban Bihar is an important first step to devise urban planning and policy solutions that
can improve their public experiences and participation in the economy. To explore these
questions, two complementary assessments were completed in 2019-2020 across three
cities of Bihar – Patna, Gaya, and Muzaffarpur. The first was a public safety audit using the
My SafetiPin and SafetiPin Nite mobile applications, and the second was a sample survey
to quantify women’s urban mobility in the state. A sample survey of 1947 respondents
across the three cities collected their demographic information and recorded their monthly
travel diaries Urban Bihar is characterised by a self-employed work force with long hours
and days and there is a gender employment gap of 50 percentage points between men and
women: 62% of women are homemakers, and men are the chief wage earners for 96% of
the households. The household and care work burden falls squarely on women: Working
women spend 4 hours per day on household and care work compared to 1 hour by working
men. Mobility patterns indicate the obvious, women travel less than men, make more trips
by walking and shared Intermediate Public Transport (IPT) and 87% of women’s trips
are by walking (57%) and shared IPT (30%): However, women travel longer distances for
education, with average trip distances of 3.6 km. Close to one-third of female students
walk, 10% use cycles whereas 45% used shared IPT. Both women and men, say that the
unavailability of public transport, waiting times, unaffordability and safety have led to them
forego economic and educational opportunities. The safety audits and survey show a high
level of normalisation and internalisation of sexual harassment, low presence of security
personnel. Close to one-fourth of the female respondents to the mobility survey have faced
harassment. Participants expressed concerns around walking environments, especially at
night — the audits showed that 62% of Patna, 52% of Gaya, and 61% of Muzaffarpur have
walk paths that are in very poor condition — unpaved, broken or blocked with parked
vehicles, encroachments, extensions etc. There is an overwhelming demand for improved
bus-based and shared intermediate public transport: 77% of Patna, 60% of Gaya and 68%
of Muzaffarpur do not have public transport access within 10 minutes reach. Conventional
mobility services planning, based only on work and education trips, will exclude around 40%
of all trips in urban Bihar. One of the ‘low-hanging fruit’ solutions for women’s safety and
mobility is to improve the urban walking environment, particularly by addressing lighting,
footpaths, and bus stops. In terms of larger policy interventions, some actions that should
be explored include awareness and behaviour change campaigns on safe mobility and public
harassment, increasing the supply of buses, and increased regulation of intermediate public
transport services. Investing in urban policy solutions that integrate gendered mobility
indicators, factoring in mode shares and walking distances/time by gender, travel distance

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for mobility of care and household cost on transport per month by gender, and experiences
of sexual harassment will pay dividends in terms of improving women’s public safety and
participation in economic life.

Safety Stereotypes as a Barrier to Inclusivity in Urban Housing?

Anju Vali Tikoo, Professor, Delhi University, Delhi
Sonia Pandey, Ph.D. Student, Faculty of Law, Delhi University. Delhi

One of the paramount consideration in any urban housing is not only the ‘safety’ of the
person residing in it but also the safety of the household along with safe neighbourhood.
It has been witnessed that this concern for safety increases manifold when it is related to
giving the house on rent to a tenant and it becomes all the more conspicuous when the
house is to be rented to an unmarried/bachelor whether a male or a female or LGBTQ+.
Taking a house on rent becomes an absolute nightmare for them. From facing the rejection
to rent a house of choice to being under constant surveillance, finding a house for a single/
unmarried individual whether male or a female is a herculean task. Landlords or owners of
the residential premises always find some or the other reason to deny the tenancy to a single
individual. It is rather a paradox that in a country where we celebrate women being toppers
of UPSC and she becomes “Desh ki beti”, this “Desh ki Beti” is denied residential premises
when she is a single working woman or she comes to a different city for her preparation of
competitive exams. In a country where youngsters are encouraged to have their own startups,
a person working in a startup is denied residential premises on the very ground of not having
a promising future as he is working in a startup and most importantly because he is a ‘single’.
Indian singles are readily tagged with other names for instance smokers, stoners, alcoholic,
immoral, messy, unhygienic and trouble makers, when they look out for a shelter in housing
societies. While certain urban housing(s) do allow bachelors to enter their societies but
they have mastered different mechanisms of control in comparison to the ones who do not
allow the bachelors at all. Goal 11 of SDG 2030 envisions an inclusive, safe, resilient and
sustainable human settlement by 2030. In simple terms, a place of residence for all. The idea
of this research paper is to explore the idea of inclusivity underlying in Goal 11 of SDG
2030 and it’s also an attempt to initiate a dialogue in relation to the discriminatory practice
exercised while renting the residential premises which perpetuates the different kind of
stereotypes in the society. Definitely this cannot be the way out for achieving the Goal 11
of SDG 2030. The key findings of the conducted research show that there is a strong bias

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which exists while giving the residential premises on rent to a unmarried individual than a
married couple. Further one of the findings also suggest that these biases and stereotypes
strengthens based on to which gender, religion, caste, community, geographical location, food
habits, profession etc. to that single individual belong The research methodology followed
to reach the key findings has been both doctrinal and non-doctrinal. The sample on which
the research was conducted was identified through non probability sampling method. The
research tool used was interview technique both telephonic and face to face. Thus through
this research paper the authors are trying to raise these questions that how can we consider
a society to be inclusive when it has issues with marital status? We are a society where we
are providing statutory rights to partners of live-in relationship but still we have difficulties
accepting ‘single’ people in the society? How can they be given the support to voice their
opinion without the fear of being questioned for their individuality and integrity? How
can we ensure that the nature of society at large is inherently inclusive and do not invoke
traumatic experiences? These questions need an answer if we strive to attain SDG goals on
inclusion of sustainable housing and settlements.

Gender Dichotomy in Decision Making Over Space: Case of

National Capital Region
Vinita Yadav, Professor, School of Planning and Architecture, New Delhi
Sherin Jacob, Assistant Professor, Christ (Deemed to be) University, Bengaluru

Gender determines choices regarding space, place, and agency. Space and place are social
constructs to maintain the hierarchies in the locality. Agency influences access to resources
and the ability to take decisions. Social discourses espoused gender binaries classify the
roles and responsibilities of men and females in designated spaces. Migration to urban
areas led to the disintegration of families. Equal gender participation in economic activities
became necessary for the sustenance of nuclear units. Females contested their role as
primary caregivers and negotiated with their counterparts for sharing responsibilities.
Social support and infrastructural resources serve as a base to fulfil the dual responsibilities
of household and work. Gender bias aggravated the difficulties of working females as
their male counterparts were reluctant to share household responsibilities. This resulted
in the outsourcing of a few responsibilities even when it was not considered conducive
due to social and economic duress. The latter led to even females dropping out of the
workforce. The paper aims to answer the following questions: what are the factors enabling

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females to undertake independent choices? how urban spaces can be conducive to women’s
mobility? and how can gender equality be promoted in planned spaces? The literature
review included reviewing articles from journals, newspapers, and government reports on
gender-friendly spaces. Data has been collected from both secondary and primary sources.
Secondary data about the demographic characteristics were sourced from the Census of
India for the year 2011 and National Capital Region (NCR) Planning Board for the
latest data. The transport-related information was sourced from government publications
namely the Functional Plan for Transport for National Capital Region, 2032. Primary
data was collected from residents of NCR towns namely Delhi, Gurugram, Faridabad, and
Noida. NCR was chosen as a case as it comprises settlements from 4 states i.e. Haryana,
the National Capital Territory (NCT) of Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, and Rajasthan has a total
area of 55,083 km². In totality, 15 respondents were selected based on place of residence,
age group, marital, and work status. The respondents’ age group was between 25 to 45 years.
Only married females with children were selected from two categories i.e. working and
non-working to assess the difference in utilisation of spaces due to economic differences.
Non-working females were further subdivided into two categories i.e. either never worked
before or worked for a limited period but left the job. The primary survey was conducted
with the help of a questionnaire. The questions pertained to social support, infrastructural
facilities, and decision-making. The in-depth interactions also covered the aspects of work-
life balance and ways to make a region gender-neutral. The information, thus, assimilated
was scrutinised in the domains of agency, resources, and achievements. The analysis
reveals that homemakers had ample time for taking care of their families and leisure.
They were content and did not experience guilt concerning their home responsibilities.
The employed females felt independent and confident in taking path-breaking decisions.
They asserted their rights emphatically for undertaking strategic life choices. Challenges
persisted due to their inability to cope with the conflicting and demanding situations at
the office and at home. A few were forced to either desert their profession completely or
become part-time employees. The part-time employed females felt satisfied as they were
able to fulfil their responsibilities towards children and the elderly. On the contrary, a
few admitted experiencing an identity crisis upon losing their recognition associated with
an office. However, the economic independence (full-time/part-time) of working females
helped them to endure better than the homemakers. The study concluded by emphasising
the creation of gender-sensitive spaces enabling gender equity to highlight individual
achievements within shared resources. Female empowerment demands social, economic,
and political structures to exercise agency in their lives. Structures need to be rethought,
re-invented and re-structured in line with their evolved outlook and approach.

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Dynamics of Gender Segregation in Urban Spaces

Nomita Pramod Kumar, Assistant Professor, Giri Institute of Development Studies, Lucknow
Kavita Baliyan, Assistant Professor, Giri Institute of Development Studies, Lucknow

While gender inequality is a universal phenomenon, and aspects of gender inequality exists
everywhere and manifests itself differently in each context, and is caused by multiplicity of
factors. Despite marked progress in women’s participation in economic activities, important
challenges persist for women in obtaining better remunerated and productive jobs in urban
labour market. Occupational segregation is one important dimension of gender disparity and
takes place when an occupation or a certain part of it tends to be dominated by individuals
of a particular gender or other personal characteristic. It is pertinent to understand the
existence of such practice in magnitude and nature for informed policy making because
it could arise due to underlying preference of women for certain occupations or due to
exclusion of women from certain occupations. Gender discrimination at the workplace
could also be reflected in the nature of work distribution and valuation of the skills and the
technology used by men and women. ILO (2009) notes that “Throughout most regions and
many occupations, women are paid less money than men for the same job. In majority of
countries, women’s wages represent between 70 and 90 percent of men’s wages, with even
lower ratios in some Asian and Latin American countries”. Often women are slotted into
lower wage rate jobs and men are assigned higher wage rate jobs.. In this connection in the
present study an attempt would be to analyse the survey data for determining the prevailing
gender discrimination in urban labour market. We would also examine the inequalities in
terms of the occupations and earnings between male and female workers in urban sector.
The study aims to understand: 1. occupational segregation in urban labour market of Uttar
Pradesh, and 2. determinants of occupational choices Lucknow is the capital city of one of
the populous state Uttar Pradesh and is full of economic activity and attracting many who
search livelihood. Gautam Budh Nagar (NOIDA) is a hub of manufacturing industries and
services sector, IT sector and also huge migrants who migrate here in search of jobs and
Mau and Jhansi were selected having more female in labour market. Thirty establishments
each were chosen on a stratified random basis from the list available from the Municipal
Corporations, the statutory registering authority for establishments thus making selected
establishments to total 120. The second stage encompassed the selection of enterprises
after obtaining details from Municipal Corporation. The third stage consisted of selecting
the respondents. The total sample of the present study would be 593 female workers and
207 male workers as control group belonging to different occupational categories where
the concentration of women in labour market was more from the selected establishment

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keeping our stratification of regular, casual organised and unorganised into consideration.
So total sample stands at 800 for the whole study. This study reveals considerable imbalances
in distribution of women in overall occupational and industrial hierarchy. Employed
women are the mostly engaged in manufacturing, agriculture and service industry with
the high female-male ratio. Women are concentrated more than men to professional and
related occupations but slightly less concentrated than men in management, legislative, and
financial occupations. Women are also largely engaged than men in service occupations,
which include personal care, home, health, nursing assistants, cooks, and food service
staff. Hence, occupational segregation by gender across industries is a worrying issue to
researchers and policy makers. The differences in occupations in which women and men
work, indicating that much more progress needs to be made before women can achieve
equality in the workforce. In this study, we calculated the gender-specific dissimilarity index
by nine occupational groups, using the Duncan and Duncan index in each of the nine
industrial groups. Dissimilarity in the distribution of workers among the occupation across
industries, between men and women is relatively less in agricultural and transport, storage
and communication industry. These findings identify the requirement for policies and
practices that can speed up the pace of change for women and improve their status in the
urban labour market of Uttar Pradesh. Policies should be initiated/planned to encourage
the equal occupational representation of both the gender in labour market

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 17
Climate Risks and Urban Resilience

Climate Resilience in Indian Cities: Review of the Perception,

Aspirations, and the Actions
Sanjana Baidya, Research Associate, Centre for Environmental Planning and Technology
Ahmedabad, Gujarat
Subhrangsu Goswami, Professor, Centre for Environmental Planning and Technology
Ahmedabad, Gujarat

In the face of climate change, policymakers, academics, private agencies and other stakeholders
are often talking about “climate resilience”. But do all of them reside on the same page while
talking about it? The concept of climate resilience is quite ambiguous and flexible. Hence,
it allows stakeholders from many sectors to collaborate without having to agree on a clear
definition. This makes operationalisation difficult when it comes to implementation. In a
developing country like India, where it has multilateral stakeholder engagement everywhere,
it is imperative to understand the perception of different stakeholders about climate
resilience. Hence, in the wake of climate change, the aim of this paper is to understand the
aspiration of India towards climate resilience from national level to city level and apprehend
the emerging role of relevant stakeholders in achieving equitable climate resilience in order
to make the cities more liveable, sustainable, and economically viable. The paper essentially
tries to achieve four distinct objectives. The first objective is to review the relevance of existing
climate resilience frameworks in the context of global and Indian cities to understand the
synergy and dichotomy between them. In order to reinforce the foundation of the analysis,
the Climate Change Performance Index 2022 was referred. Five countries (India, Indonesia,
Denmark, Ireland, and Algeria) were identified from the index based on their performance
and analysed using certain parameters. The output of this objective indicates that, India
needs to be more cautious about the adaptation actions and their fruitful implementation
on ground as natural calamities have become seasonal phenomenon to the cities. The
second objective of the research is to understand the perception of climate resilience among
various urban development professionals across the country. As a part of the research,
various stakeholders were identified across India who are directly or indirectly associated
with various climate initiatives. The stakeholders were broadly categorised as the national

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government, local government, private agency, NGO, civil society group, and academicians.
The goal was to gain a better understanding of the synergies and gaps between academics
and practicing professionals’ perspectives in the field of climate change. A questionnaire
was designed and disseminated among various stakeholders across India, both digitally and
manually. It was observed that even though people in India are aware of the negative effects
of climate change, there is a lack of awareness about necessary actions to combat climate.
While capturing the notion of climate change at policy level is important, it is equally
essential to know what is happening on ground. Therefore, the third objective of the research
is to understand the response of the cities in India in terms of the initiatives taken by them.
The city of Surat was identified as the case city for the same. Based on the telephonic and
in-person interaction with the stakeholders in Surat, an attempt was made to capture the
perspectives and actions taken up by the city government on climate resilience. Based on the
findings of the research, two types of recommendations were listed. While the macro level
recommendations are towards strengthening the adaptation & mitigation strategies. The
micro level recommendations include promoting ideas like transit-oriented development,
walkability, decentralising infrastructural facilities, promoting urban forest, agro-forest in
peri-urban area, and behavioural changes.

Heat Associated Morbidities in the Informal Housing: Case of

Ahmedabad
Darshini Mahadevia, Professor, Ahmedabad University, Ahmedabad

The increase in average global temperatures expectedly will have adverse consequences on
health. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) reports released recently
report that in the first two decades of the 21st century the average increase of 0.99oC
from the 1850-1900 levels. More worryingly, the temperature increase recorded in the last
decade (2011-2020), was higher; 1.09 o over the 1850-1900 levels. There is 50% likelihood
that the global warming will reach or exceed 1.5 o C in the near term (i.e., 2021- 2040) for
low greenhouse emissions scenario. The impacts of climate change are going to be felt in
the near term and there is an urgency to deal with the expected impacts of the increasing
surface temperatures. In the cities, which themselves experience increased heat stress, urban
heat island (UHI) effect would aggravate heat stress within individual sub-regions within a
city leading to impacts on health. In this paper, we have assessed direct impact of heat on the
health and wellbeing. This paper will look at the combined impact of temperature increase
and UHI on health of local population. This is an exploratory study, undertaken in June

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2022, in 120 sample households living in the informal sector in Ahmedabad city, Gujarat,
India. The paper assesses, through field study of 120 sample households, undertaken in June
2022: (i) which factors influence temperatures experienced at the neighbourhood level, (ii)
which dwelling unit level characteristics that influences temperatures experienced within
the dwelling unit, and (iii) whether temperatures experienced beyond the thermal comfort
band have implications on health of the residents of the dwelling units. In particular, two
categories of dwelling units were selected, one with different types of cool roofs and one
without any intervention by the occupants to reduce in-dwelling temperatures.

Spatial Variation in Urban Flood Exposure

Sajad S Santhosh, PhD Student, IIM Bangalore, Bengaluru

Climate-related extreme events or hazards like heatwaves, droughts, cyclonic storms, and
floods have shown an increasing trend in recent years and are expected to intensify in
the near future. The Sixth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate
Change (IPCC) summarises existing global evidence and projections of climate risk but
also provides a conceptual framework for analysing climate risk. Within this framework,
risk can be understood to be produced by the combination of: a) increasing incidences of
hazard events, b) increasing exposure to each hazard event, and c) increasing vulnerability to
hazards in exposed regions. The response to climate risk requires both mitigation strategies
that focus on reduction in emissions, adaptation strategies that help local communities to
cope with the effects, and resilience strategies for withstanding the increasing frequency
and intensity of hazards. While mitigation requires effective national policies, adaptation
and resilience require subnational attention due to the spatial heterogeneity of climate
risk within national boundaries. Acknowledging this issue is a key gap in the current
literature on climate risk assessments because the scale of analysis may not be congruent
with the scale of the actual phenomenon being studied. Transitions toward resilient cities
will be incomplete without quantifying the subnational and local inequality in climate
risk, especially in the Global South. The dearth of reliable data at high resolutions forces
researchers to limit their analyses to units of analysis which are readily available, such as
district or city level data. The aggregation of spatial data at different levels may lead to
different results due to the suppression of underlying variations within the unit of analysis.
Global flood risk in general, and South Asian flood risk in particular, have been projected
to intensify in the near future. Ecosystem characteristics that vary across and within cities
such as extreme precipitation trends, elevation, and natural drainage can lead to variation in

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exposure to flooding. Human interventions create flood exposure through the proliferation
of built-up infrastructure that is blind to the hydrological nature of the city. The land-use
patterns in Indian cities indicate that the increase in urban built-up area has come at the
cost of urban green spaces, open spaces, and waterbodies. Thus, even in the absence of long-
horizon climate change effects, short-horizon local environmental management and urban
planning may produce urban flooding events. This paper investigates the spatial variation
in urban flood exposure within and between three South Indian cities. Digital Elevation
Models (DEMs) are used to delineate ecological units (watersheds) and publicly available
spatial data can be used for administrative units (cities/wards). For both sets of units, flood
exposure is estimated from publicly available gridded rainfall data, DEMs, and remote
sensing images. The observable variables indicative of flood exposure such as the relief,
gradient, river network, floodplain area, natural drainage, length of coast, and proportion of
built-up area are generated using GIS functions on Google Earth Engine, QGIS, and R.
The results of this analysis will underline the significance of scale in climate risk assessments,
and empirically demonstrate variation in urban flood exposure at ward, city, and watershed
levels in the case of South India. The spatial distribution of flood-exposure at the ward-level
is also compared with the spatial distribution of population within the three cities based on
the most recently published census data at the level of enumeration blocks. We expect to
find evidence for significant overlap between the settlements of historically marginalised
social groups and flood exposed parts of these cities. The results of this analysis will add
to existing knowledge on the relationship between socio-economic inequality and spatial
inequality in the global South. The implications of these results for urban climate justice
and flood risk management policies will also be briefly discussed.

Integrating HEC-RAS and Geospatial Analysis for Identification of

Flood-Prone Areas, with a Case Study of Bengaluru City
Goutham R.N., Research Assistant, Department of Planning, SOA, MIT ADT University
Pune
Nikhil Nayan Vaiude, Associate Professor, Department of Planning, SOA
MIT ADT University, Pune
Harshad Raisoni, Associate Professor, Department of Planning, SOA, MIT ADT University
Pune

Flash floods are a significant concern in urban areas worldwide, with their occurrence
increasing due to rapid urbanisation and climate change. Bengaluru, a city in India, has

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experienced an increase in flash floods since 2005, occurring every year in recent times.
Changes in land use patterns, drainage morphology, and modifications have further
contributed to the problem. The United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goal (SDG)
11.5 emphasises the need for effective and integrated water-related disaster management
to reduce the risk in cities. The objective of this study is to identify flood-prone areas in
the Bengaluru watershed by examining the interplay between various parameters that
contribute to flash floods. A watershed-based approach has been adopted to manage flash
flood risks in Bengaluru systematically. The selected watershed is a representative one
and has experienced flash floods in the past. The research methodology employed in this
study uses a combination of flood inundation modelling using HEC-RAS software and
geospatial analysis techniques to identify the most vulnerable locations within the study
area. The model incorporates a range of parameters, including slope derived from the
digital elevation model (DEM), historical rainfall data, existing land use patterns, and
existing and constructed drainage patterns. These parameters will be considered collectively
to assess the severity and impact of these factors on the study area. The first step is to
collect data on the watershed’s physical characteristics, including topography, drainage
system, land use, and climate. Digital elevation models and satellite imagery are utilised to
create detailed maps of the study area. The next step is to gather data on historical rainfall
patterns, both in terms of intensity and frequency. This data is then fed into a hydrological
model that simulates the flow of water through the watershed. The model’s accuracy is
validated using observed flood data from previous events. Once the model is validated, it
can be used to identify the most vulnerable locations within the study area. By analysing
the model outputs, researchers can identify areas that are at high risk of flooding during
extreme rainfall events. This information can then be used to develop effective measures
to reduce the impact of future flash floods. Urban planners and policymakers can use this
data to identify areas that need to be protected and plan adaptation strategies accordingly.
In conclusion, this study highlights the importance of identifying flood-prone areas in
rapidly urbanizing cities like Bengaluru. By adopting a watershed-based approach and
using a combination of flood inundation modelling and geospatial analysis techniques,
this study aims to identify the most vulnerable locations within the study area. The study
findings can be used by urban planners and policymakers to develop effective measures
to reduce the risk of flash floods in the area. Ultimately, by proactively identifying flood-
prone areas, we can ensure sustainable urban development in the face of increasing flash
flood risk. The use of such an approach is critical to achieving the SDGs and reducing the
risk of flooding in urban areas globally.

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Sustainable Urban Networks for Dynamic and Resilient (SUNDAR)

India
Gaurav Bhatiani, Director, Research Triangle Institute, Delhi
Rakesh Kacker, Consultant, Research Triangle Institute, Delhi
Aastha Jain, Consultant, Research Triangle Institute, Delhi
Srinivasa Rajamani, Head, Sustainable Resilience Unit, GVMC, Visakhapatnam

Accelerated pace of urbanisation will add 2.5 billion people to the cities of the world in
the next three decades. Rapid urbanisation offers opportunities and presents challenges,
particularly in the context of economic development, energy use, and environmental
sustainability. With cities consuming 60-80% of energy and generating 70-75% of
GHG emissions, it is critical to design, plan, and manage to improve sustainability and
enable clean energy transition towards the net zero trajectory. Indian cities have till now
not placed due emphasis on sustainability. Fractured mandates across multiple agencies,
lack of coordination across departments and limited capacity of the urban local bodies
(ULBs) have led to suboptimal outcomes. Most research proposing city-level action has
also remained limited to theory with only few examples of successful implementation on
ground. This study examines the proposition that restructuring the arrangements under
which city utilities operate their mandates, their spatial responsibilities, and their scale
of operations, can deliver benefits of efficiency enhancement through integrated planning
and implementation of infrastructure development. The study combined desktop analysis
with field work in five Indian cities — Chandigarh, Vishakhapatnam, Lucknow, and
Noida — and GIFT City. Interviews with city managements and utilities were conducted
to identify constraints and opportunities for improving planning and integration across
functional mandates. A consumer survey to assess the level of satisfaction with electricity
supply services and willingness to pay for better services. The evidence suggests a significant
upside potential in integrating urban planning with infrastructure delivery. Such a process
will enable achievement of transition to Net Zero by adoption of advanced technologies,
enhancing efficiencies and cost optimisation. Some of the potential climate mitigation and
adaptation strategies include relooking at urban planning by integrating energy delivery with
city development and master plans. These need to factor in decentralised renewable energy,
especially roof-top solar, augment energy efficient buildings, focus on undergrounding
power infrastructure to increase disaster resilience and minimise T&D losses, scaling of EV
charging, develop innovative technologies and behaviour-driven instruments etc. Different
organizational models were identified based on practical on the ground experience from

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cities. These include restructuring of municipal functions, enhancing autonomy and

accountability as well as building capacity. Vishakhapatnam is moving to implement the
findings from the study as a pilot. Learning from these experiences and scaling up the effort
to integrate infrastructure (electricity, transport, water, IT, telecom, etc.) more systematically
in urban planning and delivery of services can enable scaling in various parts of the country.
Discussions and planning for implementation are currently underway in partnership with
Greater Vishakhapatnam Municipal Corporation (GVMC). Vishakhapatnam is a disaster-
prone city with about 73.7% of total area and 62.8% of population vulnerable to natural
calamities. The city is growing rapidly and is centre of economic activity in the state with
high probability of becoming the capital city. Energy consumption is increasing rapidly,
growing over 7.0% annually while supply quality needs significant improvement. As a next
step, Vishakhapatnam will implement key findings in policy, regulatory and institutional
changes to further the overall agenda of enhancing climate resilience. GVMC has been
prompt in adopting city level action plans such as: Climate Action Plan, ECBC/ENS
to building byelaws, Disaster Management Plan, Green Building Adoption plan, among
others. Its focus on disaster risk management, climate resilience, regional connectivity
and clean energy aligns well with the integrated approach. Visakhapatnam is expecting
increased attention and investments and therefore city managers are keen to transform
the city by adopting innovative policies, programmes, and projects. This paper proposes
to highlight the findings from SUNDAR research and implementation of some of the
recommendations in the city of Visakhapatnam.

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 18
Solid Waste Management

Just Transitions and Green Jobs in Waste Management in India:

A Case of Two Cities
Anjor Bhaskar`, Teaching Faculty, Azim Premji University, Bengaluru, Karnataka

With growing concerns of climate change, governments and civil society organisations
need to work towards transitioning towards greener processes for production, consumption
and service delivery. However, this transition to greener processes may impact many people
who are already engaged in these processes. This is the concern that has led to the call for
“just transitions”. With rapidly growing urbanisation and consumerism, one of the biggest
problems facing the world is that of managing urban waste. India produces nearly 70 million
tonnes of Municipal Solid Waste annually and engages between 14-20 million people in the
management of this waste - most of these people work in the informal sector. Much of the
waste produced in India is dumped in landfills or burnt openly. Only about 10% of the waste
is recycled and mostly through the informal sector. Most of the remaining waste (nearly 60
million tonnes annually) is dumped in landfills, open dumps or burnt, causing massive air,
water and soil pollution, loss of land, damage to human health and release of greenhouse
gases. A green transition in the waste sector is therefore urgent and necessary. But how can
states ensure that the transition is also just? How can civil society and government ensure
that waste management systems are not only more sustainable but also include existing
stakeholders in the waste sectors (particularly those in the informal sector). This study looks
closely at the waste management systems of two cities (Ahmedabad and Pune) and the
role played by two organisations (SEWA and SWaCH) to understand the status of waste
management, the level of inclusion and sustainability in the existing systems and what
kind of transitions they are headed towards. 2 The study is based on a thorough analysis
of data and information provided by the Pune and Ahmedabad Municipal Corporations,
surveys of over 800 scrap dealers and FGDs and interviews with informal waste workers
and leaders of organisations of waste workers in both cities. We find a lot of similarities and
many contrasts between the two cities which offer a lot of learning. Both the cities have old,
established (largely) women-led organisations of informal waste workers. Both the cities are

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not very different in terms of size, population, socio-economic and demographic profiles.
Ahmedabad is slightly bigger and generates a little less than double the quantity of waste as
compared to Pune. However, when it comes to transitioning towards sustainable inclusive
waste management systems, we find the city of Pune to be miles ahead of Ahmedabad. In
Pune, a majority of the organic waste is being composted or bio-methanised (production
of methane gas for generating electricity or producing cooking gas) and a large proportion
of the dry waste is being recycled. In many cities in India, informal waste workers, who
have traditionally contributed towards recycling of waste, have been further marginalised
and excluded by the corporatised, mechanised and centralised systems of waste collection,
transportation and disposal adopted by cities. However, in the city of Pune, informal waste
pickers’ role has been recognised, respected and they are formally included in door-to-door
collection of waste, composting and biomethanation of organic waste and the safe and
hygienic sorting, transportation and recycling/disposal of dry waste. Yet, even in Pune, there
remains a lot that can be done in terms of achieving just and sustainable transitions of waste
management. This study highlights a detailed roadmap for just transitions and green jobs
in waste management which has been evolved through an analysis of policy documents,
data, conversations with waste workers and their organisations a survey of scrap dealers
and detailed in-depth interviews with a few of them. The paper raises questions about the
dominant understanding of the role of various institutions – the state, the civil society, the
market and communities – in delivering an essential service such as Municipal Solid Waste
Management. It proposes an alternative model for viewing the role of these institutions in
delivering waste management – one that is conscious of, and takes into existing informal
waste workers and organisations offering waste management services as essential actors
whose contributions are recognised and enhanced through state support, rather than being
replaced by new systems, technologies and players.

Solid Waste Management (SWM) Testbed: Understanding the

Feasibility of Electrifying the SWM Auto Tipper Fleet
Tejatha Hallur, Assistant Policy Analyst, Directorate of Urban Land Transport, Bengaluru
Lakshmipathy K, Manager-Projects, Directorate of Urban Land Transport, Bengaluru
Manjula V, Commissioner-DULT, Directorate of Urban Land Transport, Bengaluru

Bengaluru city has an estimated population of 1.3 crore spread over an area of 713 sq.
km. Approximately 58.5% of the city’s waste generation is from its 29 lakh households,
49.7% is from commercial establishments and 6.8% is from street sweeping. The per capita

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waste generation from regular households in the city is 309 g and that from slums is 300
g. The collection of waste, segregation and transportation is an enormous task, involving
manpower and machinery. Door-to-door waste collection is undertaken by the Bruhat
Bengaluru Mahanagara Palike (BBMP), the municipal body, through auto-tippers which
run on diesel. The waste collected from about 4600 auto tippers is transferred into the
compactors and taken to the processing plants. The Government of India has introduced
many schemes like FAME, Production Linked Incentives etc. to accelerate transition
to electric vehicles. Karnataka was the first state in the country to bring out an Electric
Vehicle Policy and energy storage policy in 2017. The Directorate of Urban land Transport
(DULT) collaborated with BBMP to conduct a testbed for three months between October
19, 2022, and January 19, 2023, in Dharmaraya Swamy Temple ward 119 (in blocks 5
and 6) in Bengaluru to assess the efficacy of the use of electric vehicles for solid waste
collection. The goal was also to familiarise the employees of BBMP and those of the
contractor involved in waste collection, with electric vehicles. M/s Kinetic Green (Original
Equipment Manufacturer (OEM)) provided two vehicles at no cost for this initiative while
BBMP set up the charging infrastructure. The testbed is an attempt to understand the
implications of electrification on BBMP’s SWM auto tippers and recommend BBMP on
the future uptake of electrification of its SWM fleet. Quantitative and qualitative data was
collected by DULT through daily recordings, interviews, and evaluation of Key Performance
Indicators (KPIs). The evaluation’s purpose was to understand the issues, if any, faced by the
ground level staff in using electric auto tippers in waste collection. The evaluation clearly
elucidates the savings in terms of fuel cost, zero noise pollution and no emissions along with
sustainability. The EV auto tippers were well received by the BBMP SWM staff. After the
evaluation, a detailed analysis with recommendations for the way forward was shared with
BBMP to inform their plans, if any, to induct electric vehicles in solid waste management.
The results, specifically relating to desired modifications in the vehicle design, were shared
with the OEM. Though some cities in India are already using electric vehicles for waste
collection, the testbed approach was preferred to gain an understanding of the planning
needed for transition to the new vehicle technology. This research paper is an effort of
the Directorate of Urban Land Transport, Government of Karnataka, to document and
demonstrate the process of planning, piloting, and evaluating a testbed on use of electric
vehicles for solid waste collection in Bengaluru.

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Community Led Decentralised Waste Management: A Solution for

Urban Local Bodies to Tackle Waste Problem
Giresh Mohan, Operations Manager-Social Investments, ITC Limited, Kolkata
Subhendu Das, Programme Manager, ITC Limited, Kolkata

Improper Solid Waste Management (SWM) is one of the most serious environmental
challenges confronted by cities in India. Typically, problematic areas in SWM inter-alia
include, i) operational inefficiencies of services; ii) limited utilisation of recycling activities;
and iii) indiscriminate landfill disposal. The focus on merely waste collection rather than
waste management approach has led to piling of waste at landfill site or on roadsides that
results into serious health and environmental hazards. Solid waste contributes directly to
greenhouse gas emissions through the generation of methane from the anaerobic decay of
waste in landfills; and the emission from waste transportation and combustion. ITC’s Social
Investment Program has developed, context specific SWM models for large cities, small
towns, rural catchments and temples. Models largely based on the principle of ‘treatment
close to the generator’ to reduce transportation and associated costs, whilst minimising waste
load at landfill, are implemented in partnership with Municipal Corporations/Panchayati
Raj Institutions. This paper analyses the benefits of decentralised solid waste management
in one such project implemented in Saharanpur by ITC in partnership with Municipal
Corporation. Saharanpur is a city in western Uttar Pradesh having an estimated population
of 11 lakh. City generates more than 70,000 MT of waste in a year, of which, household
waste is about 20,000 MT. ITC and Saharanpur Municipality corporation started working
together on implementation of a decentralised households waste management model
in 2016. Starting with 33,000 households in 2016, the programme reached to 1.5 lakh
households by 2022-23. The model focused on behaviour change for source segregation,
composting of biodegradable waste, recycling of dry waste and payment of service fee by
the households — “my waste my responsibility”. With emphasis on community ownership,
over 460 “Mohalla Committee” of citizen were formed with about 250-300 households
clustered together in each committee for decentralised self-management of waste. Apart
from promoting source segregation, these committee played crucial role in monitoring of
segregated waste collection, service charge collection from households, wages payment to
waste collectors and overall cleanliness of the area. Decentralised composting methods
like: “Home Composting”, “Cluster Composting”, and “Ward Level Composting” were
promoted depending on the availability of space and community acceptance. Due to
sustained efforts over 91% of the households now segregate waste at source. Sustainability
of the model is driven through revenue generation from household levy, sale of recyclables

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and compost. Over 94% of the participating Households are paying average ₹39 per
month. Mohalla committees together generate nearly Rs. 45 lakhs as user fee per month
and disburse about ₹43 lakh as honorarium to over 450 waste collectors and waste
processing workers. Over 14,700 MT of waste was managed during 2022-23 from 1.5
lakh households which otherwise would have landed to dump sites. In terms of climate
benefits, waste prevention is the best management option. The initiative enabled reduction
of greenhouse gas emissions due to reduced transportation of waste as biodegradable waste
is managed at source or in the neighbourhood. Also, avoiding waste to landfill has reduced
GHG emission from waste dumps. In solid waste management generally focus is on waste
collection, whether segregated or non-segregated, and its dumping. Emphasis on reduction
of waste at community level to reduce the burden of waste transportation and management,
and community participation is missing. Saharanpur model has demonstrated community
ownership and sustainability, which not only reduce the waste burden but also reduces the
financial and human resource burden on urban local bodies which are struggling to manage
their activities within limited budget. However, such model require financial, resource and
strong policy support to sustain in initial years.

Maximising Capacity Utilisation in Waste Management Practices

Suraj V.S., Student, CEPT University, Ahmedabad
Gayatri Doctor, Associate Professor, CEPT University, Ahmedabad
Ameya Naik, Head of Policy, eGov Foundation, Bengaluru

With the significant increase in the adoption of onsite sanitation systems under the
Swachh Bharat Mission in Odisha, there is a growing demand for effective faecal sludge
management (FSM) in rural areas. The urban-rural convergence approach addresses
this need by utilising the existing FSM infrastructure in urban areas to extend services
to neighbouring rural areas, thus bridging the urban-rural divide. Following successful
pilot programmes in Dhenkanal and Angul, the Housing and Urban Development
Department (H&UDD), District Administration, and Municipal governments across the
state are actively expanding this approach statewide. By eliminating the need for additional
infrastructure and fostering institutional convergence, this approach optimises resource
utilisation, mitigates environmental pollution, and reduces health risks associated with
improper faecal waste management. However, it has been observed that the underutilisation
of resources highlights specific challenges that need to be overcome to scale up operations in
the Urban-Rural Convergence model successfully. Hence, the study focused on identifying
potential gaps and threats to the value chain in the Urban-Rural Convergence model and

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examined factors contributing to the underutilisation of Faecal Sludge Treatment Plants

(FSTPs). The study also explored the role of technology in increasing the efficiency of
resources involved in the value chain. It was done through a formative research approach,
including focus group discussions and in-depth interviews with key stakeholders involved
in Odisha’s Faecal Sludge and Septage Management (FSSM) practices, especially
sanitation experts from different ULBs across the state. The study involved five stages: a
literature review and framework development, site visits and data analysis, and concluding
with recommendations and an action plan. This approach provides valuable insights into
FSSM practices and lays the groundwork for future effective waste management strategies.
The research revealed that most of the FSTPs in the cities of Odisha are utilised less than
55% of their actual operational capacity. It also identified reasons for utilisations which
were caused due to multiple factors, including a lack of awareness among households in
the Gram Panchayats (GPs) in the state, a lack of transparency and accountability on
Desludging Service Operators involved in operations in both urban and rural areas, and an
absence of ULB-specific bylaws for FSSM. The study also explores how existing structures,
such as social capital and social networks, can be leveraged to mobilise sensitisation
programs inventorying septic tanks that would increase capacity utilisation. The initiatives
proposed could be scaled across all the 115 ULBs and their tagged GPs within the state.
Despite its limitations, such as the reliance on Focus Group Discussions and In-depth
interviews, the study concludes that the framework developed as part of the research can
be replicable and scalable as it has identified parameters that could identify the obstacles
hindering optimisation in the existing FSSM ecosystem and identifying solutions that can
be implemented across all ULBs in the state. The study’s policy recommendations provide
a way forward for the capacity maximisation of FSTPs in its ULBs, enabling safe waste
management practices and developing a comprehensive FSSM action plan. The study’s
findings have significant implications for improving waste management practices and
promoting safe sanitation practices in the identified cities and beyond.

Waste Management and Sustainability: Initiatives and

Challenges in Indian Context
Amit Kumar, Ph.D. Student, National Institute of Technology, Patna
Ashish Ranjan Sinha, Associate Professor, National Institute of Technology, Patna

There are just a few things in life that are certain: one is death, another is change, and the
third is waste. These events in our lives cannot be stopped by anyone. In every habitation,
garbage creation is inevitable. By managing it properly, we can recycle the waste and make

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money. The enormous amount of waste produced in Indian cities, which are quickly catching
up to the economies of other countries in their pursuit of rapid economic development, has
so far been ineffectively managed. There are about 766 districts and approximately 5,000
towns in India. The country’s garbage production is increasing as a result of the population
boom, heavy Industrialisation etc., both in urban and rural areas. There is a clear difference
between urban and rural areas in India based on garbage. We all have a right to clean food,
water, and air. Recently, scholars, theorists, academicians, and practitioners have begun to
place more emphasis on the notions of waste management and sustainability. Now for
the first question, what is waste? Waste is characterised as undesired and useless material.
There are many types of wastes such as: solid waste, e-waste, plastic waste, liquid waste,
metal waste, nuclear waste etc. and its management is called “waste management” which
refers to the numerous plans for managing and getting rid of wastes. Key problems and
obstacles include a lack of compilations and segregation at the source, a shortage of land,
the dumping of e-waste, a lack of knowledge, etc. In terms of implementation of scheme,
management, technology, and professional expertise, there are several gaps and many
loose ends. The objective of this paper is to examine the practices that are currently being
used in India in relation to the numerous waste management programs that have been
implemented for the advantages of the population. The other objective is to offer some ideas
and suggestions to enhance Indian waste management procedures. This paper is based on
secondary data which are related to past research paper, Current waste management reports
are examined, together with recommendations for system reform from planners, NGOs,
consultants, government organisations, etc. It provides sound understanding of the various
waste management schemes in India and identifies areas where waste management could
be improved for the advantages of society. In India, new and expensive technologies are
being promoted to address our urban trash problem while ignoring their environmental and
social ramifications. This is especially true when trash is thermally treated using techniques
like gasification, incineration, pyrolysis. The paper makes an effort to comprehend the
significant function that the formal sector, which handle garbage in our nation, plays.
Another alternative is to use various regulations to encourage the development of micro
businesses within the waste-recycling industry. According to numerous case studies of
developing nations like Egypt and Latin America, among others, the living conditions
of waste pickers and recyclers generally improve once they organise and institutionalised
their work and receive official local government recognition. This work is unique and has
potential for growth. There is need for a well-defined strategic waste management plan
and a robust implementation of the same in India in order to prevent any epidemics and to
make the environment healthy, economically and sustainably.

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 19
Gender and Urban Labour Market

Young Women’s Entry into “Men’s” Work in Delhi: Gender, Mobility

and Their Implications for Occupational Outcomes
Garima Sahai, Post-doctoral Research Associate, Department of Geography, University of
Cambridge and Bye-Fellow, Murray Edwards College, University of Cambridge

The female labour force participation in India has been declining since 2005. It was about
37% in 2004-05, which declined to 29% in 2009-10, further dropping to 21% in 2019. A
key reason put forward for it has been occupational gender segregation; that with sectors
that have experienced job growth being non-traditional for women, they have been unable
to participate in the labour market. As such policy documents have identified reducing
occupational gender segregation and drawing women into the labour market as a priority
development area. Questions around reducing occupational gender segregation is especially
relevant to the urban context. For one, occupational gender segregation is higher in
urban than in rural areas. Relatedly, the difference between male and female labour force
participations is greater in urban than rural areas. In this context, this paper asks how do
social-networks influence young women’s entry into non-traditionally female job training
in Delhi? Most studies on social-networks and employment see networks to be purely
positive; as a form of capital that is crucial for entry into jobs. Such a view of social-
networks, however, has been predominantly based on men’s (occupational) lives and the
role that social-networks play therein. This paper focusses on young women in Delhi, India
who belong to a low socio-economic class. It draws on 56 semi-structured interviews with
such young women which were conducted and analysed between 2017 and 2020, as part
of my PhD study. The research found that young women’s restricted mobility determined
their occupational outcomes in somewhat perverse ways. Young women, living in slums, on
account of classed and gendered constraints, are expected to stay mostly in and around home
and are not as embedded in social-networks outside the household. This paper suggests that
this non-embeddedness is crucial to young women’s occupational outcomes – their (lack
of ) social-networks both constrain and, perversely, ease the entry of these young women
into non-traditional job training.

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Occupation Segregation in Urban Labour Market in India:

Evidences from Survey Dara
Madhurima Saha, State Aided College Teacher (SACT), South Calcutta Girls’ College, Kolkata

The status of female employment in India has been the subject of research interest during
the post-reform period. It is observed that women in different parts of the world with
the same level of endowments are denied of equal opportunities as men in terms of both
employment and earnings. Conventionally, supply side analysis of the labour market uses
differences in human capital accumulation between men and women as the major explanatory
factor for gender differences in job choices. The choice of occupation is determined by
aptitudes, capabilities and interests, freedom of choice, desires and wants. But, gender gap
in educational attainment has been reducing over time but still it is not reflected in the
employment. According to PLFS Report (2019-20), the literacy rate for men and women
are respectively 92% and 83%, but their labour force participation is respectively about
58%and 19% in urban India. Thus, employment differences by gender cannot be explained
fully by the differences in human capital variables like education and experience between
men and women. These observations highlight the importance of understanding the causes
and consequences of differences in employment distributions by gender in urban India.
In this study, we measure occupational segregation between men and women in urban
India with unit level data from PLFS (2019-20) and examine its implications in analysing
gender differences in occupation in urban India. The study finds out the possible sources
of gender differences in employment by estimating the Multinomial Logit Model to
predict the relationship between the occupational characteristics and gender differences
in occupational choice. The study also calculate the shares of men and women, and the
gender specific dissimilarity index by employment type using Duncan and Duncan (1955)
index in each of the 9 occupational groups. The entire study is restricted between the age
group 15-65 years. The study observed some contrasting features of employment in urban
India during 2019-20 in terms of usual activity status and occupations at NCO 1 digit
level. Considering the total urban labour force , it is observed that females are mainly
concentrated in performing domestic and other household activities compared to any
other economic activity, specially older age females whereas males of both the age cohorts
are engaged in different economic activities, especially in wage employed activities. The
participation of both male and female workers in the principal activities increases as they
grew older because the younger age groups are mainly engaged in having education. A
detail analysis of occupational distribution by gender shows the noticeable participation of

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working age women in only some selected wage employed activities specially in Professionals
and Technicians, where their share is not only higher than their male counterparts but it
is also remarkable, mainly for younger age groups whereas the low graded occupations are
mainly male dominated for both the age groups. Some of the estimated coefficients of
multinomial logit model for the working age group implies that education has a positive
impact on regular wage employment with respect to self-employment while it is negatively
related to casual wage employment for both the workers and the positive effect of education
is stronger for women workers. As the number of household size increases, the male and
female workers are more likely to participate in casual wage activities compared to self-
employment activities. The model shows that marriage lowers the chance to entry into the
wage employed activities (both regular and causal) compared to self-employed activities for
both the workers, though the negative effect is stronger for women workers. Some policy
measures for the development of urban sector in this regard are: inclusive growth and job
creation which can benefit mainly females, more vocational educational and training which
can increases women’s occupational choices, support should be given to reduce time burden
associated with the unpaid household work along with child care and elderly care, sharing
family responsibilities and finally safety of female workers at the workplace along with
social security benefits

A Study on Determinants of Stagnating and Low Female Labour

Supply in Urban Regions of India with a Focus on Female Agency
Diya Tanmay Devare, Ph.D. Student, Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics, Pune
Savita Kulkarni, Assistant Professor, Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics, Pune

The female labour force participation rate (FLFPR) in India is driven by the interplay of
socio-economic and demographic factors that are crucial in explaining the labour market
participation of females. The paper studies the determining factors of the inexplicable static
rate of working age female labour market participation especially in the urban and metro
regions of India.
Urban joblessness has become a worrisome feature of the Indian economy in recent years.
As compared to the rural unemployment rates, the urban unemployment rates have been
higher since the last few years. As per the December 2022 CMIE estimates, the urban
unemployment rate further rose to 10.09% while the rural unemployment rate improved
to 7.55%. Among the urban unemployment rate, the urban female unemployment rate

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is found to be the highest (25.78%) despite the rise in literacy in the last decade. It is
observed that there is no commensurable rise in FLFPR despite conducive factors such
as residence in urban areas that provides for privileges of urbanisation, higher economic
growth and high literacy rates. The PLFS reports (2020-21, 2019-20, 2018-19, and 2017-
18) show that the work force participation rate (WPR) of females with graduate level of
education above 15 years of age is lower for urban females as compared to rural females. The
absence of multi-pronged scheme in urban regions to tackle urban unemployment situation
is another important aspect that worsens joblessness in urban areas. The paper aims to
study the effects of socio-economic determinants on female participation in urban labour
market, and investigate impact of factors related to agency of females in the household
on labour market outcomes. A nationally representative panel dataset (1HDS 1 & 2) has
been used to show that the labour market outcomes for females are a result of certain
socio-economic and demographic factors that deter females from entering the work force
despite urbanisation. As the paper focuses on employment of women, we use the variable
of work participation of females provided by the IHDS which captures a comprehensive
picture of female participation in economic activities by including nonfarm businesses,
wage or salaried labour and own farm work. A panel logistic regression has been estimated
to investigate the effects of various determinants on female participation in labour market.
To check whether the fixed effect model or the random effect model fits the data, the
Hausman test has been used. The key findings of the study are as follows: 1. The study
reveals that higher level of spousal education discourages participation of females in the
labour market. 2. The analysis shows that females who belong to the higher asset quintile
and income quintile have lesser probability to participate in the labour market. 3. Marriage
acts as a prime deterrent in the participation of females in the work force.

Working Process within Platform Economy in India: A Case Study

of Beauty Platforms in Delhi NCR
Shipra, PhD Student, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi
Minatekan Behera, Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi

Platform economy provides an apparatus which brings together the supply and demand
of labour digitally. The study focuses on service providers engaged with geographically
tethered platforms which provide home-based beauty services to the service requesters.
These beauty service providers, on entering the platform, irrespective of their experience
in the beauty industry, are expected to perform beauty services according to standards set

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by platforms. The objective of the study is to look at the work process within a beauty
platform. Though it is understood that this is a fast-changing industry and a few aspects
stated may change while the paper is being written, the paper tries mapping the integral
parts of the work process which govern the life of the service provider working through
the platform. For the purpose of the study, 60 beauticians were interviewed in Delhi NCR
from 4 beauty labour platforms. Of the 4 platforms, 2were big and 2were relatively smaller.
Though the platforms worked in a similar manner, there were differences in the way smaller
and bigger platforms functioned. The paper also tries to tap into the differences in work
processes within platforms. The sample was chosen using purposive and snowball sampling.
It was qualitative research where the data was collected using semi-structured schedules.
The study showed that all the platforms, irrespective of their sizes, during enrolment of the
service providers to the platform, go through the same process namely, initial interview-
practical test, in-house training of selected candidates and onboarding of service providers.
The process can be as rigorous or as simple, depending on the platform. During an initial
interview, along with checking for their skills, the service providers are also checked for
their ability to learn the ‘mannerism’ of the platform. The training in these platforms ranges
from a day to multiple weeks, depending on the platform. Even the service providers who
wish to re-enter the platform, have to clear an interview and get trained before entering
the platform again. Though the platform seems like an easy entry, there are a few economic
and social factors which obstruct the entry of service providers from lower sections of
society to the platform. In order to enter the platform, a service provider needs a huge
investment to buy an initial kit of beauty products and tools. This is to be bought before
they actually start earning anything through the platform. Similarly, in a few platforms,
in order to get trained, service providers have to pay some amount to the platform. A few
platforms also reject service providers who cannot converse in basic English. Once a service
provider is ‘live’ on the platform, there is a proper mechanism for getting tasks. Every
platform has its own way of decimation of tasks to their service provider. Irrespective of the
way in which the service provider gets the task, once accepted, a service provider cannot
reject the task. This challenges the idea of the flexibility of work and ‘entrepreneurship’
lauded and celebrated by mainstream platforms. As the training makes the beauty services
standardised, when the service provider travels to the house of the client and provides the
beauty services, everything seemed homogenised. The steps taken by the service provider,
from the minute they enter the house of the service requester to the second they leave their
home, are choreographed in such a way that in need the platform can replace one service
provider with another. The service providers, the minute they accept the task, have their
commission deducted. This commission ranges from 12 to 30%. Though most platforms

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formally charge a 20% commission, a few service providers claimed to have been charged
more. When new tasks are added, the additional commission is deducted from most of the
platforms. The service provider work under utmost surveillance. The surveillance is both
from the platforms’ side and the client’s side on the process used by the service provider,
the product used and their presentation of self. This leaves service providers with little
autonomy and makes them easily replaceable by any other service provider from the same
platform.

Status of Women Workers in Precarious Employment: With Special

Reference to Pradhan Mantri Rojgar Protsahan Yojana (PMRPY)
Niharika Singh, Assistant Professor, Symbiosis School of Economics, Pune
Antra Singh, Assistant Professor, Shaheed Rajguru College of Applied Sciences for Women,
Delhi University, Delhi

Around the liberalisation period in India, there was a visible surge in women participation
in labour activity and post globalisation women have substantially contributed to the
labour force. Women workers in precarious employment is mostly either in construction
or manufacturing sector. Both the sectors are highly labour-intensive and the women
workers in both the industries are exposed to exploitative environment in terms of wages
as well as working conditions and social security measures. They are exposed to vulnerable
circumstances with inadequate supply of basic resources of livelihoods. In India, the
proportion of women working without employees’ benefit is substantially more as compared
to their male counterpart. Central government Pradhan Mantri Rojgar Protsahan Yojana
(PMRPY), a Central government scheme launched on August, 2016 to incentivise
employers for generation of new employment, where Government of India was paying
the full employer’s contribution of 12% or as applicable towards EPF and EPS both for
new employment. This scheme had dual benefit, where, on the one hand, the employer is
incentivised for increasing the employment base of workers in the establishment, and on the
other hand, these workers will have access to social security benefits of the organised sector.
The scheme is being implemented through EPFO. A direct benefit is that these workers will
have access to social security benefits of the organised sector. The number of establishments
who have benefitted during the implementation of the scheme is 1.24 lakh. This paper
studies the impact of PMPRY scheme on the participation of women in labour force.
With the scheme running widely, there is need to study the impact of the scheme on the
participation of women in labour force and to find out the number of women beneficiaries

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of the scheme and to explore the ways of benefits. There is sufficient literature available
on factors affecting female labour force participation in India but there are scant reports
available which deals with the effectiveness of the policies initiated/implemented by the
government. Thus, the objective of this study is to address the challenges faced in effective
implementation of this scheme and the other non-policy related factors that pull back
women from joining the workforce. The study used Consumer Pyramids Household Survey
(CPHS) by Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE) as database for analysing
variables such as, education, marital status, past employment details, effective use of time,
health and financial coverage provided using multiple discriminant analysis. The detailed
analysis of the above-mentioned data sets portrayed the trend in female participation in
work force, relationship between level of education and drop in women from labour market
and the reasons for drop in female labour force participation. Thus, this paper elaborates the
government scheme from the perspective of women in labour force and its effectiveness as
well as gaps in existing policy. To understand whether women are aware of the scheme and
to the extent it has been availed by women and if not point out the reasons for the same.
The study tries to quantify the impact of key policy and non-policy factors affecting female
participation in workforce. The outcome provides the loopholes in the policies and proposes
ways in which these policies can act as a pull factor to women in labour market.

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 20
Migration and Migrant’s Rights

Embodying Urban Identities: Ethnographic Narratives of Migrant

Domestic Workers in Delhi
Nargis Vasundhara, Ph.D. Student, Department of Sociology, Delhi School of Economics
Delhi University, New Delhi

The evolution of paid domestic work and the idea of servitude has become increasingly
attached with the modern Indian elite over the last few decades. In urban or metropolitan
centres of India, female domestic workers are largely impoverished migrants from rural
areas who have migrated with their families or alone as cities become spaces for their
gainful employment. Their present-day figure stands large at 90 million within the
unorganised and informal Indian labour markets. The aggressive manners in which the
city presents itself to migrants relocating necessarily leads them to forgo the familiar and
accustomed lives in their villages, and to grasp the unfamiliar and competitive prevalent
urban economies. Migrant women who turn to paid domestic work in cities cannot only
be seen as working in their employer’s enclosed, unfamiliar homes even though it may be
their site of employment. With the introduction of care work as a commodified service,
there is a shift from care as unpaid labour within the family home to paid labour in urban
markets. Migration has resulted in the creation of urban slums, squatter-settlements and
camps surrounding middle- and upper-class residential areas where these migrants relocate
themselves for work, which at an analytical level has been considered as the shifting or
transferring of poverty from rural to urban areas. The often unknown or unexplored life
histories of minority women have been given prominence in this study. The ethnographic
data presented from Delhi, attest to the aforesaid wherein migration and creation of surplus
labour in cities paves way for their exploitation, subordination and subservience to their
employers. Through this study’s field site, of a slum cluster located within an urban colony
in south Delhi, migrants moving from rural to urban lifestyles are seen as constantly
negotiating the spaces they move from and settle within. For the female domestic worker,
the process of migration is not a seamless transition: from her village, to the city slums,
and finally into the urban home for employment. This paper derives its focus from the

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dislocated rural lives of the migrant by her shift into the urban diaspora, which leads
not just to her physical relocation, but a mental and emotional readjustment to her new
environments. We try to delineate the interrupted lives, or rather, the broken biography of
the female worker as migrations from rural to urban areas create socio-cultural disruptions
to her story. In this study of part-time live-out domestic workers, the women workers
recount their initial employment encounters in urban homes. Data was collected over 14
months at an urban slum/working-class neighbourhood/basti located within an affluent
colony in south Delhi, where we engaged with oral histories and visual ethnographies as
qualitative research methods. Oral history as a methodological tool for has allowed this
study to account for upheavals and changes experienced in social lives and interpret local
histories of women workers. In-depth interviews, focused-group discussion and open-
ended surveys with the women have facilitated in revealing subjectivities encountered in
their lived realities. Through the research, we draw away from the simplistic understanding
that migration is an objective process of physical relocation. The intent was to delve into
the subjective narratives of migrant women, who are forced to continuously negotiating
and reinventing their selves in accordance with economic opportunities available in the
complex urban milieu. Residing in bastis and adjusting to the rhythms of the city are,
therefore, processes that facilitate in overcoming a socio-economic crisis. The focus of
the paper lies in highlighting the resilience affirmed by female domestic workers as a
community, as they symbolise the interconnections of specific local cultures to that of
urban or cosmopolitan cultures by attaching meanings to migration, occupation, and
gendered labour.

COVID-19 and Indian Cities: Revisiting Agglomeration, Density

and Disease Nexus
Pratik Singh, Ph.D. Student, University of Hyderabad, Hyderabad
Alok Kumar Mishra, Professor, School of Economics, University of Hyderabad, Hyderabad

COVID-19 is the most recent pandemic that has invaded every part of the world,
especially urban areas. The World Health Organisation (WHO) has reported about 761
million confirmed cases and over 6.8 million deaths worldwide from the onset of the
disease till March 31, 2023. Adopting an epidemiological perspective, some scholars
have argued that the agglomeration of people in dense urban areas, is a primary reason

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for the spread of contagious diseases like COVID-19. This paper, based on an economic
perspective, empirically examines the effect of density on COVID-19 infection and
mortality rates in India. Using a large disaggregated dataset covering 589 districts, we find
a significant negative correlation between density and COVID-19 confirmed case rate.
To estimate the relationship between density and mortality rate, we use COVID-19 case
rate as a mediator in structural equation modelling. We notice that COVID-19 mortality
rates are comparatively lower in denser districts. Our findings suggest that cities, which
offer external economies of scale due to clustering of productive economic activities and
generate resources for socio-economic development need to be enabled to effectively
manage density rather than considering it a demon. They must be empowered to build a
robust public health foundation, address health inequities, and develop resilience against
future disasters. Urban governance reforms hold the key to disaster-preparedness and
pandemic management. This study is based on secondary data sources. Data on confirmed
and death cases have been collected from the COVID-19 tracker portal maintained by the
Indian Institute of Technology, Hyderabad (IIT-H). Population density data of different
districts and states have been collected from India’s Census 2011. The sample in this study
is restricted to 589 districts across India. As a result, our findings cannot be generalised
to other countries. In the analysis, we have taken 17 districts which are more than 75%
urbanised. Similarly, there are 46, 151 and 375 districts taken which are between 50% to
75% urbanised, between 25% to 50%, and less than 25% urbanised districts respectively.
The Model- The relationship between density and COVID-19 confirmed case rate as
well as mortality rate due to COVID-19 is examined statistically. The rate of COVID-19
confirmed case and death per 10,000 population is our outcome variable. The estimation
in this analysis is best handled by structural equation modelling, which allows us to study
the association between density and COVID-19 death rates – directly as well as indirectly.
The model uses COVID-19 case rate/infection rate as the mediation path. The study
finds a significant negative correlation between density and COVID-19 confirmed case
rate. To estimate the relationship between density and COVID-19 mortality rate, it uses
infection rate as a mediator in structural equation modelling with AMOS software. The
exercise reveals a significant negative relationship between density and mortality rate.
Findings suggests COVID-19 mortality rates are much lower in districts with lesser
density compared to the more densely populated. This suggests that contagious diseases
can be more hazardous in areas with low density, possibly because of their deficient public
health infrastructure, outreach services and access to facilities such as quick testing, tracing,
isolation, communication, vaccination, and medical care. People tend to have greater access

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to modern health and medical facilities in dense urban regions, including health specialists
and emergency medical services than the less densely populated areas. These findings
are partially consistent with those of other researchers. The COVID-19 pandemic has
highlighted the critical importance of revisiting disaster preparedness/resilience, public
health policy and urban management strategy. It would be disastrous to ignore cities in
India, the growth engines, any longer. Density can be a powerful resource for growth,
Denigrating density and connectivity will be harmful to India’s inclusive growth and
sustainable development goals, including poverty reduction. Governments at central, state
and local levels must come together in the spirit of cooperative federalism to strengthen
city government and public health institutions, promote medical and healthcare facilities
for the poor, make available affordable housing and lifeline services in slums and squatter
settlements and undertake education campaigns as part of the strategy to strengthen
resilience against future pandemics.

Coping the Shocks of COVID-19 through Reverse Migration in India

Saumen Majumdar, Associate Professor, Indian Institute of Management Tiruchirappalli
Tiruchirappalli
Piyush Tiwari, Professor, University of Melbourne, Melbourne

The Government of India implemented one of the strictest lockdowns to curb the spread
of the MERS-CoV virus. Lockdowns and pause on economic activities required people
to cope with the situation as many lost employment and other livelihood activities.
Overcrowding at hospitals and other essential services caused enormous strain on
households. Households engaged in the process of coping by attempting to manage
the demands that the stressful events which resulted in overburdened physiological,
emotional, cognitive, and economic resources. Individuals, families, organisations, the
government, and the society at large made efforts to cope. In the present study, reverse
migration, in the context of the pandemic, can be viewed as a coping mechanism through
which households attempted to mitigate some of the adverse impacts of lockdown. This
paper examines the causes for ‘reverse migration’ as the coping strategy that households
adopted in the aftermath of a series of lockdowns that followed COVID-19 pandemic to
ameliorate negative consequences of loss of livelihood, food shortages and loss of shelter
in urban India. This paper examines the socio-economic, demographic and policy factors
that determined reverse migration. The paper uses the three rounds of COVID-19 related

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shock surveys conducted by the World Bank in rural India during 2020. Using logistic
regression to model for reverse migration, the paper provides evidence that family support
and rural social institutions such as self-help groups played crucial role in providing
support system during pandemic even to those who migrated back from urban areas.
Government programmes such as Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme and access to
public distribution system were also important factors causing reverse migration. Results
from the first round of survey shows that the narrative is far more nuanced. Determinants
like castes/ religion played an important role than what the conventional narrative would
perceive. The migrants from SC community are found to less likely to return. Possibly,
they fear even worse outcome than their present status. They would prefer to weather the
current crisis rather than returning back. Migrants belonging to Christian community
are less likely to return. Most likely this community can fall upon the extensive support
provided by the church and other self-help group affiliated to the church. On the other
hand, the migrants from the Buddhist community are likely to return. Buddhists have
the highest incidence of poverty among all religion classes in India. Perhaps they prefer
to return to salvage from whatever succour their rural resources would be able to provide,
which they contend would be more than persisting at the urban fringes. Results from
the second round of survey suggests that migrants are relying more on community level
associations, which help them develop more expansive and stronger social networks. The
migrants facing adverse situations seem to increasingly fall back on their social networks.
They are also keen to access ongoing government transfer programmes. Results from the
third round of survey reflect on to what extent the migrants may go to make progressive
economic choices. Returnee migrants are keener to access new transfer payments
introduced later. Having said that, the modelling exercise do also suggest that although the
decisions to reverse migrate during later rounds has a basis on economic principles, other
considerations such as fulfilling traditional cultural norms (like attending annual cultural
festivals, traditional home coming) may also have played an important part. Clearly, these
later considerations are clearly beyond the scope of the analysis based on the collated data
as reflected in the deteriorating fit of the models for later rounds. The results reinforce the
theory of transnationalism at subnational level. This is a new contribution to the literature
as the theory is deemed to be applicable in the context of country/region. As evidenced
during the COVID-19, the migrants maintained strong ties with their location of origin.
The network of relationship that they maintained at their location of origin is sought to be
leveraged during the crisis as one of the main coping mechanisms. This coping mechanism
manifested through reverse migration.

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“Who Cares”? : Inter-state Migrants in the Construction Industry

and their Right to Social Reproduction in City Spaces
Anwesha Konar, Research Associate, Policy and Development Advisory Group, New Delhi

In contemporary India rapid urbanisation is being largely fuelled by the construction

sector through the creation of infrastructure, amenities, residential and non-residential
complexes. Simultaneously, the construction industry is one of the major employers of
the informal, inter-state cyclical migrants in India. The recently conducted Jharkhand
Migration Survey ( JMS) reveals that around 40% of Jharkhand’s cyclical-migrants across
social categories are engaged in the multi-layered construction sector, which functions
through multiple subcontracting relationships. Drawing upon ethnographic observations
about cyclical migrant-workers in the construction sector the paper highlights “the right to
care” of inter-state migrants in the city spaces as an integral yet ignored domain of labour
rights. The responsibility of care and social reproduction within the sector is borne neither
by the employer, the state or the city council. Further, conditions of domicility limit the
access of migrants to available social security measures at the destination. Consequently
the migrant’s right to care remains unrecognised and the responsibility is delegated to the
migrant subject. The research paper seeks to locate the factors that determine the degree
of care gap? What determines how much of this deficit will be borne by institutions and
how much of the responsibility will be privatised? How is such privatised care work then
negotiated by the migrants in the construction sector ? The research was conducted via
mixed methods i.e.. through both qualitative and quantitative methods, though ethnography
as a tool and lens predominates in the case of this research paper. The qualitative part of
the research, conducted in 10 districts of Jharkhand, across 5 administrative subdivisions,
used methods like focus group discussions and life history interviews with the inter-
state migrant construction workers, across social groups to gain insight into their varied
experiences of migration. Engaged in the multi- layered construction sector across India,
these migrants also work in various job roles, often determined by their positions in the
socio-economic hierarchies and their ascribed identities. The qualitative aspect tried
to capture these varied negotiations done by the migrants, who are not an homogenous
category. Quantitative data from JMS reveals that 40% of Jharkhand’s interstate migrant
workers are engaged in the construction sector across India. These workers belonging from
different social strata are engaged in various job profiles in the multi-layered construction
sector which functions via multi-layered sub- contracting relationships. The migrants
location within these networks of contracts and subcontracts determines his/her wage,

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accommodation, amenities and the degrees of care he/she has access to at the destination.
Migrants engaged in the big corporate construction firms at the apex of the sector are often
provided with accommodation and mess facilities by the companies, whereas, for others
only the arrangement for living at the destination are provided for by the contractors and
subcontractors, who work with the big firms, government bodies or independently. There
are also a number of instances where the migrants, often belonging from the same source
location, rent out accommodation together in the city spaces. These contingent living
arrangements, which create non-normative domesticities, are the sites of immediate social-
reproduction of the migrants at the destination. The research has shown that the degree of
care labour delegated to the individual migrant is directly dependent on the social location
inhabited, the social capital accrued and the contractual arrangements negotiated by him/
her. Previous scholarships have argued that migration is sustained through the economy
of care back at the source. Supplementing this argument the paper has discovered that
economy of care is also re-produced at the destination in the form of non-conventional,
contingent commensalities constituted by peer groups of workers. Given the general
absence of care rights these non-normative domesticities become crucial for the immediate
social-reproduction, resilience and survival of migrant laborers at the destination. In effect,
then the absence of a homogenous set of caring rights as an integral part of labour rights
entrenches existing social cleavages of class, caste, age, gender, ethnicity and sustains the
vulnerabilities embedded within life experiences of migrants belonging to marginalised
social strata.

Rural-Urban Migration and its Impact on Urban Environment:

A Case Study of Ranchi City of Jharkhand
Marcus Barla, Associate Professor, St. Xavier’s College, Ranchi

Jharkhand state was carved out from Bihar state in 2000. ‘It forms the north-eastern portion
of peninsular plateau of India. As per the Census 2011, the total population of India stood
at 1,210,193,422 persons and the total population of Jharkhand was 32,966,238 persons.
It became the world’s most populous country in 2023, with a current population of over
1.425 billion. The urban population of the country has shot up at an exceptionally high
rate due to migration of population from rural to urban areas. The process of urbanisation
has been accelerated by distress migration from rural areas which is affecting both rural as
well as urban areas adversely. Cities have become unmanageable because of uncontrolled
migration. Movement of people from one place to another for the settlement on temporary

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or permanent basis refers to migration. More than 95% of the population of Jharkhand
lives in the rural areas. Despite endowed with rich minerals, Jharkhand economy is
predominantly agricultural with 98% of the rural population dependent on agriculture and
forests for their livelihood. By and large the agriculture of the state is characterised as mono-
cropping and low productivity due to inadequate irrigation facilities. Except the kharif
season, there is virtually no farm employment available in the rural areas. Due to massive
felling of trees and deforestation supplementary means of livelihood have become very
little and most of the rural people migrate to towns, cities for survival. There are two main
factors of migration: push factors and pull factors. Food and livelihood insecurities, and
indebtedness are the main push factors for rural out migration for illiterate and moderately
educated migrants. Better opportunity of employment and better educational opportunities
are identified as the key pull factors for rural-urban migration. The distressed rural-urban
migration promotes unhealthy condition and misery for the migrants. It is observed that
the distressed migration is causing and resulting in overcrowding of cities and increase
of slums. The backward states for instance, Jharkhand, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, and Odisha
etc., are experiencing high rural-urban migration. In Jharkhand also large number of rural
populations is observed as distressed out migrants in recent days. In the urban cities of
Jharkhand, especially in Ranchi, Jamshedpur, Dhanbad and Bokaro, there is a huge influx
of the rural migrants (both male and female) for survival, seeking employment at the lowest
rungs in construction of roads, commercial and residential complexes. As a result, majority
of the villages in Jharkhand look deserted due to two main reasons: i. Due to the problems
of low agricultural productivity and mono cropping, and ii. Lacking alternative livelihood
opportunities in the rural area due to lack of investment in rural infrastructures. Many
marginal farmers and landless labourers have deserted the villages and become rickshaw
pullers, auto rickshaw drivers, coolees, rezas and domestic workers in the cities, and many
of them are living miserable life in the small huts and slums. Some migrant women even
sell ‘hanria’ and liquor on the road side. While others have become rag pickers. Flow of
migration may be checked only if they are offered better employment opportunities in
rural areas. Enhancing the higher investment in the development of rural infrastructure,
establishment and revival of cottage industries and small-scale industries, protection of
forests, arrangement of adequate irrigation facilities could be some of the measures that
could be undertaken to solve the problems of rural-urban migration of the State. This study
attempts to examine the causes of rural-urban migration, its impact on urban environment
and policy measures to ameliorate conditions of the migrants and sustainable development
of both the rural areas and urban centres of the State.

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 21
Urban Planning and Governance

Impact Evaluation of Transition of Taxes in India: A Case Study of

Pune City
Gargi Patil,, Assistant Professor, Symbiosis School of Economics (SSE)
Symbiosis International (Deemed University), Pune
Jyoti Chandiramani, Professor, Symbiosis School of Economics (SSE), Symbiosis International
(Deemed University), Pune

Cities act as engines of economic growth. There is a robust relationship between urbanisation
and economic growth, with cities acting as major contributors. Almost 35% people in India
live in urban areas as of 2022 and this number is set to increase, given the growth trajectory.
With the urban population of India likely to increase further, cities will not only have to
cater to a larger population but will also be required to provide better infrastructure and
ensure improved service delivery. In this background, the paper attempts to study the health
of Urban Local Bodies (ULBs) that govern the Indian cities, given the federal structure of
governance – as provided by the 74th Constitutional Amendment Act (CAA) of 1992.
A close examination of municipal finances since India’s independence (1947) reveals that
it has been highly insignificant with respect to the country’s public finance. Over the last
decade (2010-2020), ULBs have witnessed transition of taxes from Octroi to Local Body
Tax (LBT) (in 2014) and then the introduction of Goods and Services Tax (GST) (in 2017).
One of the most liveable cities in the country – Pune, administered by the Pune Municipal
Corporation (PMC), which is also the largest city in the state of Maharashtra, has been
selected for the study. Objectives of the Study: The study aims to examines the transition
of taxes and its impact from 2009-10 till 2020-21, for the city of Pune, Maharashtra,
as a representative case reference, in order to assesses the state of financial stability. The
study further evaluates the impact of transition of taxes on the financial autonomy and
sustainability of the selected city of Pune. Secondary data based on the annual budgets of
the selected ULB have been collected and analysed, on the basis of eight financial indicators
from the revenue and the expenditure side. With respect to the revenue side, the degree of
own-revenue collection, degree of self-financing, revenue generation capacity and degree

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of decision making autonomy were considered, while expenditure rigidity, investment

capacity, capital expenditure per capita and current and forecast debt-carrying capacity
have been utilised to analyse the expenditure side for a period of twelve years from 2009-
10 to 2020-21. Descriptive analysis and basic statistical tools has been used to showcase
the important findings of the study. The findings of the study reveal that the changing
tax structure has indeed weakened the financial capacities and has reduced the financial
autonomy of the ULBs in Maharashtra and India, making the cities increasingly dependent
on grants and financial assistance from States and the Centre. Given that the revenue side
of all ULBs in India is constrained, on account of the national level adoption of GST
since 2017, the exogenously inflicted challenge cannot be placed at the doorstep of ULBs.
The study recommends that cities in their present form, dealing with an ever changing
and complex world, need to continuously explore supplementary sources for generating
revenue along with existing tax revenue resources. Additionally, services rendered by ULBs
will require a levy of various types of fees and water taxes via water metering, (along with
improvements in property taxes), in order to fulfil their service delivery mandates along
with innovative financing mechanisms like crowd funding, municipal bonds and Public
Private Partnerships (PPPs).

Development and Urban Governance: How Far Sub-nationalism

Matters in India?
Aarathi Gangalekshmy, Independent Researcher, Centre for Development Studies
Thiruvananthapuram

Ever since its independence, urban development programmes in India are largely initiated
by the national state. Termed ‘centrally sponsored programmes’, these programmes
followed a ‘one-size fits for all’ approach which undermined any sub-national variations in
development and governance across Indian provincial states. However, what happens when
a programme designed at the national level encounters sub-national political, economic
and social diversities? Does it produce more or less homogenous outcomes or it results in
substantially varied outcomes? In other words, how far do sub-national factors determine
the outcomes of a centrally planned urban development programme? The paper argues
that it is imprudent to ignore the sub-national variations and calls for a more decentralised
approach to urban planning in India. However, the study underlines the fact that formal
participatory arrangements initiated by the local governments need not always ensure
better development outcomes. The study traces a centrally sponsored slum rehabilitation

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programme ‘Rajiv Awas Yojana’ from its conception at the national level to implementation
in two South Indian cities with the intention to figure out the factors which shaped and
reshaped the programme at different levels. The study compared the implementation of
the programme in cities in two provincial states, Kerala and Andhra Pradesh. These states
have demonstrated contrasting policy outlooks, especially with respect to two reforms—
economic liberalisation and decentralisation—which have tremendously reshaped urban
governance in Indian cities since the early 1990s. While Andhra Pradesh has pioneered
economic liberalisation under Telugu Desam Party, Kerala due to the presence of left
political parties has shown reluctance to economic liberalisation. However, in Kerala,
political, administrative and financial power are redistributed to the local governments
through the ‘People’s Campaign’ since 1996. Contrastingly, Andhra Pradesh has flouted the
decentralisation laws on several occasions and has not conducted an election to the local
governments during the period 2006-2021. This has facilitated bureaucratic governance
at the local levels in the provincial state. The contrasting political outlooks of provincial
governments in the two states have prompted differentiated forms of local governance in
their cities. The differences in forms of the local government are reflected in the outcomes of
the slum rehabilitation programme. Thiruvananthapuram Municipal Corporation (TMC)
has been found to be more welfare-oriented and pro-poor in its approach while developing
the Detailed Project Report (DPR). The bureaucratic governance in Visakhapatnam also
brings light to the fact that the personal qualities of top-level bureaucrats could also impact
how the programmes were implemented. The nature of encounters between the local state
and the slum dwellers was also guided by the level of politicisation and specific forms of
organisations of communities involved. It was observed that in Thiruvananthapuram, RAY
is implemented in a fisher settlement. The development indicators of fishers lag behind
when compared with the average figures of Kerala. They are often referred as ‘outliers’ of
‘The Kerala model of development’. The fisher people surveyed were not organised based
on class or any other identities which resulted in weak articulations of their demands to
the local state. As a result, the formal platforms created to assure beneficiary participation
lacked any transformative capacity in the Kerala case. Historically, Juma-ath (the Mosque
Committee) has played an overarching role in the lives of fishers—controlling their personal,
livelihood and political activities— and this has prevented other forms of organisational
structures to emerge in the settlement. Moreover, top-down implementation of the
programme has reproduced previously existing inequalities in the locality. Conversely, in
Visakhapatnam, the slum dwellers who were divided along the lines of religion and caste
came closely organised under a Residential Welfare Association (RWA). Under the label
of this RWA, the inhabitants undertook multiple methods such as negotiations, public

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protests, clientelistic politics etc. to engage with the local state and defend their rights.
Consequently, they were able to reshape the housing programme according to their needs
even in seemingly less favourable circumstances for democratic participation. The results
are counterintuitive because Kerala’s development model and participatory planning are
renowned for being inclusive to marginalised groups when compared to that of Andhra
Pradesh. The work has relied on a field survey conducted among the beneficiaries of RAY,
interviews of elected representatives, bureaucrats, NGO/CBO representatives and other
key actors in both of the provincial states.

Practice Driven Realities of Urban Governance

Shreya Pillai, Independent Researcher, Bengaluru

Urbanisation has a very physical manifestation. And yet the framework for urbanisation
is based on governance mechanisms as well as the implementation of policy by people.
In the field of urban development and water and sanitation, the realities of the work are
often contrary to what we read in academic journals.. Anthropology often paints water
and sanitation development/governmental institutions as authoritative and destructive.
This may be partially true. However, it overstates the importance of institutions in action.
Also, it understates influence of agencies/people interacting with the government and the
bureaucracy in developing the narrative of the urban imaginary. The agencies involved
in the development of the narrative and the implementation range from corporations
to multilateral banks to local politicians to civil society agencies and vote banks/slum
populations. Bureaucracies like municipalities etc. are usually the implementers of water and
sanitation projects in this country. They are more and more, fragmented, often uncertain,
and have to build alliances across various networks: other officials, critics, publics, non-
government organisations (NGOs); and this really affects what they know, are capable of,
how they operate and the reality of the urban imaginary. What happens in the field/reality
depends very greatly upon these encounters between these various officials and departments,
interpretations of the various imaginaries of the different officials and people (consultants,
engineers, NGO’s, politicians and local people) that engage in the implementation of the
overall urban imaginary and the processes taking place in the field. Essentially, official
knowledge is constantly getting made — it is not an absolute/ dominating gaze of the state.
Rather, it is a combination of ways of seeing the imaginary. This is contrary to much of what
we think of official urban imaginaries. For the last five years, I have been associated with a
few mega infrastructure/water and sanitation/ development projects in India. These have

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mostly been funded by multilateral agencies and implemented by the Government of India/
the State Government. Implementation of these kind of projects are usually through state
agencies in collaboration with urban local bodies. Most of the projects are long standing
exercises and are still ongoing. I am very interested in understanding and analysing the
quality of the work that I was a part of; the imaginaries of the urban as they were set out to
be, the reality of the implementation and what the bridge between these urban imaginaries
and realities are. I would like to be able to present a perspective of urban practice in terms
of the people that facilitate it; not just the institutions but the men (and women) of
these institutions; their capacities, capabilities, networks, vulnerabilities, insecurities and
politics that are critical to the realisation of an urban imaginary and the final/ constantly
evolving reality. I hope to investigate the project in terms of a few academic frameworks
such as that of Star (1999) — embeddedness, transparency, reach or scope, learned as part
of membership, links with conventions of practice, embodiment of standards, built on
an installed base, becomes visible upon breakdown, fixed in modular increments; Karasti
and Baker (2004) focused more on “processual”- dimensions of relational, connected,
emerging and accreting, and intervention and intentionality and of Larkin (2013) in terms
of ‘ever-proliferating networks that can be mobilised to understand infrastructures’. I am
interested in the social practices, norms, and individual behaviours) of agents involved in
the implementation of the project to explain the reality of the urban imaginary of the
project. I am interested in investigating the vocabulary, experiences and perspectives of
people defining these infrastructures, those of the implementing agencies and of those
serviced by the infrastructure. I will specifically provide an ethnographic description of one
of the mega projects, completely engaging with the fact that my identity is tied in with the
bureaucracy associated with the project; and yet, as a consultant on social issues, I am often
an outsider to both the development of the concept and the process of implementation.

Information as a Source of Power in Untangling Social and

Political Vulnerabilities of Urban Planning Practices in India
Vanshikha Singh, MSc Student, Politecnico di Milano, Milan, Italy
Shridhar Khedia, Practising architect, Manipal University, Karnataka

Information is a source of power. Planning in the face of power is directly proportional

to communicative rationality and distortion of the information which is collectively
heard, processed, executed and experienced. The ethics and actions of planners and other
substitutes (and professionals more generally) have been a neglected topic in the planning

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profession and urban governance until quite recently. Organised Urban Planning practices
shape not only documents but participation as well. If planners ignore those in power, they
ensure their powerlessness. They understand how the relations of power work to structure,
exercise and organise the quality development of our urban environment and its citizens. In
India anticipating and working to counteract distortions of communication has weakened
the democratic planning process. In cities and towns, the local government from the
beginning had insufficient resources and administrative capacities to meet the needs and
demands at a local scale. The ever-changing actors and hierarchical top-down arrangements
underpinning urban have always combined or disintegrated to impel and shape urban
development. The widening gap between the rich and poor has increased the vulnerabilities
of social actions creating capitalist and non-capitalist economic inequalities and hence the
effect of confusion and mystification are guaranteed. These effects are not only producing
major economic divides but rather spatial, social and political mis-construct. Overall,
the influence of this effect is mediated through a built form of the city, urban politics
and governance as well as affecting regimes of belonging and citizenship. Each of these
vulnerabilities in urban planning, governance and citizen action indicates how different
types of misinformation can influence and erode participation in the planning process with
a negative impact on the overall reputation of the system. India’s governance system for
urban development has not grown at the pace of the demands posed by urbanisation and
global technological advancements. The analytical roots of the text orient itself towards
general Indian urban governance, context, policies, practices and strategies for evaluation
and analysis of the research. The paper is divided into four parts. A theoretical premise is
nurtured at the beginning of the article to establish the background of the selected theme.
Firstly, the article puts into the fore five different frames of reference about the utilisation
of information by the actors involved in the overall process of planning. The involved actors
are the technician, the incremental rationalist, the liberal advocate, the structuralist, and
the “progressive”. Secondly, analysing the role and ethics of planners acting as the source of
distortion is reviewed. More broadly, how distorted information is communicated through
the relations and realms of power that organise the planning practices is mapped. Are
planners themselves the source of distortion or are there other unrecognised and surpassed
actors? Therefore, the paper intends to decipher the receiving end, which is social and
political mismanagement of the citizens’ knowledge, consent, trust and attention. Thirdly,
the article focuses on discussing means of approaching communicative rationality and
relook at the hierarchical distribution of the urban governance model of city development
with the help of a broader framework and concept map. Lastly, the article clarifies a practical
and politically sensitive form of progressive planning practice.

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‘Periphery’ as the ‘Core’ of Urban Governance in the South: The

Case of Khora Colony, NCR
Shruti Dubey, Assistant Professor, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi

The paper argues that sustainable cities are possible only when the theoretical as well
as practical focus of governance turns to ‘peripheries’ instead of the ‘cores’. This involves
looking at peripheries not in terms of a ‘lack’ as not being core enough but in terms of
being extremely crucial in maintaining the core. The paper emphasises that core and
peripheries are co-constitutive. It argues that an important way of understanding South
Asian urbanism is by looking at cities as a checker board of cores and peripheries next
to each other. This is done by creation of borders by the state. Borders have a crucial
political function. They create inclusions and exclusions, and define what is permissible
within a border and what is not. They create different zones of legality and delineate cores
and peripheries. This argument is made through the case study of the transformation of
a sparsely populated village called Khora into one of the densest unauthorised labour
colonies in South Asia located at the border of Delhi and Western Uttar Pradesh in
India. The paper is a result of ethnographic fieldwork conducted in the colony from July
2014 to July 2015. Located at the border of three cities Noida, Ghaziabad and Delhi,
Khora is spread over an area of 426 hectares with a population of one million as per
unofficial estimates. The growth of Khora is connected to the growth of neighbouring
cities of Noida and Ghaziabad. The paper will track the development of Khora with the
simultaneous development of Delhi and its satellite towns of Noida and Ghaziabad. The
paper argues that peripheries like Khora are important to maintain cores like Noida and
Delhi. The paper is divided into three sections. The first section discusses the theoretical
debates regarding bordering, territoriality, relation of cores and peripheries, and their
connections with urban governance in cities of the South. It will mention the various
urban built forms and settlements that come under the category of what we are referring
as peripheries. The second section specifically discusses the case of Khora colony. It
examines two peripheries. The first is the creation of Noida for being the periphery of
Delhi in order to absorb excess non-confirming industries of old Delhi. The second is the
(un)planned densification of Khora being the periphery of Noida, Delhi and Ghaziabad.
The third section generalises the insights from the case of Khora colony for peripheries
at large. It delineates the various political uses of peripheries and the tools of governance
that facilitate them. It states the various features of peripheries that make them so crucial

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for the maintenance of ‘world-class’ core cities. It analyses the political implications of
keeping the peripheries as peripheral to theories of urban governance. It argues that
any intention of creation of inclusive and sustainable cities would necessarily include
recognition of the role played by peripheries by the state. Since peripheries are often
marked by lack of positive state intervention, a case is made for the same in order to
achieve the goal of inclusive cities.

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 22
Technology and Innovation

Innovation in Analysing Congestion in Urban Infrastructure:

A Multi-dimensional Approach for Enhancing Quality of Life
KA. Ramesh Azagappan, Deputy Planner, LEA Associates South Asia Private Limited

In urban areas, especially in countries like India, congestion poses a significant challenge
to the Quality of Life (QoL). Over the past decade in India, on average, 51,000 new
vehicles are registered across the country. As cities continue to grow, understanding and
effectively analysing congestion patterns become crucial for devising appropriate strategies
and interventions. This paper focuses on exploring innovative approaches and technologies
that facilitate the analysis of congestion in urban infrastructure, aiming to enhance the
overall QoL. Congestion has emerged as an issue in developing countries. In India, the
urban population reached 353 million in 2018 from 80 million in 1950; this trend is due
to migration from rural areas and resulted in overall urban population growth and has
resulted in increased dependency on physical infrastructure, and leads to congestion. To
comprehensively analyse and understand congestion dynamics, this research leverages
innovative techniques and [Link] methods like Time, Speed, and V/C ratio
often fall under uncertainty, and imprecision in taking decisions, or at times, deterministic
approaches may not be adequate. Therefore, this study focused on multi-indicator analysis
to analyse congestion patterns across multiple road segments. The objective analysis of
congestion is achieved by enabling a comparative study of congestion levels in different areas
with the use of innovative technology. Utilising tools like Fuzzy Analysis, by MATLAB
software, provides a comprehensive and accurate assessment of congestion severity, and
helped in the identification of areas with the highest congestion levels. Moreover, this
research acknowledges the importance of subjective analysis in understanding the user
experience and perception of congestion. On-site surveys and user feedback play a vital role
in complementing the objective analysis. By incorporating the experiences and perspectives
of transportation users, a more holistic understanding of congestion is attained, contributing
to a comprehensive evaluation of the QoL impact. The findings from this analysis serve as
a basis for proposing guidelines and interventions to improve traffic conditions. While

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the primary focus of this research is on analysing congestion, the insights gained from
these innovative approaches inform subsequent mitigation strategies. This ensures that the
proposed interventions are targeted, effective, and tailored to the specific needs of congested
areas. This research not only focuses on congestion but also has a few broader implications.
This influences proof-based decisions in the fields of urban planning, transportation policy,
and area development. The result from the analysis help to identify areas that require
immediate attention, and enable proactive measures to prevent further congestion. Since
this research is an innovative approach, it contributes to the advancement of transportation
planning. It also promotes dynamic congestion management. As an important approach,
this research has the potential to revolutionise urban mobility and sustainable cities. This
research abstract highlights the importance of innovation in analysing congestion in a
multi-indicator format that improves traffic conditions and overall QoL. The findings from
this research have broader implications for urban planning, transportation policy, and the
development of innovative solutions that can address congestion challenges in cities around
the world.

Technological Innovations, Urbanisation and Employment

Structure in India: An Analysis of Labour Productivity by City Size
Sarika Chaudhary, Doctoral Candidate at the Centre for the Study of Regional Development
Jawaharlal Nehru University
Amaresh Dubey, Professor of Economics, Centre for the Study of Regional Development
School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University

This paper delves into the changing employment structure and technological advancements
in Indian urban system. Unlike commonly perceived, urban areas are a heterogeneous mix
ranging from a small population settlement of about 5,000 inhabitants to millions with
varying characteristics and functionality. Since the industrial revolution, technological
changes have been a recurring phenomenon resulting in incrementally higher concentration
of population in urban areas that grew into extremely large urban agglomerations across
the globe. Growth of large settlements also involved an ongoing process of societal
transformation. However, the historical evidence suggests that technology has led to
reduced production costs accompanied by expanding employment opportunities leading to
rise in labour incomes that bolstered consumer demand. Urbanisation has been driven by
two interconnected forces: the ‘pull of the city’ and the ‘push from the land’, both accelerated
by technological advances. Urban labour markets thrive while labour requirements for

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agricultural production diminish in rural areas, leading to a shift in the centrality of

land to the prominence of labour and capital in urban spaces. Technological innovation,
employment structure and urbanisation are, thus, related phenomena. However, the nature
of their relation needs further analysis particularly when urban is not a homogeneous
category. On the one hand, there are small towns located as continuum of the rural areas,
providing markets for exchange of goods and services and on the other hand, there are
million-plus urban agglomerations, which have extreme diversification of production
process and complex division of labour. There are limited number of studies that have
looked into the relationship between hierarchal urban structure and employment pattern.
This paper investigates the relationship between urbanisation and employment patterns
in India, focusing on how labour productivity varies across different city sizes. It examines
how technological advancements and urbanisation have influenced the productivity of
labour across different city sizes in India. For the purpose of analysis, the study would
use the Employment and Unemployment Survey and the Periodic Labour Force Survey
provided by NSSO

Innovating IT Toolkits for Effective Sustainability Implementation

through GRIHA Rating Variants
Sanjay Seth, Vice President & Chief Executive Officer, GRIHA Council & Senior Director -
Sustainable Habitat Programme, TERI, GRIHA Council, New Delhi
Shabnam Bassi, Deputy CEO-cum-Secretary & Treasurer, GRIHA Council , New Delhi
Akash Deep, Area Convenor and Senior Programme Manager, GRIHA Council, New Delhi
Yash Nayyar, Assistant Project Officer, GRIHA Council, New Delhi

The 2030 Agenda for sustainable development was adopted by the United Nations in 2015.
This Agenda serves as a blueprint to combat the problems of climate change, poverty, and
inequality. India is also going through an unusual alteration with a significant influx of people
into the cities. The built environment is excessively reliant on available resources such as
energy and water. Therefore, there is an urgent need for having sustainable built environment
and harnessing the possible benefits of cutting-edge green building practices. In the same
SDGs, SDG-9 “role and contribution of information and communication technology (ICT),
for achieving SDGs can be traced. ICT has the potential of reshaping and regrouping the
social, economic, and environmental bases. Although there is an increasing knowledge and
awareness on sustainable development at the global level, the role and contribution of ICT
in achieving SDGs by 2030 has still not gained much acknowledgment. On the contrary,

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GRIHA Council, have effectively utilised ICT in developing a range of smart tools,
rather smart solutions, for achieving SDGs. It intends to utilise the technologies that are
associated with the internet of things (IoT) to find effective and efficient methods to assess
the performance of all liveable spaces based on their environmental performance. GRIHA
rating is developed on the principle of ‘what gets measured, gets managed’. GRIHA helps
is adoption of holistic approach towards achieving sustainability. The Council currently has
over 3570 registered projects across the country with a combined footprint spanning 670
million square feet. It uses its tools to analyse and foresee the possible effective and efficient
solutions to modern problems coming up due to advancement in technologies. GRIHA
Council uses these numbers to study the overall impact of these green rated projects
and understand holistically about the degree of sustainability that has been achieved. Of
these, more than 700 buildings that have already been rated have 533 MWp of renewable
energy systems installed and are responsible for saving 2,97,38,818 MWh of energy and
preventing 83,93,046 tons of carbon dioxide from being released into the atmosphere every
year. GRIHA rated projects have contributed to water savings of 10,36,11,250 kL/annum,
2,66,770 newly planted trees and 28,000 preserved trees. India has pledged to be a Net
Zero Emission nation by the year 2070 in COP 26. In commitment to this vision, GRIHA
Council provides a dashboard to monitor various parameters in the built environment to
mitigate carbon emission. India, in its INDC document submitted at COP 21 in Paris has
highlighted GRIHA as an indigenous green building rating system developed in India. The
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in their third
biennial update report on India has acknowledged the work done by GRIHA in the field
of carbon mitigation in the building sector. GRIHA, the national green building rating
system of India, received accolades in the spheres such as energy efficiency, site planning,
and conservation and efficient utilisation of resources. GRIHA Council has initiated a
drive towards a zero-carbon mission with the launch of its “Decarbonizing Habitat
Programme” at World Urban Forum held in 2022 in Poland. The Programme will aid
organisations in assessing their total emissions including components of Energy – Water
– Waste – Transport – Social – Lifestyle and intends for the quantification to encourage
them to curtail their operational carbon emissions. The paper aims to address the important
issue of inclusion of information and communication technology by GRIHA Council to
achieve SDGs in India in an effective and efficient manner. To achieve this aim, the focus
was largely put on the integration of the “three-pillars” of sustainable development and
ICT. The Council using its tool acquires the relevant data that is subsequently used to
understand and analyse the present condition of achievement of SDGs. Every parameter
that is being assessed in GRIHA rating caters to certain specific component that is vital for

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moving towards green building. GRIHA being an indigenous-national green rating system
in India, aims at handholding users in moving towards sustainable habitat in an effective
and efficient manner. The paper would try to unravel the linkages between ICT and SDGs
using these rating and assessment tools.

Industrial Revolution 4.0, SDG-11, and Universities’ Innovation:

A Study of Engineering Colleges at Delhi, India
Seema Singh, Professor, Delhi Technological University, Delhi

Almost, 55% of the world population lives in an urban area which is expected to grow to
68% by 2050. The growth is believed to be highly concentrated in a few countries with
India leading the list with a projected addition of 416 million urban population. UN’s
SDG-11 talks about making cities inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable. With the advent
of the Industrial Revolution 4.0 (IR4), machine learning, artificial intelligence and other
emerging technologies have the capacity to touch the economy in many different ways
including city planning and urban development to make them inclusive, efficient, eco-
friendly and resilient in nature. The preventive methods during the COVID-19 pandemic
have used technology for better implementation of the lockdown as drone surveillance,
work from home, e-teaching, e-learning etc. However, the real challenge is effectively
and immediately innovating and adapting such technologies to fill the gap. At the same
time, engineering education has experienced very high growth in India and the ‘living
lab’ experience of Barcelona has shown the way that universities may play a central role
in solving the real-world problems of the smart cities. In this background, the objectives
of the paper are to: 1. examine whether economically developed and more innovative
states are more environmentally sustainable also; 2.a. To investigate the impact of research
activity at engineering colleges and R&D expenditure on the achievement of SDG11. 2b.
investigate the impact of internet and mobile connections on the achievement of SDG11. 3.
evaluate activities performed/ taken up by the engineering colleges of Delhi for knowledge
management to achieve SDG 11. A mixed methods approach has been adopted. Innovation
of many engineering branches such as computer, software, civil, electronics, electrical,
mechatronics, civil engineering, and information technology, may play a constructive role
in achieving SDG 11. So, a cumulative variable, enrolment of engineering, technology and
architecture students have been used. For the first objective, Spearman’s rank correlation
has been calculated for the relevant data of [Link] and NITI Aayog data. For
the second objective, two regressions have been run. First, the state-wise achievement of

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SDG 11 data (dependent variable) and students enrolled in engineering, and technology
(AICTE and R&D) expenditure (DST) for independent variables have been used. In
the second one again, the state-wise achievement of SDG 11 (dependent variable) has
been regressed with the number of mobile connections (mobile tele density) and internet
connection as independent variables. Both independent variables have been taken for IR4.
Qualitative and descriptive statistics of FDPs, conferences, workshops organised, and
students outreach activity to achieve SDG 11 have been used for the third objective. The
website of engineering colleges has been used as the source of information. The research
found that economically developed states of India may not be environmentally sustainable
and all innovations are also not sustainable. So, there is a need for special emphasis on
environmentally sustainable innovations. There is a positive impact of research activity at
engineering colleges and R&D expenditure on achieving SDG 11. Though, there is no
significant impact of internet connectivity but mobile connection has a significant impact
on achieving SDG-11. Besides this, there are other emerging technologies such as artificial
intelligence as well which may be used in a very cost-effective manner for urban planning.
Though there are no specific courses (full or part) on SDGs in any of the engineering
colleges many of the research projects, student activities and outreach programmes are
focused on sustainable cities and communities. The water conservation programme is very
common among them. Even though many initiatives have been taken to improve the R&D
participation of engineering colleges but many more initiatives need to be taken to match
the ‘living lab’ experience of Barcelona for the smart city initiative.

Urbanisation and Growth of Gig Economy in India: Implications for

the Labour Market
Neha Arya, Ph.D. Student, IIT Delhi, New Delhi

Globally, there has been continuous development of physical and social infrastructure,
improvement in governance systems, and development of transportation sector to connect
different markets. Across countries, this has led to increased globalisation. Within
countries, several isolated rural economies have been connected to urban markets. Besides,
the urban areas have themselves grown with increases in populations. All these factors
have led to a large section (56%) of global population (~4.4 billion persons) residing in
cities. It is noteworthy that the urban sector contributes over 80% to global GDP. Globally,
the regions with significant section of their population residing in urban areas by 2018
were Northern America (82%), Latin America & the Caribbean (81%), Europe (74%)

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and Oceania (68%). On the other hand, Asia’s urbanisation level was around 50%, and
Africa’s was only 43%. However, studies project the increasing role of developing countries
in terms of increasing urbanisation. It is projected that India, China and Nigeria together
shall account for 35% of the growth in global urban population during 2018-2050. In
India, there is signification migration of persons from rural to urban areas as well as urban
to urban areas. In 2020-21, the rural-to-urban migration was 18.9% while the urban-to-
urban migration comprised 15.9% of the overall migration in the country. Nearly 21% of
migrants in urban areas report shifting for work-related reasons. The large influx of people
into urban areas, together with the natural increase in urban populations, leads to a gamut
of challenges at the national level. As the number of persons in urban areas increases,
there is higher competition for limited spaces and resources. This leads to issues of access,
affordability and availability becoming stark. One such important challenge pertains to
decent work opportunities in urban areas. Data from the PLFS (2021-22) reveals that
overall unemployment is much higher in urban areas relative to rural areas. For those aged
above 15 years, urban unemployment is 6.3%, compared to 3.2% in rural areas. The rates
are even higher for females (7.9%) than for males (5.8%) and higher for educated persons
compared to those with no formal education, in urban areas. This highlights inequalities in
work opportunities or employment in terms of gender and education in urban areas. The
rapid developments in Information and Communications Technologies (ICT), building on
the digital revolution, have had different impact on rural and urban areas. A recent study has
revealed that while nearly 60% of India’s rural population does not use the Internet, urban
areas have a sizeable (59%) share of internet users. Also, the usage of digital technologies
is much higher in the urban areas, as compared to rural areas. This, coupled with the rapid
pace of urbanisation, has had significant consequences for work and employment in urban
India. In this paper, we examine the impact of India’s rising platform economy and the
proliferation of gig work on employment in India using the CMIE-CPHS dataset. Notably,
between 2018 and 2020, India emerged as the largest supplier of digital labour for online
web-based work, rising 8% even as other countries (except Ukraine) registered a decline.
Online web-based, freelance work (often termed “crowd work”) has seen increased supply
of workers from India, while the demand has mostly emanated from advanced countries.
Moreover, e-commerce companies (such as Flipkart, Amazon, among others), online
food delivery, ride-hailing applications and urban services platforms have witnessed rapid
expansion across India. These developments have important implications for creation of
decent employment opportunities, and gender equalities in the backdrop of technological
development in urban areas, since the platform economy is mainly confined to such areas.
This study has special relevance for India, which is expected to have 1 billion smartphone

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users by 2026. The flourishing market of digital applications, employing a large force of gig
workers, is changing work and employment relations for India. It is imperative to study this
workforce in the context of increasing urbanisation to ensure better work lives and future
for India’s workers, particularly those in the urban sector.

Analysing User Perceptions towards Smart Ticketing in Public

Transport: A Case of Surat
Komal Dilip Dhake, Architect & Transport Planner, Centre for Environment Planning and
Technology, Ahmedabad

Public transport agencies are moving towards multimodal integration and are introducing
smart ticketing systems to ease the commute of passengers. And in recent post-COVID
times, people are more tend towards using contactless technologies. The advancement of
technology and smart ticketing systems are rapidly replacing traditional ticketing systems
in many cities. However, the adoption of smart ticketing systems is not yet successful in
most cities, and it is important to understand the factors that influence user perceptions
and the adoption rate of smart cards in Indian cities. This paper aimed to study the factors
that influence the adoption of smart ticketing by commuters and analyse user perceptions
towards it in public transport in Surat. By understanding user perceptions towards smart
cards, public transport agencies can design effective strategies to promote their adoption
and ensure a smooth and hassle-free travel experience for commuters. Overall, the study
aimed to contribute to the advancement of smart mobility strategies in Surat by promoting
the adoption of smart ticketing systems. cities. The paper first provides an overview of
the various integrated and smart ticketing systems introduced in Indian cities. The study
then identified the factors that influence the uptake of smart cards, followed by an analysis
of ticket preferences and concerns of different user groups in the adoption of smart
ticketing systems in Surat. The research methodology followed for this study involved
a comprehensive literature review of smart ticketing systems and the adoption of new
technologies. To achieve the above objectives, the study focused on understanding various
smart ticketing systems introduced in Indian cities by conducting a literature study and
analysing the application of smart cards in bus-based and rail-based transit systems. The
study reviewed various research papers to identify the factors influencing the adoption of
smart cards and identified the Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) as the most suitable
theory to evaluate user perceptions. The study conducted a survey to understand the ticket
preferences and concerns of different user groups in the adoption of smart cards. The survey

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was conducted in Surat, and the study selected transit stops to derive the sample size.
Descriptive, reliability, and factor analysis were employed to analyse the user perception of
smart card and paper ticket users and identify the factors influencing the adoption of smart
cards. The study proposed interventions to promote the use of smart cards based on the
findings. Overall, the research methodology involved a thorough understanding of existing
literature and theories, followed by the collection and analysis of primary data to meet
the objectives of the study. The analysis of perception of smart card users indicated that
security, performance expectancy, and convenience are the main reasons for the use of smart
cards by commuters, particularly among students aged 16-25 years in Surat. This suggests
that age and education are significant socio-economic factors affecting the adoption of
smart card technology in the city. Whereas the analysis of perception of paper ticket users
suggested that factors such as lack of awareness, performance expectancy, and affordability
are preventing paper ticket users from switching to smart cards. These perceptions were
mostly observed among individuals aged 36 years and above, as well as those with a monthly
income below 50,000, indicating that age and income are important factors that influence
the adoption of smart card technology. Furthermore, it appears that individuals may not be
well-informed about technology and its benefits.

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 23
Urban Villages and Peri-Urban Governance

Reframing Urban Villages in the Indian City: Challenging

Perceptions and Planning for Equitable Futures
Manish Chalana, Associate Professor, University of Washington-Seattle Campus, Seattle, USA

“Urban villages” in the Indian urban context have historically been perceived as obstacles
to modernisation, a perspective deeply rooted in the colonial era. These unique settlements
possess a distinctive built-up area known as the Abadi, which was demarcated by a redline
called Lal Dora, created during the colonial period to facilitate taxation. While the
surrounding agricultural lands associated with urban villages have gradually been acquired
for city-building projects, the formal planning enterprise has not interfered with the Abadi
zones. This deliberate omission aimed to uphold the autonomy of these villages, preserving
their rural identity and traditional land ownership patterns. However, as India experienced
rapid urbanisation, particularly since the liberalisation policies of the 1990s, urban villages
encountered significant challenges. Within the National Capital Region (NCR) of
Delhi, where my research primarily focuses, these challenges include hyper development,
congestion, pollution, poverty, and crime. These urban villages came to be associated as
hotspots for the manifestation of various urban problems. In this study, we propose a fresh
perspective on urban villages by analysing their three distinct transformational phases: the
colonial era, which lasted until 1947; the post-colonial period from 1947 to 1993; and the
global phase that began in 1993 and continues today. By examining these phases, we aim
to provide a comprehensive understanding of the dynamics and complexities surrounding
urban villages. One of the key arguments put forth is that the State’s failure to provide
adequate affordable housing for the urban poor has resulted in urban villages shouldering
the burden of absorbing the pressures of urbanisation. Without proper support in terms
of infrastructure and services, these villages struggle to cope with the challenges imposed
upon them. Many urban villages now host pockets of informal makeshift housing (or
slums) within and outside of the Lal Dora. Consequently, the State has been pursuing the
regularisation of urban villages for a couple of decades through master planning, but is now
gaining ground. However, it is contended that regularisation alone may not be sufficient to

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address the historical disparities and burdens faced by these villages. To effectively tackle
the multifaceted challenges encountered by urban villages, it is imperative to transcend the
outdated boundaries that separate the urban and rural, tradition and modernity, and tenets
of rationalistic planning. Instead, we must adopt alternative approaches that prioritise the
well-being of residents in the urban village and shape their future in a more equitable and
just manner.

Governance and Changed Livelihoods: A Village in Delhi

Mallika Chaudhuri, PhD Student, Centre for the Study of Social Systems, School of Social
Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi

The broader context of this study is a process of social change wherein rural settlements
come to be included into ‘urban’ life, formally and informally. In this paper, we seek to explore
how such a process may be experienced in one such village in Delhi; a site which has been
shaped by a mix of administrative and political decisions, interaction with the market, and
individual/community choices. We refer here to the village as Koi Sarai for privacy reasons.
We emphasise the importance of not locating these villages in terms of a rural-urban binary,
but as distinct social formations that exist within cities; as part of an ‘urban’ that comprises a
variety of form and life. By mapping the experience of one ‘urbanised’ village in Delhi, this
paper examines how state policy/action have restructured or changed the carrying out of
older livelihoods in the village, as well as made it possible for new avenues of to emerge. It
enters the field through the point of view of governance, focusing on the state’s effecting of
overarching changes, as well as the local community negotiating these changes. Specifically,
it examines two livelihoods which operate simultaneously; the milk economy, operating at
a small scale in the village, and the rental economy, engaging the largest section of residents
in the village. Method This paper is based on a period of ethnographic fieldwork carried
out as part of a broader study, and conducted between December 2017- December 2019 in
two villages in Delhi. During these periods, I conducted about 190 interviews with a wide
variety of residents, of which this paper is based on relevant selected interviews from one
village. Residents were interviewed (stratified by mohalla/caste) and approached at home,
community, and public spaces. The broader argument made by the paper is of how strategies
of ‘informality’ or ‘flexible planning’ which are built into the way in which the state has
engaged with this village and others, have allowed for the continuation of certain activities
or livelihoods. Drawing a connection between two otherwise disparate livelihoods, the
paper seeks to emphasise this common thread that shapes the carrying out of livelihoods in

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the village. These include animal husbandry (of cattle) which does not fit in with the ‘urban’
idea of the city, and not allowed as per municipal norms, and yet is carried out on public
land which is yet to be ‘developed’. The rental economy on the other hand, and the extent
to which it has grown is predicated upon looseness in the application of municipal bye laws
regarding construction, as well as land-use norms (especially for the allied businesses which
have sprung up as a result of this rental business). This in turn, sets up the larger framework
which people/communities navigate through their own ‘tactics’ or ‘ways of operating’.
Communities seek to negotiate the best possible outcome for themselves, seeking to
mobilise privileges that may accrue to them through their social position, as well as new
opportunities brought about by the ‘urbanisation’ process. The key findings of the paper are
as follows: These shifts in livelihoods are mediated and shaped for local communities by
the categories of caste, gender and property/land ownership (and intersections of these).
The dominant caste community ( Jats in this case) is able to participate to a greater extent
in the rental market due to a greater share of economic resources, as compared to other
communities, although certain Scheduled Caste communities ( Jatavs in this case) have
also been able to participate in this sector through consolidation of resources over time.
They have also been able to participate in the milk economy, through their control of
particular plots of public land (for the keeping of cattle). Work with cattle is stratified by
gender, and is one of the options that is available especially to dominant caste women in the
village. Participation in the rental economy has also exacerbated dependence on the rental
economy amongst certain groups, due to concerns over prestige regarding working outside
of it. Additional factors such as market forces, demographic changes, physical location, and
available infrastructure also shape these livelihoods.

Agrarian Urbanism and State-led Privatisation: A Study of

Common Property Resources in Delhi’s Villages
Anchal Dhiman, Ph.D. Student, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar University, Delhi

Common property resources (CPRs) in Indian peri-urban areas have changed over the
years due to commercialisation, state policies, increase in population, proximity to urban
centres and technological shifts. This paper examines the implications of these processes on
three aspects of CPRs, namely, their ownership, access, and land uses, drawing on mixed
methods research in two villages of South-west Delhi. The changing governance led to
restrictions on the access of local villagers to the commons. The management institutions
changed from village panchayats to urban municipal bodies, It also changed the ecology

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and use of the commons over the years. The objectives of the study are to study the change
in access to CPRs and to find out the change in ownership and management institutions.
Both quantitative and qualitative methods were used. Quantitative and quantitative data
was collected through open- and closed-ended questionnaires, key informant interviews,
focus group discussion and secondary sources. An open and close-ended questionnaire was
used to collect information about grazing land, forests, ponds and other open areas. This data
helped to get a close idea of CPR dependence. Key informant interviews include qualitative
in-depth interviews of selected people to gather first-hand information. For this study, 2-3
key informants were selected, giving general information about the village, its history, social
composition and activities. About five focus group discussions were organised. The focus
groups were lower-caste landless and upper-caste landed people. Secondary sources include
the study’s books, journals, articles and other methods. Commons have been the arena of
multiple transitions in the past. During the colonial period, the Punjab Land Revenue
Act, of 1871 was introduced and village boundaries were strictly demarcated. The so-called
wasteland was converted into agricultural land to increase revenue. The village proprietary
body (Malikan-deh) was given the right over CPRs. After Independence, the Panchayat Act
of 1954 was introduced and village councils (Panchayats) were given the right to decision-
making on common land. In the 1990s, village panchayats were dissolved and municipal
councils were set up for the management of villages of Delhi. The panchayats consequently
lost their customary rights over common lands. Presently, Lieutenant Governor and Block
Development Officer (BDO) have the authority to make decisions about common lands
in the city. Meanwhile, CPRs in peri-urban villages of Delhi are degrading due to urban
sprawl and encroachment of land by private real estate developers. For instance, in the
study area, village ponds were earlier used for livestock drinking and bathing but now these
ponds are leased out to private contractors for fishing. In Ghummenhera village, the area
under CPRs has changed over the years. Before the land reform, self-cultivating peasants
and villagers owned land. Collective groups of users managed the common land during
this period. Land reforms enforced the land limits and those with more than 30 acres of
land had to give it to gram sabha. Village land under CPRs was given to the landless in
the name of social welfare and economic development. But not only landless, better-off
people were given land. In some cases, it was observed that the land given for houses to
the landless was sold. The remaining gram sabha land was used for grazing, construction
of Panchayat offices and other uses. About 16 acres of land in the study area is under the
dispensary, Playground, mela ground, primary boy’s and girl’s schools, animal dispensary,
panchayat house and cremation ground. This 16 acres of land belongs to gram sabha. Land
reforms decreased the total area under Commons due to increased agriculture; grazing

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land and wasteland were converted into agricultural land.. The research shows how the
processes of bureaucratisation and privatisation have transformed the realities of commons
in peri-urban Delhi. It focuses on restricted access and governance of CPRs through the
process of institutionalisation and encroachment of common lands by various actors like
private developers. It reveals the paradoxical nature of the change of CPRs over the years,
where the state has facilitated its fragmentation and commodification despite a stated
commitment to decentralisation.

Urbanizing Indigenous Communities: Challenges to Health and

Quality of Life
Bikramaditya K Choudhary, Assistant Professor, CSRD, JNU, New Delhi
Dheeman Debsarma, Ph.D. Student, JNU, New Delhi

Indigenous people in India are on move partly by aspiration and partly by forced
displacement. The moving mass, the late entry to the melting pot of urban milieu struggle
in multiple ways to establish themselves and to ensure they do not become the reality of
the past. On the basis of four types of secondary data sets the present paper is an attempt to
analyse the challenges they face in their effort to remain citizens. The Indian sub-continent
is one of the most significant melting pots of ethnic groups. The indigenous communities
of India, commonly known as tribes or tribals, are formally addressed as Scheduled Tribes
(STs). They have been the inhabitants of the Indian sub-continent for over 35000 to
65000 years. The tribal communities in the country are not a monolithic group, rather it
is a congregation of about 635 discrete groups, and they currently comprise about 8.6% of
total Indian population. The tribal communities have retained specific social, economic,
and cultural characteristics significantly different from the mainstream community across
societies, despite efforts of sanskritisation at different stages of history. The continuous
process of technology-based development trajectories has resulted in massive displacement,
deterritorialisation and reterritorialisation of these indigenous communities across India.
The existence of indigenous social structure in the country has experienced multidimensional
threat and is confronted by the realities of from modern society, states, and the power of
economic liberalisation. As a result, the existing fabric of indigenous society has undergone
exponential changes and transformation over the decades, resulting in outward community
mobility from the indigenous community’s native places. Migration is the one process
through which tribal people navigate in cities/metropolitan cities are at the heart of the
new liberal economy at present. Owing to development processes, the tribal communities

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became destined to face multiple levels of dispossessions and displacement and had little
choice than to move to the urban centres as wage labour. The institutional narrative of
the process came to us as the outcome of the implementation of Five-Year Plans and
Annual Plans, which resulted in tribal development. It has heavily influenced large scale
migration from rural tribal area to urban areas in search of livelihoods either temporarily
or on permanent. According to a Government of India report, about 0.90% of rural tribal
household are classified as migrant. And the rate of migration for ST households is higher
than the rate for other groups in India. Most of the indigenous people tend to migrate in
major metropolitan cities where they work, and live till last breath of life. As the integral
part of labour class or urban poor, the Indigenous people generally lives in the slum,
roadside, squatter camps and other forms of settlements in the urban space where their
world dwindles between folk traditions and the modern practices.
Fast paced desire to have global cities have had a significant impact on the urban economy,
municipal finance and governance, infrastructure, basic services, and the shelter and
livelihoods of millions of urban poor. The process in India has had an adverse impact on
the rural mass migrated to urban centres. There are a group of urban scholars, sociologists,
and health experts who have explored the pros and cons concerning several dimensions
of the metropolitan system in India. Various studies concentrated on how the urban poor
produced and vicious cycle of poverty continued. For example, researchers have observed
that Kolkata and Mumbai are at the heart of the neo-liberal economy, but their environment
are completely unfavourable to migrant labour, because it severely debilitates their ability
to negotiate the city space and society at large. There is an obvious absence of the studies,
which try to theorise about the indigenous communities across cities or neoliberal cities;
neither have we found studies that contextualise the process of adaptation to urban life-
style and urban-industrial work culture and communication parlance. Therefore, our study
is particularly concentrated on understanding the how the indigenous population migration
process operates, and what are their health condition have and quality of life experienced
across Indian cities. The present study is structured as follows: the first substantive section
offers a brief overview of the growth of indigenous people in the city over the time,
trajectory of how they have reached into the city, and their current distribution across the
cities. The study used the census and the National Family and Health Survey (NFHS-4,
2015-16) data in order to trace the growth and distribution of the indigenous population.
The second section analyses the process of city-centric indigenous population (young &
old aged) migration using the SAGE-2 round data conducted in 2015-16. The SAGE
(Wave-1) was initiated by the World Health Organization (WHO) in 2007. The objective
of this longitudinal study is to obtain a nationally representative sample of respondents

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aged 50+ years, with a comparatively smaller cohort of adult population aged 18-49 years
for the purpose of comparison. The third substantive section analyses the condition of
poverty, health status and quality of life of the urban indigenous population. This section
attempted to draws on what is the actual condition among the indigenous community in
the city space. Using the large scale Indian Human Development Survey (IHDS), the study
estimated the poverty level for the household of indigenous population in the urban area
across the states. The IHDS-II is a nationally representative, multi-topic survey of 42,152
households in 1,503 villages and 971 urban neighbourhoods across India. Here, the study
merely considered the health and quality of life for the youth and old age population using
latest large scale data from Study on Global Ageing and Adult Health survey. Using content
analysis as a tool, the fourth section of the study offers a critical analysis of relevant urban
policy documents. This part of the study endeavour to draw how the government and non-
governmental institutions/key actors addressed the welfare issues for urban indignity in the
stated policy/program. We only considered that policy/scheme/Yojana that formulated, and
sponsored by the Central Government of India and to be in place and implemented across
the cities in the country.

Strong Network-based Urban-Rural Linkages with a Higher Potential

for Reducing Healthcare Inequalities in Indian Cities: A Case Study of
the Rural Districts of the National Capital Region (NCR)
Ayush Jain, Ph.D. Student, School of Planning & Architecture Delhi
Sewa Ram, Professor, School of Planning & Architecture Delhi

Social & economic interaction between urban and rural areas reflect interdependency.
People from rural areas travel to urban areas for employment opportunities, education,
and healthcare need. Whereas, urban regions are dependent on rural regions essentially for
food, water, and other natural resources. The flow of people to spatial places acts as the key
component in urban-rural transformation. Interaction between cities and rural areas are
classified as: the movement of goods; the movement of people; the movement of capital;
social transactions; administrative service. Urban-rural interdependencies and their related
challenges differ across various regions of the world. With unprecedented growth in urban
areas, it is a challenge in developing countries to address both urban & rural issues. The
presence of cities around the rural region enables the critical mass of people to reach the
necessary level of services. Considering urbanisation, functional links between sectors –
agriculture, industry, and services have been given due importance in previous research.

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However, less recognised healthcare services are equally essential & dependent on the
urban-rural linkages. Public health is one of the most important aspects of planning and yet
neglected. Narrowing the access gap in government healthcare facilities to truly underserved
population locations is a growing challenge. In many rural districts, where the majority of the
population is rural, the healthcare system is extensively dependent on government facilities.
Urban-Rural linkages can be viewed from two perspectives: Spatial linkage, which links
goods, people, and information, and Sectoral linkage, which links agriculture, manufacturing
industries, and services. Spatial or physical accessibility has gained traction over the years and
comprises two components, namely availability and proximity. The location of healthcare
facilities (HFs) and the design of the underlying networks through network analysis are
important in achieving objectives, including minimising costs, improving access to HFs,
and reducing the inequity in access to HFs. Impedance factors related to studies, such as
distance and travel time, are primarily used among scholars. This is because these variables
are easily interpretable in absolute units. More complex works are derived from the gravity
model. These model trade off the size or quality of the healthcare facilities with travel
impedance. The public healthcare structure in India is 3 tiers organisation consisting Sub-
centres, Primary Health Centres & Community Health Centres. Above these, there are
Sub-district and District hospitals. There is a substantial urban-rural disparity in terms of
the availability of healthcare facilities, and the healthcare facilities are skewed toward urban
areas, observed that 70% of the population lives in rural areas. A better linkage between
urban-rural regions can potentially improve the utilisation of healthcare facilities and reduce
inequalities. The lower-hierarchy healthcare facilities provide preventive and curative care
whereas higher-hierarchy healthcare facilities cater to specialised healthcare requirements.
The data used in the study is taken from HMIS (Health Management and Information
System) & NFHS- 4. HMIS is an online portal that provides real-time health status at
the block level. Whereas, NFHS is a large-scale survey conducted under the stewardship
of the Ministry of Health & Family Welfare India. Using the data, we constructed spatial
accessibility of rural districts of the NCR region in India using the GIS tool. It measures
the potential for a healthcare delivery system and evaluates the population’s overall access
to healthcare. The result showed that strong network-based urban-rural linkages showed
greater utilisation of healthcare facilities as compared with regions with weak network-
based urban-rural linkages. The research developed a priority framework to advise essential
policy measures and reduce the disparity of access to healthcare in urban-rural linkages.
Researchers in transportation, urban planning, and the healthcare sector can use this study.

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 24
Water, Waste and Infrastructure

Assessing Access to WASH Facilities and its Determinants in

Urban Areas: A Cross-Sectional Study of Indian States
Aditi Madan, Associate Fellow, Institute for Human Development, Delhi
Swati Dutta, Fellow, Institute for Human Development, Delhi
Arjun Dubey, Research Assistant, Institute for Human Development, Delhi

Water and sanitation are fundamental for human survival, yet access to improved facilities
remains unequal, creating disparities between the rich and the poor, in rural and urban
areas and across social groups in India. These inequalities have a significant impact on the
overall health of disadvantaged populations, particularly affecting women and girls. Urban
poverty and life in slums exacerbate the challenges faced by women and girls in managing
their health and hygiene practices due to limited access to WASH facilities. Numerous
studies have highlighted the association between improved water and sanitation access,
lower mortality rates, and reduced disease risks. Despite government efforts to enhance
access, progress has been slow, especially during the recent pandemic. This research focuses
on assessing the current status and trends of WASH access in India at a regional level. The
study utilises national datasets, specifically the National Family Health Survey (NFHS)
rounds 4 and 5, to examine the determinants of WASH practices. Improved sources of
drinking water, sanitation facilities, closed drainage system access, and availability of
improved handwashing materials are used as indicators to evaluate access to WASH
facilities at the household level across urban India. For this, the study uses the UNDP
method to calculate a composite index which provides a comprehensive assessment of
WASH access and enables comparison among urban areas. The Concentration Index
is also utilised to identify inequalities in access to WASH facilities across these urban
areas. The probit regression model is used to identify the determinants influencing the
provision of WASH facilities in urban settings. Based on data from the NFHS rounds
4 and 5, India has made remarkable progress in improving access to improved sources of
drinking water. NFHS 4 reported that approximately 90.0% of households used improved
sources of drinking water, and this number increased to 96.0% in NFHS 5, reflecting

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a significant improvement. In urban areas it has increased from 91.1% in 2015-16 to

98.7% in 2019-21. Regarding sanitation, NFHS 4 indicated that 48.0% of households
had access to improved sanitation facilities. In NFHS 5, this figure further increased to
69.0%, showcasing continued progress. Notably, the percentage of households practising
open defecation witnessed a significant decline, dropping from 39.0% in NFHS 4 to
19.0% in NFHS 5. In urban areas, the percentage reduced from 10.0% to 6.0% between
2015-16 and 2019-21. In the urban settings, Gujarat emerged as the top performer in
terms of water, sanitation, and hygiene conditions, with other states/union territories such
as Chandigarh, Goa, Puducherry, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Kerala, Lakshadweep,
Punjab, Telangana and the NCT of Delhi also displaying relatively high WASH indices
(above 0.6). Conversely, Manipur, Tripura and Assam had the lowest indices. The primary
aim of this research is to provide a comprehensive understanding of the current state
of WASH access in India, identify determinants of WASH facilities, and shed light on
inequalities across urban areas. The findings offer valuable insights for policymakers and
stakeholders to develop targeted interventions and policies to improve WASH access and
address disparities in urban settings.

Creating a Market for Recycled Wastewater through Circular

Economy Framework in Maharashtra
Surabhi Hemant Jaju, Director, Rustic Art, Satara, Maharashtra
Saylee Jog, Assistant Professor, Gokhale Institute of Politics & Economics, Pune

80% of water consumed by households is let out as wastewater in an urban outfit.

Wastewater management is an important practice to effectively manage the huge volume
of domestic sewage to prevent river pollution, ensure availability of clean water and
better sanitation practices in accordance to SDG 6: Clean Water & Sanitation. It is
estimated that Maharashtra generates 9107 MLD sewage which is highest in India while
the installed capacity of sewage treatment as claimed by CPCB is 6890 MLD only.
There is a substantial gap between the sewage generated and the available treatment
capacity in Maharashtra as well as India. This paper aims to: 1. recognise the challenges
in wastewater management in Maharashtra. 2. identify conducive factors for complete
wastewater reuse. 3. suggest necessary policy framework for complete recycle and reuse
of wastewater for a circular economy. This research involves the study of existing projects
to understand the in-depth realities of the wastewater sector. Given the multifaceted
nature of this research, the case study approach was used to understand the effect of the

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technology used, input and output water quality, motivation to undertake wastewater
treatment, cost parameters that affect the wastewater treatment systems. Many studies
published by the United Nations and the World Bank have also used the case-based
approach to evaluate the actualities of the wastewater sector across nations for learning
and applications. The financial, operational and usage related information was collected
via in-person interview of STP managers, government officials, experts, service providers,
users, interview with employees and residents of the area. Further communication was
conducted over phone and email. The additional information was collected via secondary
research. The additional data sources include government documents, open data portals
and tender documents.
Wastewater management is an essential process of water cycle. Poor wastewater management
practices endanger the overall water security of present and future. The installed STPs
in Maharashtra only treat 4242 MLD that is 61.5% of installed capacity. Further, it is
estimated that the present installed STPs only treat 46.5% of total sewage generated in
the state. A whopping 40% of sewage flows into the water bodies without any treatment.
This is also a leading cause of water pollution. But, the huge volume of wastewater also
creates an economic and civic opportunity for government and private sector. Treated
wastewater has a potential to enhance the water supply for non-potable use. A policy
framework is required to generate demand by accounting factors like behavioural bias,
absence of additional infrastructure need for quality checks and government mandates.
The identification of right consumer is first step towards market creation, followed by right
policy instruments to use recycled water and its implementation. A market for treated
water will allow easy access to alternative water resource, better sanitation and reduce the
environmental impact of day-to-day activities and promote a circular economy in water
sector. Wastewater is a valuable resource that has abundant economic and environmental
value. Efficient wastewater management will reduce the environmental and health hazards
that are caused by untreated wastewater. Adoption of the 3R policy: Reduce, Recycle and
Reuse is necessary is imperative—the fresh water consumption must be reduced, all the
wastewater must be recycled and all recycled wastewater must be reused. Wastewater
recycling and reuse is an economically, environmentally and socially reliable way to mitigate
the inevitable water crisis. A circular economy approach is essential to improve and preserve
water quality and ensure water security for present and future generations. Investment in
wastewater treatment and reuse infrastructure will generate significant financial, economic
and social returns in the short run as well as long run.

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Current Good Practices of Waste Management in Kerala

Babu K.Y., Waste Management Advisor, GIZ India, Thiruvananthapuram

Kerala is popularly known as ‘God’s Own Country’. Even a state known for such
picturesque beauty cannot, however, avoid waste management or the associated problems
that come with it. Kerala generates about 3.7 million tonnes of solid waste annually,
including biodegradable and non-biodegradable waste. The steadily increasing population
and tourist inflow of the state adds to the problem. The problem of waste management
leading the government to adopt various measures in different municipalities to tackle
the growing crisis. Interestingly, local resistance movements sprung up in the state against
the dumping of solid waste. These movements proved that citizens were interested in
mitigating Kerala’s waste management problem. The efforts of the Suchitwa Mission
with support of Clean Kerala company for management of plastic waste and Haritha
Keralam for organic waste management are focus on implementing the Swachh Bharat
Mission objectives leading to Clean and Green Kerala. This paper talks about current
good practices of waste management response in Kerala. It gives rise to some common
strategies across municipalities. This includes adopting a multi-stakeholder approach
for integrated and sustained action as well as bringing on board Haritha Karma Sena
workers (Green Warriors) for waste collection and segregation. These Green Warriors
work within the larger umbrella of Kudumbashree, a poverty eradication and women
empowerment programme by the Government of Kerala. Other common strategies
include the utilisation of Material Recovery Facilities (MRF), aerobic composting of
wet waste through “ Thumboormozhi model” and source segregation through portable
indoor composters. Apart from these more common solutions, individual municipalities
responded to the waste crisis in innovative and contextually relevant ways. Some of the
current best practices in Kerala which may useful for other states urban local bodies
(ULBs ) to adopt are: the state authorities tackled the issue of meat waste head on by
formalising a policy on chicken waste management by involving private vendors through
Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs) for its disposal by user fee model; in all the
ULBs, individual biogas units are being set up with 70-90 % of subsidy to convert waste
to energy, not only addressing the civic issue but also helping battle climate change; there
are many suburban towns chose to tackle the problem of waste by setting up multiple
specialised state-of-the-art disposal facilities to cater to different forms of waste; in
Punalur municipality constructed a ‘Junk-le Park’ with beautiful sculptures and artefacts
made from discarded junk converted as aesthetic upcycle materials; Sulthan Bathery

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took the aesthetic route and implemented various measures to increase the visual appeal
of the town; Thathamangalam created an affordable market for compost in association
with agriculture department which enabled farmers to improve soil health; Vadakara
came up with utensil rental services to avoid single-use goods and focused on bio-
mining of historical waste for reclaiming historical sites in to beautiful park which is
most welcomed by the citizens as urban space; the state has organised an international
waste management Expo, in which more than 120 companies show cased their products
and services. Technical sessions on various topics by eminent national and international
scholars . More than 20,000 participants from almost all the ULBs participated and
benefited through this event. In India many ULBs faced the similar problem of handling
waste; through this study experience of good practices it could help others to overcome it.

Assessment Framework for Effective Water Management from

Water Scarce to Resourceful City: A Case of Dhule, Maharashtra
Prachi Hemant Kankariya, Research Assistant, MIT School of Architecture, Dhule
Maharashtra
Harshad Raisoni, Associate Professor, MIT School of Architecture, Pune, Maharashtra

India is facing a severe water scarcity crisis, particularly in urban areas, due to factors
such as population growth, rapid urbanisation, mismanagement of water resources, and
climate change. Over 600 million people in India face high to extreme water stress, and
75% of households do not have drinking water on their premises. Additionally, 70% of
the country’s water is contaminated by 2030, and 40% of the population is expected to
have no access to drinking water. The water crisis is projected to result in a 6% GDP
loss by 2050. Over the past few decades, groundwater overexploitation has significantly
increased in India, leading to depletion, diminished quality, and land subsidence. The city
of Dhule, located in Maharashtra, is one such urban area grappling with water scarcity.
To address this problem, a research paper aims for an assessment framework for effective
water management in water-scarce urban areas has been developed, with Dhule serving
as a study. Since the region is seeing lower rainfall than usual, it is more important
than ever to manage water sources wisely and some of these problems don’t get enough
attention. Similarly to this, a lack of attention to long-term sustainability frequently
leads to quick fixes that do not efficiently manage water resources. Water scarcity in
urban areas is caused by a variety of factors, including excessive groundwater use and an
unstable and inadequate municipal water supply. In cities, inadequate water infrastructure

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is a serious issue. This covers inadequate storage capacity, inefficient distribution systems,
and leaky pipelines. These problems cause significant water loss, which makes the issue
of water scarcity worse. the overall objective is To make the city from water scarcity
to more resourceful and ensure access to clean and safe drinking water, there is a need
to address the various factors contributing to water scarcity. By implementing such a
framework, we can create a more resourceful city. The objective of the study is to examine
the vulnerability associated with water scarcity in urban areas is the study’s main goal.
It also aims to develop the Water Management Assessment Framework (WMAF),
analyse the study area using the WMAF framework, and propose active and passive
water management strategies and mitigation actions for cities to transition from water
scarcity to more resourceful. The methodology used in this research study involves several
steps. Firstly, an extensive literature review was conducted to identify the parameters
contributing to water scarcity in urban areas and the existing assessment frameworks.
Then, a set of parameters was identified based on the literature review and expert
opinions, including factors such as water availability, demand, quality, infrastructure, and
governance. Next, a scoring system was developed for each parameter, assigning weights
and scores based on their standard benchmark and relative importance and impact on
water scarcity. The scoring system was refined through multiple iterations using feedback
from experts and stakeholders. The outcome of this research study is the establishment of
a framework for water management as one of the study’s outputs will help water-scarce
regions with water shortages become more resourceful in dealing with the problem while
also offering stakeholders and decision-makers a number of advantages. Identifying the
causes of water scarcity in areas aids in better resource allocation and prioritisation for
decision-makers. In conclusion, the water scarcity crisis in urban areas, particularly in
India, is a pressing issue that demands immediate attention. The research study presented
an effective WMAF that can be implemented in water-scarce urban areas, with Dhule
serving as a case. The WMAF framework is designed to identify the causes and severity
of water scarcity and propose practical solutions to transition from water scarcity to more
resourceful. By utilising this framework, decision-makers can make informed decisions
to address the water scarcity problem, enhance water infrastructure, and ensure that all
communities have access to clean and safe drinking water.

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Spatial Relationship between Air Pollution and Tuberculosis

Spread in India
Vijay Kumar, PhD Student, Central University of Gujarat, Gandhinagar
Tulika Tripathi, Assistant Professor, Central University of Gujarat, Gandhinagar

Both large cities and small communities in India are seeing a continuous drop in air quality.
The public’s health is significantly impacted by this decline in air quality, particularly in
the case of infectious respiratory disorders like tuberculosis (TB). Compared to studies on
COVID-19 and air pollution, research on the connections between TB and air pollution is
still scarce despite the large incidence of tuberculosis-related fatalities in India. Using data
on air pollution levels and TB incidence and death rates, this study intends to analyse the
geographical distribution and variance between air pollution and tuberculosis throughout
Indian states. This study uses state-by-state air pollution statistics from the central
pollution control board, concentrating on pollutants including PM10, SO2, CO2, NO2, and
PM2.5 to examine the relationship between air pollution and TB. The lungs are impacted
by smaller particles (PM2.5), whereas the windpipe is impacted by bigger particles,
which are known to have a substantial influence on the air quality index. Additionally,
information on the prevalence and death rates of tuberculosis is gleaned from the TB report
of 2022. The investigation examines the connection between air pollution and TB using
statistical techniques and geographic information systems (GIS). The association between
self-reported TB cases and air pollution levels is estimated using statistical methods.
Considering that air pollution may exacerbate the condition of TB patients and hinder the
efficiency of therapy, the influence of air pollution on tuberculosis-related fatalities is also
examined. The study’s findings show a link between self-reported occurrences of TB and air
pollution levels. According to the data, regions with more air pollution often have a greater
prevalence of TB cases. This discovery highlights the contribution of air pollution to the
spread of TB in India. The study also looks at how air pollution affects fatalities from TB.
The findings suggest that air pollution worsens TB patients’ symptoms and lowers their
prognosis. This shows that air pollution affects TB transmission as well as the prognosis for
those who already have the illness. At the state level in India, this study has a substantial
impact on the planning of health services and the management of air quality. The study
sheds important light on the association between air pollution and TB by applying GIS
and statistical analytic methodologies. It also reveals the geographical distribution and
variance of the illness across several states. These findings can help public health officials
and policymakers develop focused initiatives to lessen the effect of air pollution on TB

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spread and enhance the effectiveness of treatment. Additionally, this study emphasises the
significance of future research into the connection between air pollution and TB as well as
the promotion of actions to address air pollution as a significant public health issue. This
study’s findings highlight the significant link between air pollution and TB in India. The
results highlight the urgent need for all-encompassing actions to enhance air quality and
reduce the incidence of TB in the nation. In addition to improving overall public health,
reducing air pollution is essential for halting the development of contagious respiratory
disorders like TB.

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 25
Climate change, Risk and Resilience

Capital Diversion: Towards a Greener Route

Neha Chauhan, Deputy Director (Indian Economics Services), Jawaharlal Nehru University
New Delhi
Nausheen Nizami, Associate Professor, Pandit Deen Dayal Energy University, Gandhinagar

For a country like India, which is high on the risk of climate vulnerability and ranks fifth
in the Global Climate Risk Index, steps towards climate conservation are imperative.
India has a coastline spanning almost 7500 km going across 7 states and 4 union
territories, majority of our population is dependent on agriculture for their livelihood.
Climate change even on a marginal scale is expected to play havoc on monsoon and
weather patterns along with increased risk of natural calamities. This scenario calls
for immediate action on strategies designed and directed towards carbon mitigation.
In terms of Economics, pursuing any agent/individual towards a particular action
requires providing/presenting them with right kind of incentives. Economists have been
prescribing this since ages and the recipe still produces right results if the ingredients
are right. For example, providing subsidies to ensure increased consumption of a certain
commodity or lowering interest rate to enhance credit appetite of the economy. The
same approach can be used in environment conservation where providing right kind
of incentives can help the economy to move away from carbon emitting activities to
carbon mitigating activities. In this paper such measures will be explored and evaluated
to present a practical and implementable strategy for green financing. Both Reserve Bank
of India and Government have been taking steps to shift the behaviour of stakeholders
to facilitate achievement of NDCs set by the country for itself. Currently, several fiscal
measures are being used to persuade citizens to adopt cleaner technologies. There are
pervasive price signals for carbon emitting sectors in the form of taxes and multitude
of tax and non-tax incentives including interest subventions for financing green sectors.
The green bond issuance, a fixed income instrument designed to support environmentally
sustainable activities, is also being used extensively to support green financing initiatives.
India currently holds the 2nd spot (after China) in the cumulative emerging market

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for Green Bond Issuance and cumulatively global green bond issuance has crossed $
1 trillion mark in the year 2020. The path ahead is not without bumps, climate cost
assessment and integration pose some unique issues. The calculation of risk, which
becomes a factor in cost of finance, in any project appraisal, by any financial institution
is a well-drawn statistical process. Most of the banks rely on their in-house statistical
models to appraise proposal and assign risk factors to it. These models and processes need
to be suitably modified to incorporate physical and transitional cost of climate change
in the cost structure of finance. It is easier said than done as it requires sensitisation at
field level along with capacity building to rule out the possibility of arbitrariness and
discrepancies within and across financial institutions. The paper aims to explore the
issues of alignment of growth objectives with environmental conservation by shifting
economy towards carbon mitigating activities. The long-term policy solution for this
has to incorporate physical and transitional cost of this shift, in long in short term, with
various financial cost decisions. Climate change could impact financial sector through
two channels physical and transitional cost. Physical cost poses a direct threat of increase
in cost of financing through enhanced risk because of extreme weather conditions; higher
instances of natural calamities etc., whereas even when this shift is made towards carbon
mitigating activities, it entails transitional cost in short run. Though evidences show that
long term benefits would far outweigh the cost associated with cleaner technologies,
appropriate nudges and incentives are required to direct stakeholders towards intended
path be it banks, financial institutions, insurance companies or borrowers. The paper also
aims to explore if India’s financial sector is prepared to deliver to the demands for green.

Assessing the Influence of Land Use Land Cover on Urban Climate

and Thermal Comfort in Tropical city
Sheewani Patle, PhD Student, Visvesvaraya National Institute of Technology, Nagpur
Vidya Ghuge, Assistant Professor, Visvesvaraya National Institute of Technology, Nagpur

Urbanisation has become one of the major human activities affecting the Earth’s land
surfaces, although its effects on small and medium tropical and subtropical cities have
received little attention. Urbanisation alters land use in cities significantly through numerous
built-up areas used for residence, transit, industry, and other reasons. India is experiencing
remarkable growth. Many Indian cities are expanding rapidly and are now experiencing the
negative effects of unplanned, fast urbanisation. Using a time series of Landsat imageries,

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this study intends to explore the impact of unbuilt/built-up areas on land surface temperature
(LST) and human thermal comfort in Aurangabad from 2002 to 2022. According to the
2011 Census, this city is among the top 10 most populated in Maharashtra. The city is
surrounded by a well-developed and organised industrial region (pharmaceutical, car,
engineering workshops, silk mills, and biotechnology). For LST retrieval and LULC
classification, a multi-temporal and multi-spectral Landsat image from 2002 (ETM+),
2014, and 2022 (OLI/TIRS) is utilised. ArcGIS10.8 is the primary image processing and
analysis tool used in this study. Index-based built-up index (IBI), Soil-Adjusted Vegetation
Index (SAVI), Modified Normalised Difference Water Index (MNDWI), and Bare soil
Index (BSI) are used for mapping built-up, vegetation, and waterbody, bare soil respectively.
The findings revealed that the city’s LULC pattern has undergone major alterations due
to its high degree of urbanisation. During the research period, the urban core remained
mostly unchanged and the city’s peripheral area has greatly expanded in all directions from
the centre. Growth was greater in the north and south than in the other directions. From
2002-2022, vegetation and waterbodies fell by 18.07% and 2.0%, respectively, while built-
up areas rose by 39.71%. The vegetation density deteriorates in the summer due to rising
temperatures and a lower water table; but because of the agricultural areas like Sundarwadi,
Nanakwadi, and the forest cover close to Jalgoan Bypass road, significantly high SAVI
values have been seen on the periphery of the city boundaries. The bare soil has the greatest
effect on the built-up transition, followed by vegetation and water bodies. The soil type of
Aurangabad is shallow and medium black, but because of less rainfall and less vegetation
cover, bare soil exhibits higher LST in the periphery of the municipal boundary. Hence,
because of built-up and bare soil, the mean LST for summer has shifted from 31.60°C
in 2002 to 35.02°C in 2014 to 46.53°C in 2022. Linear regression was used to assess the
association between LST and spectral indices. The results demonstrate that LST has a
positive correlation with IBI and BSI, but a negative correlation with SAVI and MNDWI,
as vegetation and waterbody, has a cooling impact on the LST. The Discomfort Index
(DI) is used to quantify human thermal comfort in a city. Thermal discomfort levels in
the study region increased with time as a result of the built-up area’s influence on the
city’s microclimate. This research is a step towards comprehending how LULC influences
Thermal Comfort in urban areas and the factors influencing it. Research findings can be
used to produce a thermally comfortable environment for improved climate-sensitive urban
development in Indian cities.

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Analysing Urban Heat Stress Zones to Recommend Modifications

in Existing Benchmarks
Raavee Vats, Research Intern, NITI Aayog, Delhi

Urban heat stress has become a critical concern due to the rapid urbanisation and climate
change. Understanding the distribution and intensity of heat stress zones within cities is
crucial for developing effective mitigation strategies. This research paper aims to analyse
urban heat stress zones and recommend changes in the existing benchmarks often referred
to in environmental planning to address this issue. The study utilises a combination of
remote sensing data, geographic information systems (GIS), and spatial analysis techniques
to assess the heat stress levels in urban areas. The research methodology involves three key
steps. First, satellite images are processed to obtain land surface temperature (LST) data,
which serves as a proxy for urban heat stress. Second, spatial analysis techniques are applied
to identify heat stress zones and their characteristics. Various factors such as land cover,
land use, vegetation cover, and built environment are considered in this analysis. Finally, the
existing benchmarks for heat stress are evaluated based on the observed heat stress zones,
and recommendations are made for potential changes or improvements. The findings of
this study provide valuable insights into the spatial distribution and intensity of urban
heat stress zones. The analysis identifies hotspots and factors contributing to heat stress,
allowing policymakers and urban planners to prioritise mitigation efforts. Additionally, the
evaluation of existing benchmarks offers an opportunity to assess their effectiveness and
propose modifications to ensure better protection for vulnerable populations. Benchmarking
in planning involves the process of comparing and evaluating the performance, practices,
or outcomes of planning initiatives against established standards or best practices. It helps
planners assess the effectiveness, efficiency, and success of planning strategies, policies, or
projects. The basic criteria of setting the standards is to cater to the needs of the population
residing in the area, taking in account the socioeconomic and recreational needs, but the
climatic conditions and environment are generally not taken into account, which in due
course leads to “urban development induced climatic hazards” to avoid these it becomes a
necessity to keep revising and modifying the benchmarking system when planning for future
development. The motive behind this study is to provide an insight into the limitations of
existing benchmarks and standards that are considered as the foundation for development
of any action plan based on the identified urban heat stress zones, their causes and impacts,
and hence stimulate the modification and improvement of the guidelines.

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Assessment of Resilient Neighbourhoods in Mumbai:

Measurement and Policy Implications
Piyush Kumar, PhD Student, Indian Institute of Technology Bombay, Mumbai
Krishnan Narayanan, Professor, Indian Institute of Technology Bombay, Mumbai
Arnab Jana, Associate Professor, Indian Institute of Technology Bombay, Mumbai

The concept of resilience has rose to prominence in a wide range of literature on cities and
climate change. Despite significant discord among these works of literature regarding the
ways of defining and quantifying resilience, there is widespread agreement that: (1) cities
must develop tolerance against a wider spectrum of shocks and pressures in order to face
climate change; and (2) action taken to increase resistance to the effects of climate change
must go hand in hand with the promotion of sustainable urban development. By using the
term ‘resilience’ in their communications, communities have been able to sidestep potential
political obstacles and concentrate on adapting to the effects of climate change. Without
getting bogged down in the debate over the causes of climate change, the city planners,
utility owners, emergency personnel, and other local officials can address the effects of
climate change, such as rising sea levels, more violent storms, prolonged droughts, heavy
precipitation resulting into floods and extreme heat events, and recurring wildfires, by
focusing on resilience. With limited resources available to direct towards planning and
resilience building, developing economies like India end up prioritising rehabilitation and
rescue in the face of an event, over risk mitigation and preparedness. Lack of data, limited
access to technology and lack of technical and institutional capacities makes directing
informed action difficult. These challenges and poor management make cities the locus of
large- and small-scale disasters. Keeping the above discussion on the foreground, coastal
cities like Mumbai face a multiplicity of hazards. With thousands of residents living in
slums on small hillocks, river beds and clogged drains and a constant need for resources
puts Mumbai at risk in case of an unfortunate event. The paper also tries to identify
the theoretical gaps in practice and formulates and propose a framework of composite
performance indicator-based index (CPI) taking demography, occupational structure,
vulnerability, education, standard of living, infrastructure and governance variables into
account. It gives a vivid idea of how the 24 different wards of Mumbai are stacked up in
the wake of a disaster and its preparedness. The said index is then further rank correlated
to assess the variables which contribute the most to the ranking of CPI for different wards.
In order to reduce the dimensionality of multivariate data, Principal Component Analysis
(PCA) was performed, thus analysing the weightage of each variable and determining the
factors/sectors to focus more upon in order to tackle disaster preparedness and helping in
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drawing policy implications thereof. It also provides an insight in understanding of risk as

a composite of not just external hazard factors, but also of intrinsic characteristics which
may act as vulnerabilities or capacities for systems, people, the economy, governance and
built environment in coping with external forces. Urban risks, or those brought about by
urban processes and the absence of resources or access to them, are not well recognised or
taken into consideration. The study’s conclusion makes an attempt to offer specific steps
and strategies based on climatic co-benefits, supported by case studies and policy directives
that might be adopted for increased preparedness and efforts towards sustainability.

Towards Pluvial Flood Mitigation Measures: A Case of Delhi

Manish M Nair, PG Student, Birla Institute of Technology, Mesra, Ranchi
Rajan Chandra Sinha, Associate Professor, Birla Institute of Technology, Mesra, Ranchi
Shama Parween, Assistant Professor, Birla Institute of Technology, Mesra, Ranchi

Increasing pluvial flood incidences have become a concern for high-density urban centres.
Increased precipitation due to climate change, decreasing infiltration capacity resulting
from changes in land cover and land use, sealing of natural surfaces, and lack of proper
stormwater infrastructure are all ramifications of increased urbanisation. In the last few
years, the risk of pluvial floods has increased and become recurrent across the globe,
especially in Southeast Asian countries. Delhi experienced 6 urban floods between 2002
to 2016. Urbanisation has taken an appalling state in the National Capital Delhi and
75.09% of cities’ geographical area has urbanised. As per the 2011 census, 97.5% of Delhi’s
population lives in urban areas. The baseline report prepared by DDA on shelter suggests
the presence of both planned neighbourhoods (55%) and unplanned areas (45%), where
more than 60% of the city’s population lives in unplanned settlements. Migration of the
population from other parts of the country has increased the demand for land leading
to reducing agriculture and open green lands and increasing built-up density. All these
factors further contribute to pluvial floods in Delhi. The high built-up density, presence
of vulnerable neighbourhoods and communities, and overwhelmed infrastructure needs
alternative solutions which are sustainable and resilient. Across the globe, countries have
been practising various sustainable interventions to reduce the risk of pluvial floods, e.g.:
(i) Best management practices in US and Canada, (ii) Low-impact development (LID)
in the US and New Zealand, (iii) Water-sensitive urban design (WSUD) in Australia,
(iv) Sustainable urban drainage systems (SuDS)in the UK, (v) Green infrastructure in the
US and the UK, (vi) Blue-green infrastructure in UK, and (vii) Nature-based solutions
in Europe. In Delhi, during the peak of the monsoon season, many neighbourhoods of
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unplanned areas and transport networks are swamped for several hours, resulting in traffic
delays and inconveniences for commuters. Implementation of sustainable infrastructure
solutions to reduce the risk of pluvial flood must be prioritised, which will necessitate
prior identification of vulnerable sites and diagnosis of the problem. This research seeks
to establish a link between the occurrence of pluvial flood events and existing impervious
surfaces, as well as to develop a methodology for identifying areas at risk of pluvial flood for
a watershed in New Delhi’s Barapullah basin to prioritise locations for implementation of
suitable technique for flood mitigation. The objective of the applied methods is to categorise
areas at risk of pluvial floods using two stages, i.e., (i) Using spatial analysis techniques,
where the most vulnerable watersheds were identified using previous year data (2019, 2021,
and 2022) on inundated locations. The watershed analysis process delineates the entire city
into multiple sub-watershed (10000-50000 ha) regions. The sub-watersheds with maximum
events were selected for analysis by overlaying the flood locations. Sub-watershed obtained
as a result of performing the overlay technique was further disintegrated into the milli-
watershed (100-1000 ha) regions to identify the areas at risk using indicators like past
flooding incidents and pluvial flood susceptibility maps were generated. The maps were
classified into 5 levels of risk: very high, high, moderate, low, and very low. (ii) The second
stage of the research focuses on identifying the most vulnerable milli-watershed using the
percentage of impervious surface as an indicator. Using ArcGIS geospatial techniques and
satellite images from 2023 for the study area, the percentage of impervious surface was
calculated in a GIS environment. To evaluate the built-up areas, techniques like NDBI
and NDVI were used with bands 4, 5, and 6 of LANDSAT 8 satellite imagery. Values
between -0.1149 and 0.39 were extracted and reclassified into two classes: built and unbuilt.
Using the clip tool, the built values were extracted, calculated, and added to the flood-
susceptible map’s attribute layer. The built and unbuilt percentages were displayed using an
interactive map. When the two maps were superimposed, it was discovered that watersheds
with the highest built-up percentage are located in high and very high-risk areas of flood
susceptible maps. In conclusion, the study can be used as a guiding tool for urban planners
and policymakers to identify the areas at risk due to pluvial flooding and selection of any
suitable technique to mitigate pluvial floods. This research also aims at satisfying the 2030
agenda for sustainable development through SDGs 11,6 and 13.

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Vulnerable and Services

Political Economy of Slums, Basic Service Delivery and Resilience:

A Study on Longitudinal Data of Kolkata Slums
Indranil De, Professor, Institute of Rural Management Anand, Gujarat

Political patronage may lead to biases, and political clientelism may impair basic service
delivery in slums. Political competition may become counterproductive if it is coupled with
political clientelism. This study investigates the political economy of slums to understand
the role of political competition, control and clientelism for service delivery and resilience
of slum-dwellers during the COVID-19 pandemic. It attempts to understand the context
under which higher political competition improves basic services in slums. It is based on
a survey of slum dwellers in 2012 and 2021-22 in Kolkata, India. Data on access to public
distribution system (PDS) for food grains and pulses as well as expenditures on essential
items has been analysed to understand the effect of political economy on resilience during
the COVID-19 pandemic. The slums were selected from all regions of Kolkata through a
multistage stratified random sampling method. In total, 37 slums were selected in 2012.
In 2021, we again surveyed the same set of slums. However, 8 of the 37 slums initially
surveyed in 2012 were either evicted or have been redeveloped by 2021. We selected 513
sample households in 2012 and 396 sample households in 2021 through systematic random
sampling method. We used Probit regression and conditional mixed method to estimate
the determinants of access to basic services such as housing, water supply, drainage and
waste collection and resilience during COVID-19 pandemic. We have looked into different
attributes of water supply: sufficiency, quality, duration, and number of public sources per
household as reported by survey households. We have used pooled survey data of 2012 and
2021-22 as well as survey data of 2021-22 to asses determinants of basic services. Access
to PDS and a fall in total as well as food and transport expenditure in the post-pandemic
period as compared to the pre-pandemic period were used as indicators of resilience. We
used 2021-22 survey data in the case of the latter. We observe that political favouritism
and political clout play an important role in service delivery in municipalities. Political
nonalignment with the dominant political party of municipal corporation and state, All

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India Trinamul Congress (AITC), risks service degradation. Slum-dwellers in wards

governed by AITC and councillors having political clout (higher margin of win in the last
election) are more likely to have a pucca house. The welfare loss of slum dwellers, captured
by a fall in total real expenditure, is less when margins are higher. The infrastructure of
water supply (sources per household), provisioning (duration of water supply per day) and
quality were better in AITC-governed slums. Political competition’s negative effect through
political clientelism is felt if the political or administrative credibility of the incumbent is not
established through the improvement of services over long run, using political power and
delivering services fairly without political bias. This explains the negative effect of political
clientelism on the duration of water supply as well as provides additional explanation for
its negative effect on water quality. These services did not improve in 2021-22 as compared
to 2012. High political competition and fragmentation increase the chances of living in
the pucca house and also improve drainage and vat cleaning services. In all these cases,
a higher margin of win of incumbent councillors, which may provide them with higher
political clout, has a positive impact on access to services. On the other hand, win margin
has a negative effect on water quality, access to better PDS that provide both food grains
and pulses and the ability to reduce transport expenditure. High political competition
and fragmentation have either a negative or no statistically significant impact on service
provision or resilience in these cases. The negative effect of political clientelism on residents
living in pucca houses in slums was felt more when the dominant political party is relatively
weak in the state in 2012. Access to a better PDS that provides both food grains and
pulses rather than only food grains has a significant impact on resilience by containing
expenditures of slum-dwellers. Nevertheless, political patronage of AITC and competition
have a bearing on slum-dwellers during the COVID-19 pandemic. Political clientelism
may downgrade PDS due to the lack of credibility of politicians for fair distribution.

Importance of Food Security and Safety in Sustainable Urban

Development: Indian Scenario
Jhinuk Gupta, Assistant Professor, Sri Sathya Sai Institute of Higher Learning, Anantapur

Sustainable urban development is “the way forward for cities to mitigate climate change”.
Several aspects of it include affordable access to housing, health care, transportation, water
supply, sanitation and electricity. The main goal of this is to ensure safe and healthy life for
its residents without depleting the existing natural resources. Foundation of healthy lifestyle
lies on adequate availability and proper intake of food by residents from all economic groups.

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But unfortunately this key factor, i.e. food security and nutrition is often overlooked during
the planning for sustainable smart cities. Ensuring food security and safety is challenging
for any country. Needless to say, the problem becomes more magnificent in case of Global
South. This paper aims at identifying the major challenges faced by Indian cities and towns
in terms of food security and safety and suggesting possible way outs. The major hurdles
involved in establishing food security and safety in Indian cities are: (a) Disrupted supply
chain, ill functioning of the rural-urban linkage causing significant food spoilage and
wastage. This issue became even more prominent during COVID-19 and post-COVID
era. (b) Adulteration of food. Incidental or unintentional adulteration with non-food items,
debris, droppings of rodents due to lack of infrastructure in manufacturing and storage
facilities. Intentional adulteration with hazardous contaminants, unpermitted colours,
Flavors, preservatives for financial gain. Number of such incidents has been increasing in
and around the cities in all over India over the last couple of decades. One possible reason
may be that the manufacturer and consumer are unknown to each other, which lessens
the sense of guilt burden on the unlawful manufacturers. Recent study conducted by our
research group in the five states of South India found significant adulteration cases in all
types of food groups, especially in retail, unpacked products. (c) Biased preference of the city
residents for certain type of foods; ignorant, advertisement driven decision making on diet
selection. A significant population in cities is under the grip of lifestyle diseases, such as,
obesity, diabetes, hypertension, etc, which makes them biased towards health supplements,
fat reducing pills, immunity boosters, natural and organic foods. Most of the time, the food
choices are made under the influence of advertisements and peers without diagnosing the
real need of that individuals, which often leads to improper nutrition and further health
damage. (d) Mis-labelling and false branding of packaged food items. A recent study
conducted by my research group revealed that out of 4000 “organic “pickles available in
different e-commerce sites less than 6% actually contains the required certifications from
regulatory agencies like NPOP, Jaivik Bharat, etc. Remaining products simply contain the
word “organic” on their labels either as part of their brand name or a buzz word to misguide
the consumers. On chemical analysis, all of these claimed to be “organic” pickles showed the
presence of unpermitted preservatives and additives. (e) Loop-holes in existing Food Safety
Acts, (f ) Lack of infrastructure for food quality monitoring and implementation of the food
safety acts. Sustainable urban development will be successful only when majority of the
above mentioned issues are addressed. Urban farming, vertical agriculture, hydroponics are
great ways to make cities independent to some extent in terms of food ingredients supply.
Building of storage houses for grains and perishable fruits and vegetables with advanced
facilities within the city limit or at the immediate outskirts may help to deal with the

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transportation issues and in turn may reduce spoilage lead wastage during transportation.
Although food safety regulations issued by Food Safety and Standards Authority of
India (FSSAI) in 2006 and in successive amendments clearly mention the legal actions,
punishments, imprisonment or heavy fines for adulteration of food, yet it is highly difficult
to punish the offenders due to several loopholes in the existing laws. Local governing bodies’
keen interest and active participation in the implementation of food safety laws are must
for reducing the number of adulteration incidents. Raising public awareness about food
adulteration, mis-labelling, false health claims by the manufacturers for sell enhancement
would make the residents alert. Educating them on nutritional aspects of certain foods,
interpretation of the labels of packaged food would further assist them to select their diet
without any bias.

Right to Transport in the Context of COVID-19 Lockdown in India

Prajakta Surendra Bhide, PhD Student, Department of Civics & Politics
University of Mumbai, Mumbai

Metropolitan areas in Global South, specifically in developing countries like India have
witnessed rapid urbanisation in the recent past. This process also underlines the need
of sustainable urbanisation and inclusive cities to protect well-being of all sections of
urban citizens. The need becomes more prominent during any disaster or emergency
like COVID-19 pandemic. The pandemic was an unprecedented biological disaster in
the history of humankind. It impacted social inequality, economic structure and political
regimes. The era was a dream of biopolitics coming true. This biopolitics concentrates
power in the hands of the state during such pandemic. State enforces constraints to control
movement of people. This control was witnessed during lockdown through restrictions on
movement of people, goods and services, transportation, functioning of workplaces etc.
As a result, mobility became secondary to the larger goal of securing public health. As we
were not prepared and unaware of how to tackle the vicious spread of corona virus disease,
state restricted mobility as an immediate measure to stop the spread. Due to sudden
announcement of the lockdown, many migrants were stranded on their way back to home.
Unvoluntary and unplanned migrations caused turmoil in cities. Some migrants died being
run over by trains. There were times when it was a choice between virus or hunger for the
migrants. This turmoil made us look differently to the basic human needs like food, shelter
and to the services like health, transportation which form the base of urban living. Transport
could no more be looked as a right. During such public health emergency right to mobility

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is shadowed by the duty of following the state policy. As the first wave started receding, the
restraints were reduced slowly. During the process of ‘unlock’, essential service workers were
allowed to use public transport. However, a huge section of ‘non-essential’ service workers
still had to rely on private transport which was not affordable for all. This section included
a huge sub-section of underprivileged masses. In the times of digital divide, restraints on
mobility resulted into loss of livelihood for those who could not ‘work from home’. When
transport is not looked at as a ‘right’ for such section, restrictions on mobility has adverse
consequences on their livelihood. Thus, this paper specifically focuses at right to mobility
for such section during a public health emergency. At the same time, it tries to look at the
possible measures that could have been undertaken in order to protect this ‘right’ during
the lockdown in India. Entitlement of ‘right’ imparts ‘capabilities’ that enables an individual
to ‘function’ as rightly stated in Amartya Sen’s work. This functioning is crucial for better
livelihood in every developing country. Developing countries like India constrained with
resources and capacities to manage this disaster have thus exposed vulnerabilities of the
urban areas. Cities witnessed transitions and transformations. This transition was at times
quite unjust and inequitable for a specific section. Thus, this paper attempts to see if we
could have brought a balance between right to transport and safety of public health in this
time of instability. This paper looks at how we can implement equitable, accessible and safe
transportation during such times.

Workers’ Participation in Rajasthan’s Urban Employment

Guarantee Programme
Krishna Priya Choragudi, Ph.D. Student, Indian Institute of Technology, Delhi

The livelihood crisis during the lockdowns of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 exposed
the immense precarity and vulnerability of informal sector low-wage workers in India.
Employment Guarantee Scheme (EGS) emerged as a critical social safety net during
that time for rural households, as was evident from the peak in demand for the Mahatma
Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) work between 2020
and 2021. However, such a safety net was not available for workers residing in urban
areas. In September 2022, Rajasthan Government launched the Indira Gandhi Rozgar
Guarantee Yojana-Urban (IRGY) in Rajasthan. Based on the lines of MGNREGA,
which is limited to rural households, the IRGY scheme was launched to employ urban
households. It guarantees 100 days of wage employment in unskilled work in a year to
every urban household within 15 days of applying for work. The wage rate for unskilled

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work — ₹259 per day — is pegged to the notified minimum wages in the state. Currently,
there are six states in India experimenting with a similar programme. While extensive
literature discusses the impact of MGNREGA on rural workers, especially women, and
its role as a safety net, there is little evidence available to know the welfare impacts of such
programmes in urban contexts in India. Therefore, interventions such as the IRGY merit
a deeper study to know their role in enhancing urban social security. This paper presents
results from a survey conducted with 400 households in 20 urban slums in two cities of
Rajasthan- Jaipur and Udaipur. The objective of the survey was to estimate the demand for
work in the IRGY scheme, status of existing urban informal sector employment and know
whether such interventions can enhance social security for urban workers. Each working-
age member in a sample household was asked whether he/she was available for “manual
work provided by the urban local body for 100 days in a year at the wage rate of ₹259 per
day”. At least one member from 68% of the sample households expressed willingness to
work in the programme. The paper uses logistic regression models to explore the probable
effects of various socio-economic and employment characteristics of the individuals on
their willingness to participate in IRGY, followed up by ROC and marginal analysis of the
models. The findings suggest that women are more likely than men to participate in such
programmes due to the prevailing wage rate in the private labour market. And economic
precarity (in the form of vulnerable employment) and financial distress (in the form of
indebtedness, food insecurity and health shock in the family) affect the need for public
employment programmes. The paper also shows the programme’s potential in bringing
out-of-labour-force working-age women into employment, thereby contributing to the vast
and significant literature on female labour force participation in India. Finally, it discusses
some key areas of concern that inhibit women’s full participation in the programme, such as
barriers to working outside the home and suggest some improvements in the programme
design for effective implementation of the programme.

Urban Informality and Spaces of Conviviality around Footpath

Tea Stalls in Delhi, India
Vishavjeet Dhanda, Ph.D. Student, Department of Geography, Delhi School of Economics
University of Delhi, Delhi

Urban public space has been a subject of close scrutiny by researchers in the recent times.
The reconceptualisation of public space as a site of situated multiplicity of interpretations
and perspectives has provided a renewed impetus to the study of public space. On one

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hand, there have been enquiries into the historicity of public space, its emphasis, disruption
and beginning. On the other, there has been emphasis on the fact that public space has
multiple users which envisage varied uses of public space. At the same time, local variations
of public space and civil society, especially in developing countries have been challenging
the dominant discourse of western synthesis of public space. In the backdrop of these
arguments, this paper focuses on understanding the urban public space in Indian context.
The research in urban public space has been largely limited to devise generalisations and
suggest policy measures to maintain the planned urban narrative There has been lack of
research to enquire into the dynamic constitution and contestation of public space. This
paper, thus aims to understand the urban public space and its social, cultural and political
multiplicities in the context of urban informality. The paper focuses on the spatio-temporal
and power contestations that occur around the footpath tea stalls in Delhi, India. These
tea stalls exist between the fissure of legality and informality to occupy the ‘planned’ space
demarcated for pedestrians. These footpath tea stalls recalibrate the planned urban space
of footpath to erect temporary structures to provide mundane services of drinking tea.
These structures are assembled and dissembled daily and reappropriate the footpath to
construct spaces of long-term temporariness. They exhibit multiplicity of interpretations
and contestations as a result of their ‘long term temporariness’. This produces a palimpsest
of layered spaces which are continuously subject to changes to produce multiple spatialities
of politics and engagement. The paper uses a qualitative methodology with an ethnographic
approach to examine how does urban informality interacts with public space. The paper has
two objectives. First, to understand how does footpath tea stall occupy the urban space to
produce spaces of liveability. Second, it seeks to understand how footpath tea stalls occupy
the footpath to produce spaces of conviviality. The research presents that the footpath tea
stalls recalibrate the planned urban space of footpath to erect temporary structures to provide
certain services. These structures are assembled and dissembled daily and reappropriate
the footpath to construct spaces of long-term temporariness. This practice of ‘occupancy
urbanism’ is not merely political; rather it has social and cultural underpinnings. The varied
actors around the tea stalls territorialize, de-territorialize, and re-territorialise space to form
multiple, flexible, and simultaneous perceptions and interpretations of the urban public
space which leads to complex and fluid power geometries. These underpinnings are produced
within the new spaces of conviviality and liveability which are formed around these tea
stalls and are informed by the collective norms of the various stakeholders occupying these
spaces.

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 27
Gender Equality and Urban Space

Do Female Patients want Female Doctors? A Case Study of Mahila

Mohalla Clinics
Yamini Agarwal, Assistant Professor, University of Delhi

The city of Delhi is largely urbanised with 97.5% of its population classified as urban
population in contrast to the country average of 31.1%. With rapid urbanisation, the
urban poor population is also increasing rapidly. According to a survey carried out in
Delhi during the 69th National Service Scheme round ( July 2012-December 2012), it
was found that the city had around 6,343 slums, which were home to 52% of its entire
population. The survey highlighted that the continuous influx of migrants and the
rapid growth of unauthorised colonies and jhuggi jhopdi ( JJ) clusters have led to the
emergence of various types of urban poor settlements in Delhi. The state of health in
these settlements is dismal and even more so for female residents. The issue is further
exacerbated by the prevailing gender inequality in healthcare access. A research conducted
at Harvard University revealed that out of 2,377,028 outpatients who visited the AIIMS
medical facility between January and December 2016, only 37% of women were able to
access healthcare, relative to 67% of men. With almost half (46.5%) of Delhi’s population
comprising of females, it is important to address the female health needs and make
healthcare accessible to them. In this spirit, the government of Delhi had launched four
“mahila mohalla clinics” in November 2022 where only women and children under the
age of 12 will be treated. The facilities are located at Basti Vikas Kendra JJ camp; Moti
Lal Nehru camp, Munirka; Sector 4 DIZ area near Bangla Sahib Gurdwara; and Sapera
Basti in Kondli. These clinics are operational from 8 am-2 pm from Monday to Saturday.
In addition to the provision of 239 free diagnostic tests and medicines at regular mohalla
clinics, the mahila clinics will offer specialised services for women including screenings
for anaemia and cervical cancer, as well as treatment for uterine fibroids and menstrual
disorders. The female doctors working at these clinics will also provide family planning
counselling and contraceptives. Furthermore, the clinics will cater to children by offering
immunisations against tuberculosis and hepatitis, as well as identifying and addressing

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birth defects.. It seems that such clinics for women are a requirement as the lack of female
physicians and female-friendly health establishments prevent women and adolescent
girls from having healthcare services in general. Hence in the wake of making healthcare
accessible across gender, this paper attempts to understand the model of “mahila mohalla
clinics”. The study aims to evaluate the level of utilisation of mohalla clinics specifically by
female patients. Additionally, it intends to examine the relationship between the gender
of the doctors and the utilisation of these clinics by female patients. It would be intriguing
to investigate whether there is a correlation between the gender of the doctors and the
frequency of return visits made by female patients to these clinics. Continuity of care
has been regarded as a crucial component of quality of care and patient satisfaction in
the literature as it influences both the process (interactions between users and services)
and outcomes of care. Therefore, establishing a relationship between continuity of care
and female clinics would provide a strong basis for the need and significance of such
specialised healthcare facilities. For this study, patient-level data from 22 rented mohalla
clinics in the West district, collected between June 2016 and June 2019, will be used.
The doctors at these clinics are equipped with tablets to maintain daily patient records.
Additionally, a case study involving four existing mahila clinics will be conducted through
on-site visits. The aim of this case study is to evaluate the functioning of the clinics,
identify the additional facilities offered compared to regular mohalla clinics, and uncover
any shortcomings. Semi-structured interviews will be conducted with patients, doctors,
and other staff members at the clinics to gather comprehensive insights.

Determinants of Spousal Age Gap in India: Analysis of Indian

Microdata
Suddhasil Siddhanta, Assistant Professor, Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics, Pune
Nabanita Datta Gupta, Professor, Aarhus University, Aarhus, Denmark
Praveen Khoradiyas, Ph.D. Student, Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics, Pune
Anoshua Chaudhuri, Professor, San Francisco State University, San Francisco, USA

Using the 61st and 68th rounds of the NSS dataset for both rural and urban sectors, we
investigate whether educational matching, or its potential selection, can explain variations
in age-hypergamy in India. In doing so, we incorporate proxies for per capita income
(classified into 12 fractile classes), stigma or social norms, occupational homogamy
(a measure of prestige), index of structural transformation in white-collar jobs, index

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of household transition, index of bride squeeze, caste and religious affiliation as other
major covariates, and the broader geographical region as control. Our contribution
to the marriage market literature is to propose a measure of household transition and
offer evidence of its favourable influence in reversing age-hypergamy. Our findings
reveal that both the matching and competition hypotheses are at play. However, the
influence of the matching hypothesis seems to be stronger when traits complement
each other (educational hypergamy, especially in more traditional or rural sector).
However, as female educational attainment progresses from up-to-higher-secondary
to graduate and beyond, the matching may not always occur at the individual level.
Instead, educational homogamy and hypogamy can influence age-hypergamy through
a cultural geography that idealise female higher education or workforce participation as
modernity or a consequence of development. Notwithstanding, given the considerably
low and declining female labour force participation in India, despite a marked increase
in female higher education, the competition for income (for males) and class (for
females) is also likely to be a significant driving force behind the inverse relation between
educational homogamy and hypogamy and spousal age difference. Nevertheless, our
study also reveals that increasing female educational status at the aggregate level can
reduce spousal age differences. We find significant stigma or social norm effects in both
sectors in the 61st round. Our measure of prestige (occupational homogamy) consistently
demonstrates a significant negative relationship with spousal age gap in both sectors
and both rounds. However, the fractile classes of per capita consumption expenditure
exhibit a significant, almost linear increasing trend with age-hypergamy. Another key
contribution of this study is to highlight the adverse income effect on the spousal age
gap despite the beneficial influence of educational homogamy and hypogamy. We also
discover that certain social identities might have the capacity to limit, and even reverse,
the widening of the spousal age gap. Consistent with biological literature, we do suspect
that assortative preference is a contextual matter. The matching hypothesis seems to be
more intertwined with hypergamies where developmental idealism often takes a backseat
to gender values and beliefs. Conversely, the competition hypothesis appears to be more
aligned with an egalitarian approach to alliances (homogamy and hypogamy), wherein
the economic facets of the partnership — frequently interpreted as ‘love’ — are prioritised
over the traditional components of arranged marriage. To the best of our knowledge, this
study is the first attempt to furnish empirical evidence illustrating how various dynamics
influence age hypergamy in Indian society.

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Women’s Perception on Safety of Public Spaces in Delhi

Deeksha Tayal, Associate Fellow, Institute for Human Development, New Delhi
Tanuka Endow, Professor, Institute for Human Development, New Delhi
Vikas Dubey, Research Associate, Institute for Human Development, New Delhi

The issue of violence against women both within the private sphere and public space has
been a challenge. While violence against women prevails across the country, its incidence
is particularly noteworthy in selected cities. Data from National Crime Records Bureau
(NCRB) reveals that the rate of total cognisable crimes (i.e., incidence of crime per one
lakh female population) per year among all states and Union Territories is the highest for
Delhi. Despite several policies, programmes and schemes by the government to address
the issue, the rate of violence against women in Delhi continues to remain high. Given
this background, the paper aims to examine the perception of women on safety in public
spaces.
It is recognized that the availability of public transport services, infrastructural facilities like
public toilets, street-lights, etc., and access to personnel from government departments like
police may strengthen women’s access to public spaces and enhance their sense of safety
and security. The paper analyses the linkage of such interventions with the safety perception
of women in public spaces. It explores the underlying gaps in the provisioning of public
services by the government and the causal factors which continue to pose hurdle in safety
and security of women. The paper is based on experiences, perceptions, and suggestions of
a sample of around 5000 women residing in Delhi. It is a part of a large survey of 10,000
households conducted in 2021-22 for the Delhi Government (Delhi Human Development
Report) by the Institute for Human Development (IHD).
Combining the responses of women from different education level, age-group, and income
categorizes, a safety and security index is developed. The findings indicate that 50 per cent
of the women do not find the city as safe and this perception is particularly true for women
from low-income families.

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Urban Home Office and its Sustainability

Keerthi KRD, PhD Student, Indian Institute of Technology Kharagpur, Kharagpur
Susmita Mukhopadhyay, Associate Professor, Indian Institute of Technology, Kharagpur
Tutan Ahmed, Assistant Professor, Indian Institute of Technology Kharagpur, Kharagpur

With the contemporary technical advances, the number of employees working from
home is increasing steadily. Working from home, though it looks like working in comfort,
comes with its own share of pros and cons. Issues such as work-family balance, blurring of
boundaries between personal life and work, managing physical space while working, lack
of peer support, and technical issues to name a few. Employees working in an office setup,
most of the time have fixed designs and the level of flexibility in changing the design is low.
However, those working from home can design their working space (office space) according
to their comfort and preference. It will be interesting to see the types and ways in which an
employee designs one’s office space or workstation. In a typical Indian household, it is not
mandatory that all employees can choose a dedicated space given the situation and space
issues at their home. Employees may also choose different places to work for different
types of tasks or at different parts of the day whichever is practically possible for their
situation. Changing places as per the situation can be tedious and employees can be stressed
about the space. Employees’ reactions to a situation are dependent on their personality
and dependency on space may not be a requirement for a few while it is a need for others.
Capability theory which aptly fits the problem here can be used as a theoretical base. Studies
on work-from-home office setup have worked mostly on ergonomic aspects and during
the lockdown phase. Davis (2020) employees working from home experience sub-optimal
working conditions with respect to the ergonomics of their workstations and the necessary
care should be taken to avoid long-term health issues. Holzgreve (2022) simulated situations
where a dedicated workstation is not available and alternative arrangements such as a
dining table can cause musculoskeletal issues. For example, during the lockdown, furniture
companies start a new vertical in business to accommodate the infrastructure for the home
office and there are a few organisations that also give a one-time amount to set up offices at
home is proof that thousands of employees are in need to establish a dedicated office setup.
However, studies on work from home and the agency of employees in the design given
the situational aspects of Indian household is not explored to the best of our knowledge.
Employees find working from home beneficial with reduced time to commute, it also raises
the challenges of setting up a workstation that is optimal for everyday functioning given
the trend of working for long hours. Long hours also mean being able to tackle home and

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office work simultaneously since the chances for overlapping one over the other is high and
dedicated working hours is not a choice that can be considered. Designing infrastructure
for office setup and accessories that address sensitive psychological adjustments that the
employee and the family are subjected to so that the employee can attend calls from home
when an elderly person or a baby is around needs to be studied. This acts as an input
for designing and rather innovating on an office set up in an urban household ensuring
employee wellbeing. This study is a melting pot of the real estate structure of the home, the
responsibilities of the employee as a family member, the level of dependency of the family
on the employee, and support from family when work is in progress to name a few. We
propose an exploratory case study in the context of employees in a typical Indian household
to understand this complex, underexplored, significant domain.

Inclusive Planning for Street Vendors in City: A Comparative Spatial

Analysis of Street Vending and Design Thinking Approaches
Pratap Manohar Raval, Professor, COEP Technological University, Pune
Isha Pandurang Panse, Assistant Professor, COEP Technological University, Pune

Various forms of trading activities on street have been existence since ancient civilisations
till date. Street vending is the major form of informal economy of the country from ancient
time. Virtually every city in world is having street vending activity in some form. The
phenomenon of street vending is characterised by conflict with municipal authorities in
all cities across India. Street vendors form a big part of the informal economy and local
convenient shopping for citizen. If we look at Indian urban landscape, urban space is
limited and contested, street vending is an essential urban activity that manifests itself
without being formally planned. Thus, the activity of street vendors is termed as being ‘
informal’ and is not catered to in conventional urban planning and design.. The ‘informal
activity’ of street vending is an integral part of the socio-cultural urban fabric. Despite these
positive attributes, the local authorities face a lot of challenges to manage the presence of
street vending in urban spaces. The inherent issues of conflicting occupation of public urban
spaces result in the hindering of pedestrian and vehicular movements, decreasing sidewalks
space, and more often, general cleanliness of the urban environment. The background of
Smart City Mission in India brings a new dimension to this situation. The socio- economic
angle of street vending and street vendors as a part of informal economy, is well explored
in the literature. This study carried out addresses street vending through the lens of urban
planning and design. The spatial study puts forth the intrinsic logic behind the choice of

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location of different types of street vendors. This study takes a mixed-methods approach to
explore the characteristics, identify types and challenges of street vendors in Pune city, India.
The study would be performed by following the sequential research design of the mixed
methods research, where qualitative exploration is followed by quantitative data collection.
Qualitative and spatial analysis of the patterns of activity of street vendors in identified
zones of the city will be done. The study is carried out in the city of Pune which is one of
the initial cities to have been in forefront when it came to vendor management through
vendor registrations. Pune has 21,000 registered street vendors as of 2021, out of these, this
study uses a spatial data of 16,000 vendors. The Protection of Livelihood and Regulation
of Street Vending Act, 2014 provides protection to street vendors. However, the act has
own limitation and provisions also infringes in other Acts such as MR&TP Act 1966. The
physical planning instrument such as development plan limitedly address street vending
space requirement. Hence, there is need that research is required to systematically address
through spatial analysis of street vending location and relationship with land uses. The
paper explores design thinking as a promising approach for inclusive planning to address
street vending issue. It leads to a testing of design thinking methodology for involving
various societal groups in helping the spatial inclusion of street vendors, which can lead to
adoption of design thinking methods in urban policy making in Pune. Also, street vending
can’t be addressed merely by planning instrument, it also need to integrated with urban
design through design thinking approach.

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Migration and Urbanisation

Rural-Urban Migration in China: Tussle between Mobility and

Sustainability
Ila Joshi, Assistant Professor, Jaypee Institute of Information and Technology, Noida

In the last few decades as the BRIC countries registered economic development, the number
of internal migrants rose considerably. The internal migration patterns and the motivations
marked a shift in the traditional understanding of migration and its drivers. Urbanisation
and industrialization led to the tsunami of rural-urban migrants; skilled, unskilled and
semi-skilled, to become a part of the booming markets in cities and industrial towns of
India, China, Brazil etc. The rapid urbanisation and the life and services accessible to the
migrant workers in the cities are two very important aspects to analyse the success in the
achievement of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). According to the National Bureau
of Statistics of China, in 2022 the number of rural migrant workers totalled 295.62 million,
3.11 million more than that of 2021, marking an increase of 1.1%. In terms of urban-
rural structure, the permanent residents in urban areas was 920.71 million, an increase of
6.46 million over the end of the previous year; and the permanent residents in rural areas
was 491.04 million, a decrease of 7.31 million. The share of urban population in the total
population (urbanisation rate) was 65.22%, 0.50 percentage point higher than that at the
end of 2021. In China, the cityward migration of young people happened in the backdrop
of economic liberalisation and implementation of neoliberal policies in 1970s by Deng
Xiaoping. Young rural migrants from the villages were seen as robust and cheap labour in
the Special Economic Zones of coastal China. At the same time, cities were attractive for
the rural migrants for their experiences and increased earnings. But this flow of people at
the same time also raised certain pertinent questions regarding the policy prioritisation
by the Chinese State regarding rural migrant workers in the cities. The present study thus
attempts to examine the rural-urban migration in China and role of the state policies in
facilitating this human mobility in context of the overall strengthening of the SDGs, which
are cross cutting and overlapping in case of internal migration. The research will examine
the official policy stand of the Chinese state on the status of the rural migrant workers

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and policy initiatives to make the city spaces accessible to them. The analyses of the state
institutions like hukou (Household Registration System) and the social security measures
will help in understanding the gaps in the government policies which are the essential
indicators of achieving all the 17 SDGs generally but particularly Goal 8 and 11. The
study will also include outcomes from some unstructured interviews of the rural migrant
workers collected in 2018 in Jinan to see the efforts made by the migrants in their ‘host’
cities to claim urban spaces with dignity and recognition. Overall the paper is an attempt to
understand the top-down and bottom-up approach taken by the Chinese government and
the rural migrant workers respectively for the successful integration of the ‘liudong renkou’
(floating population) in urban enters of China.

Migration and Urbanisation through Second Homes: A Case Study

of Uttarakhand
Kamal Choudhary, PhD Student, Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi

This paper explores the theme of migration and urbanisation through the lens of second
homes in the context of Uttarakhand, a hilly state in India. The phenomenon of second
homes, where urban dwellers invest in properties in scenic locations for recreational or
residential purposes, has gained significant attention in recent years. Uttarakhand, with
its natural beauty and tranquil environment, has become a preferred destination for
individuals seeking an escape from the fast-paced city life. The objective of this study is
to examine the multifaceted dynamics of migration and urbanisation driven by second
homes in Uttarakhand. The region where this study is primarily situated are the towns
of Dehadrun, Mussoorie, and Suwakholi. Through a comprehensive analysis of primary
and secondary data, including surveys, interviews, and government reports, the paper
aims to shed light on the socio-economic, cultural, and environmental implications of this
trend. The research begins by investigating the factors that drive urban dwellers to invest
in second homes in Uttarakhand. It delves into the motivations behind this migration,
such as the desire for a peaceful retreat, connection with nature, and improved quality of
life. Apart from these already explored aspects of motivations by other scholars, there are
other factors like lenient land buying laws and cheap property rate that are specific for
Uttarakhand. These factors have not just created an edge for Uttarakhand as compared to
other states of India but have at the same time changed the definition of second homes
altogether from an escapist retreat to a money minting investment. Furthermore, the
paper explores the economic impact of second home investments on local communities,

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considering aspects such as employment generation, income disparities, and changes in

land use patterns. In addition to the economic dimension, the study examines the socio-
cultural consequences of migration through second homes. It analyses the interactions and
dynamics between the migrant population and the local communities, exploring issues of
identity, social integration, and cultural exchange. The paper also investigates the potential
challenges and conflicts arising from the influx of outsiders, including issues of ownership,
cultural commodification, and social tensions. Moreover, the environmental impact of
urbanisation through second homes in Uttarakhand is addressed. The study examines the
strain on natural resources, such as water and energy, and the implications for ecological
balance and sustainability. It also considers the role of government policies and regulations
in managing this form of migration and urbanisation, including aspects of land use
planning, environmental conservation, and sustainable development. The findings of this
research contribute to the broader understanding of the migration-urbanisation dynamics
in the context of second homes. The study highlights the need for holistic approaches that
consider the social, economic, cultural, and environmental dimensions of this phenomenon.
The implications of this research can inform policy formulation, land-use planning, and
community development strategies in Uttarakhand and other regions experiencing similar
trends of migration and urbanisation through second homes. Overall, this paper provides
valuable insights into the complex interplay between migration, urbanisation, and second
homes, contributing to the discourse on sustainable development and the preservation of
socio-cultural and ecological landscapes in Uttarakhand and beyond.

Exploring the Causes of Student Migration in India: A Case Study

in the National Capital Region
Sarbeswar Padhan, Assistant Professor, Department of Economics, Dr. Bhim Rao Ambedkar
College, University of Delhi

The advancement made in communication and transportation; human mobility driven by

economic motives has increased. These trends in the global economic order and evolving
exigencies in the job market have also impacted the field of education. Subsequently,
the world is rapidly moving towards a knowledge and service-driven economies with
the demand for human talent ever-increasing. It has changed the dynamics of the job
market globally and skilled migration from developing countries like India and tilted
towards information technology professionals. There has been a large number of students
moving from East-Asian countries to western countries, particularly to Canada, the United

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States, and the United Kingdom. In India, the total number of people who migrated for
education purposes has increased considerably to 8 million in 2011 from 3 million in 2001.
Educational migrants are attracted to a region because of the relatively better infrastructure
of higher educational institutions and employment opportunities. Against this backdrop,
this paper attempts to understand the causes of student migration to the NCR. The
field survey conducted using a semi-structured interview schedule through the snowball
technique from six educational institutes in the NCR during October 2016-March, 2017.
The reasons for not choosing the native place for higher education are attempted to students’
migration. The respondents had given multiple reasons for their migration. The objective
of the paper was to understand the reasons through the multiple questions asked to assess
various push and pull factors relating to student migration to the NCR. The finding of the
paper indicates that difficulty to improve the academic competencies and unavailability of
courses at the native institutions are two factors which emerge from the analysis as a reason
that push students out of their native place. For instances, students from UP didn’t choose
their native place because of difficulty in developing academic competencies, given the
educational environment of the state, followed by lack of educational institutions, and fear
of not getting job opportunities after completion of education. On the other hand, Bihar
and Jharkhand, which are characterised as having very low quality of higher education,
the perception of students lies on unavailability of educational institutions coined with
deficiencies in academic exposure are more evident. The rising aspirations and expectations
of youth from both rural as well as urban areas find it difficult to get absorbed in the state-
specific locations. College students have more exposure and are trying hard to achieve
something bigger in life in a wider educational environment which is difficult to match at
their native place. Further, the causes of student migrations reveal that due to low level of
career orientation at the native place, students are moving out in favour of better educational
facilities and expectation of employment opportunities at the destination which acts as
pull factors. The pull factors of better educational opportunities operate through frequent
participation of students in academic activities like internships and project work at different
levels of the course. Undoubtedly, the quality of education is found to be most important
reasons for migration to the NCR. This is not only sharpening their academic skills but also
gives impetus to do better in the labour market. Therefore, the pull factor attracts students
to broaden the educational scope and prospective career of the students. In that light,
setting up of higher educational institutions in the backward regions of the country may
promote enrolment but would not reduce its out-migration or reduce the pressure on the
institutions in the NCR unless the quality and courses offered in these newly established
institutions are enhanced. The finding of the study can also be implemented for the holistic
development priority of the state’s plan on improving the quality of higher education.

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The study broadens the understanding of student mobility with in the country. Higher
education policy should facilitate not only spreading of the higher educational institutions
but also ensures the quality of higher education and fulfilled the aspirations of the students
for both general and professional education. Those students who remained at their origin
should not be deprived of quality of education.

Clean Cooking Fuel for All: Access and Portability Barriers of the
Migrant Households
Poornima M, Assistant Professor, Council for Social Development, New Delhi
Akhil Alha, Assistant Professor, Council for Social Development, New Delhi

Access to affordable, reliable, sustainable and modern energy for all by 2030 is included
under Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as goal 7, and one of its targets is to provide
clean fuel and technology to all. Similarly, the goal 11 on ‘Making cities inclusive, safe,
resilient and sustainable, aims at improving the quality of life of people who migrate to
cities. Unfortunately, the migrant families, who migrate to the cities in search of decent
employment and job, suffer due to lack of access to basic services, such as education,
healthcare, sanitation, etc. One such challenge, which is faced by the migrant families is
the lack of access to affordable and clean cooking fuels and mainly they are denied the
access to cooking fuels in the place of work, due to lack of documents or networks. In order
to improve the access of clean cooking fuel to all, programme such as Pradhan Mantri
Ujjwala Yojana (PMUY) was implemented by the government. It is a flagship programme
of the Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas (MoPNG) that was launched in May 2016.
The basic objective of the programme is to provide clean cooking fuel to the rural and
deprived woman households, who otherwise, were into the practice of using hazardous
bio-mass fuels, such as firewood, coal, cow dung cakes, etc. for cooking. Since the launch
of Ujjwala in 2016, over 90 million deposit-free LPG connections have been distributed.
The LPG coverage in the country has increased from 56.2% in 2015 to 99.8% in 2021.
However, in spite of the vast coverage of PMUY, the uptake of LPG refills among the poor
households is quite low. While access to clean cooking fuel in the migrated city is a major
challenge faced by the migrant households, lack of portability is also an equally complex
challenge faced by them. An analysis of about 32 million Ujjwala beneficiaries showed that
about 18% of them had never sought a refill of their LPG cylinder, and another 33% had
taken only one to three refills. Apart from affordability of gas refills, lack of portability in
Ujjwala which restricts the access of the scheme for migrants at non-domicile places is also

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a cause of concern. That is, the beneficiaries of PMUY are not allowed to carry their LPG
connection from locality to the other, though the Handbook for PMUY highlight about
the potential to enable portability in the scheme. Through an exploration of the existing
literature on Clean cooking fuel to All and a primary survey carried out in four states
of India, viz., Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh, this paper intends
to present the key findings related to PMUY on aspects of access and portability under
three important parameters: design, implementation processes and practices at the ground
level. The study thus highlights the challenges faced by migrant households in both the
home and destination location in accessing LPG cylinders, and offers some insights for
promoting portability in PMUY.
Do Job Prospects Precede the Migration Decision, or is it Preceded
by Migration Flows? Evidence from Urban India
Rohit Rawat, PhD Student, School of Economics, University of Hyderabad
Jajati Parida, Associate Professor, School of Economics, University of Hyderabad

The research paper aims to analyses recent trends and growth patterns of migration in
India, specifically focusing on migration to urban areas. The research paper also examines
the factors that influence migration decisions and the relationship between migration and
workforce participation. To conduct the study, the research paper utilises secondary data
obtained from migration-specific surveys conducted by the National Sample Survey (NSS)
during the 55th (1999-2000) and 64th (2007-08) rounds, as well as the Periodic Labor
Force Survey (PLFS) conducted during 2020-21. This analysis employs individual-level
data, such as age, gender, marital status, education level and training, employment status,
migration status, reasons for migration, earnings/wages, occupations, and employment
sector. Additionally, household-level data, including family size, social group, religion,
and monthly per capita expenditure, are utilised. Both simple and Instrumental Variable
(IV) Probit models are utilised to estimate the migration decision function. To examine
the factors that determine the decisions of migrant and workforce participation (WFP)
simultaneously at the individual level, we have used a Bivariate Probit (BP) regression
model. The gender breakdown of migrants in Indian cities it is clear that both males and
females are migrating in greater numbers. However, in absolute terms, females outnumber
males. In 1999-2000, there were about 51.6 million female migrants in cities, compared to
34.8 million males. Since then, the number of female migrants has increased to around 63
million (at a growth rate of 22.0% per year), while the number of male migrants has only
increased to 39.7 million (at a growth rate of 14.2% per year). The research paper identifies

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that there has been a significant increase in the number of rural-to-urban as well as urban-
to-urban migrants in India in the last two decades, which has led to a change in the nature
and pattern of migration. Rural to urban migration is the most significant migration stream
to urban areas, with a share of 58.8% in 1999-2000, increasing to 60.0% in 2007-08, and
decreasing to 53.9% in 2020-21. The absolute number of migrants from rural areas to urban
areas has increased steadily from 50.8 million in 1999-2000 to 61.7 million in 2007-08
and sharply to 74.1 million in 2020-21. In terms of urban-to-urban migration, the share of
migrants increased from 40.0% in 1999-2000 to 45.1% in 2020-21, whereas the absolute
number of migrants increased from 34.6 million in 1999-2000 to 62.0 million in 2020-21.
Additionally, the proportion of female migrants and those with higher levels of education
and skills have also increased. In 1999-2000, over half of the migrants in urban India were
low-skilled, but by 2020-21, this had dropped to just under half. Despite this, the actual
number of low-skilled migrants has still increased. In contrast, the number and proportion
of semi-skilled and skilled migrants, including those with technical or vocational training,
has risen. The state with the highest percentage of urban migrants is Tamil Nadu, with
12.03% of its population being migrants. Maharashtra, comes in second with 11.52% of
its population being migrants, and Uttar Pradesh is third with 10.02% of its population
being migrants. These states have large populations and are major economic centres, which
attract a significant number of migrants. The highest number of urban-to-urban migrants
can be found in Tamil Nadu (10.6 million), followed by Maharashtra (7.3 million) and
Uttar Pradesh (5.9 million). This indicates that people from smaller urban centres within
Maharashtra are migrating to larger urban centres such as Mumbai and Pune in search
of better job opportunities and a higher standard of living. However, the findings suggest
that there is a gender gap in terms of labour market participation among migrants in urban
India, with women having lower rates of participation compared to men. To address this
issue, it is suggested that measures be taken to increase the labour market participation of
migrant women, which could in turn have a positive impact on the overall female labour
force participation in the cities.

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Urban Planning and Governance

Advocating Social Sustainability through Universal Access and

Inclusion of All
Kanika Bansal, Sr. Research Associate, National Institute of Urban Affairs, New Delhi
Utsav Choudhury, Team Lead, National Institute of Urban Affairs, New Delhi

The triad model — environmental, economic, and social sustainability — is the most widely
accepted model for addressing sustainability. Although among the three dimensions of
sustainable development, social sustainability is the least defined and understood. While
it is commonly associated with the charity model, the social or human rights model
propagates the aspects of social equity, human rights, social responsibility and community
building. Inclusion, at large, has been a transversal principle across the New Urban
Agenda and Sustainable Development Goals. It advocates a multi-dimensional approach
to urban development that focuses on equal opportunities for services (information,
transportation, education, health services, sanitation (WASH) etc.) and spaces (public
building, sociocultural, recreational etc.), which eventually aim to the empowerment of
marginalised groups and ultimately, improve their quality of life. Universal accessibility is
an important tool to remove physical barriers and facilitate spatial inclusion of marginalised
groups including persons with permanent disabilities, persons with temporary disabilities,
persons with chronic conditions, the elderly, women and children. The UNCRPD defines
accessibility as a process that ensures access for persons with disabilities, on an equal
basis with others, to the physical environment, to transportation, to information and
communications, including information and communications technologies and systems,
and other facilities and services open or provided to the public in urban areas. The concept
of universal design promotes universal accessibility, through the design of products,
environments, programmes and services to be usable by all people, to the greatest extent
possible, without the need for adaptation or specialised design. In India, the Rights of
Persons with Disability Act, of 2016, mandates provisions for universal accessibility in the
built environment (public buildings and spaces), transportation system and information and
communication systems. Further with the threefold increase in the number of disabilities

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and changing population dividend of the Indian population, there is a pressing need to
integrate the principles of universal design and inclusive planning. It is in this perspective
Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs, with support from Building Accessible, Safe
and Inclusive Indian Cities (BASIIC) programme anchored at the National Institute of
Urban Affairs (NIUA) and Indian Institute of Technology (IIT), Roorkee, has prepared
Harmonised Guidelines and Standards for Universal Accessibility in India, 2021. A
transformational document in itself, the guidelines advocate the shift from a barrier-free
environment to universal design and accessibility, thereby, promoting urban development
that is built for All. The document presents a holistic and comprehensive guide for
architects, engineers, city officials and other urban practitioners to inculcate principles of
universal design in building designs and urban infrastructure projects. The paper would
present the metamorphosis perspective adopted in the guidelines and its benefits in
creating universally accessible cities, not only for persons with disabilities but also elderly,
children, women and everyone. It would also elaborate on its systematic use in different
stages of the project development cycle, right from designing and implementation of
urban infrastructure projects. Further, it would highlight the applicability and relevance
of the adoption of the document by different stakeholders to achieve socially sustainable
societies based on the principle of “Leave no one behind”.

Unlocking Urban Development Potential: A Case of Transfer

of Development Rights (TDR) for Inclusive Governance and
Balanced Growth in Multiple Urban Local Bodies
Varun Deshmukh, Research Assistant, Department of Planning, SOA, Mit-Adt University
Pune
Sanjay Pathak, Professor, Department of Planning, SOA, Mit-Adt University, Pune
Harshad Raisoni, Associate Professor, Department of Planning, SOA, Mit-Adt University,
Pune

The Transfer of Development Rights (TDR) mechanism and other value-capture finance
tools are essential to urban finance and governance. These tools provide creative solutions to
the problems associated with urban growth, land acquisition, and finance for infrastructure.
In Unified Development Control and Promotion Regulations, 2020 (UDCPR) for
Maharashtra State introduced the TDR policy intending to acquire urban land in exchange
for FSI credit in the form of a Development Right Certificate (DRC). Certain plots of land
are reserved in development plans for public uses like parks, schools, or other infrastructure.

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However, traditional ways of acquiring these lands, such as direct acquisition, can be
difficult and expensive. By enabling landowners to transfer their development rights from
the reserved land into FSI credit in the form of DRC, TDR provides an alternate solution.
The adoption of TDR promotes the effective usage of land resources and speeds up the
process of acquiring land. It also makes urban development easier. With the incorporation
of TDR generation and utilisation regulations, UDCPR restricts the generation and
utilisation within the same municipal limits, which restricts the full potential use of the
mechanism. However, this restriction has led to an unequal pattern of utilisation, which is
mainly visible in cities with high real estate demand, where TDR is widely used. However,
due to the restricted opportunities for utilisation, TDR generation is difficult in smaller
towns. This condition undermines the effectiveness of the TDR mechanism and defeats
the purpose of using it as a tool for acquiring land in small towns. The goal of the study is
to analyse the effect of TDR utilisation in an unrestricted manner in multiple urban local
bodies and its effect as the TDR policy is a market-driven mechanism, it will only work on
the principle of demand and supply. To look for ways to increase its use in small towns to
achieve a balance of TDR utilisation in the metropolitan region and overcome the obstacles
presented by the market. All urban local bodies (ULBs) in the PMR are surveyed for data
regarding TDR implementation to know more about the region’s existing scenario of
TDR application, and an expert opinion survey is conducted as a valuable source of expert
knowledge to decide the direction of TDR exchange programme between multiple ULBs.
The analysis of the data by the ULB and the expert opinion survey provides important
insights into the feasibility of using TDR across many municipalities. To evaluate the
probability of adopting TDR across numerous ULBs, hypothetical scenarios based on the
guidelines provided in UDCPR are created by analysing the data collected. These scenarios
contain TDR utilisation from Pune Municipal Corporation (PMC) to PMC, PMC to
Pimpri-Chinchwad Municipal Corporation, and PMC to Municipal Council in the PMR
region. These scenarios offer a complete knowledge of the opportunities and problems
connected with TDR utilisation by considering numerous parameters like land rate, TDR
quantum, and market dynamics. The findings of the study focus on crucial issues relating
to the use of TDR across numerous municipalities. The practicality of adopting TDR in
a multi-ULB environment is highlighted by the analysis of data gathered from ULBs.
The study determines the most appropriate approach to employ TDR across these ULBs
by developing situations based on the principles provided in the UDCPR. To establish
the best TDR use tactics, these scenarios consider several different factors, such as land
rates, TDR quantum, and market dynamics. The outcomes of the hypothetical cases discuss

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the best suitable way that needs to be adopted while incorporating the multi-ULB TDR
exchange programme. offer useful guidelines and recommendations for utilising TDR in
multiple ULBs, promoting inclusive urban governance and inclusive resource sharing with
a view of balanced growth.

Community Participation in Urban Governance: Northeast India

Perspective
Irina Devi Ningthoujam, Assistant Professor, Mizoram University, Aizawl

Communitarian perspective came as an ideology in the 1980s and 1990s that seeks to
lessen the focus on individual rights and increase the focus on community responsibilities.
Along with this idea, came the new form of co-governance linking governance structure
and process to the civil society organisations, mass organisations, community organisation
etc. Among all complementary work to the state, an important role as ‘mediating institution’
is now given to community and its local community organisation as the negotiating
and collaborating agency between the citizen and the state. And thus, understanding
how community form collective association and how gathering takes place expands the
understanding of democracy and civic participation in a number of ways, a task that has
become more relevant as participatory programs grow in popularity, particularly in the
developing world. In this regard, the paper seeks to interrogate the nature of community
and its community participatory mechanism in Northeast India and also make an attempt
to study the nature of community participation as promoted in government policy
domains. Indeed people’s participation forms the key element in the process of Indian
democratic urban governance in India. Urban governance exists to ensure that suitable
levels of infrastructure and services are available to the citizens. Active participation of
the people facilitates the service accountability along with bridging the gap between the
community and the state administration. It effectively uses the locally available natural
resources towards promoting the interests and needs of the people either directly or
through legitimate intermediate institutions. The convergence between participatory
development and governance has also been seen in the context of an increasing interest in
the synergies and division of labour between public and civic spheres. However experiences
have shown that the most ambitious attempts at decentralisation have failed to bring the
real participation of the local people. To overcome this problem, a series of reforms have
also been initiated by the Indian government to strengthen local-level governance. For
Northeast India, the Indian Government besides the constitutionally recognised formal

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decentralised institution of local self-government also acknowledges the presence of a

strong tradition of local self-governing community organisation in the region through the
Northeast Vision document 2020. This vision document had acknowledged the presence
of a strong tradition of local self-governing institutions in the region through ‘traditional
institutions’. These includes Syiemships, Dorbars and Rangbah Shnong of the Khasi Hills,
the Dolois of the Jaintia Hills and the Nokmas of the Garo Hills of Meghalaya as well as
other groups such as the Kuki-Impis, various clubs, associations and peoples’ organisations of
Manipur, Nagaland and other States. It is through these institutions that people participate
in the democratic governance of their own life by actively engaging in the decision making
processes of making choices and implementation of those decision. This paper explores
the possibility of such co-governance by looking at the social capital through traditional
community institutions existing with every communities in northeast India. The state in the
region is known for a near total breakdown in institutions of governance, unemployment,
corruption, unending insurgencies, ethnic clashes and other vulnerable diseases. Using
exploratory and ethnographic tools, this paper seeks to examine the evolutionary process of
this organisation. How traditional institution change over a period of time to adapt to the
ways of formal democratic institutional functioning yet retaining elements of continuity
with the past are some concerns this paper seeks to address. Nevertheless, the paper also
highlights how the current urban governance reform fails to capture such participatory
institution beyond its instrumental roles.

Assessing the Maturity of Selected Urban Local Bodies (ULBs)

in Online Service Delivery by Applying Local Online Service
Index (LOSI) Methodology in India
Saumya Mehta, M.A. Student, CEPT University, Ahmedabad
Gayatri Doctor, Associate Professor, CEPT University, Ahmedabad
Aparajita Dubey, Program Associate, National Institute of Urban Affairs, New Delhi

India has a parliamentary system of government with many components. It is a sovereign,

socialist secular, democratic republic country. Cities and towns play a significant role in
the nation’s economic growth. The citizens and their elected representatives must actively
participate in the formulation and execution of the programs at the urban local level in
order to maintain the economic change in line with requirements and gets implemented
at the grassroots level. In India, e-Governance has quickly advanced from projects that
merely automated bureaucracies to those that serve as models for the more nuanced

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nuances of governance, such as people centricity, service orientation, and transparency.

Since e-governance has evolved in both the public and private spheres, numerous internal
and citizen-targeted surveys conducted by international public and private organisations
have been conducted to assess the process and progress of e-government, and many of the
indexes have been created as a result. Using various methods, indices, and perspectives,
several surveys evaluate time to time development of various e-government project types.
Evaluating the success of e-government initiatives is a complicated process because they
range from infrastructure to software and are influenced by political goals based on the
political geography and location. The continual demand for improvement and development
in the current system is brought on by the daily emergence of new ideas and technology. Over
the last several years, the United Nations E-Government Survey has monitored the global
expansion of e-government. Over the publication of its 11 editions, the assessment’s scope
and breadth have expanded, and it now assesses how e-government services are provided
in all 193 United Nations’ Member States. The most recent important modification to the
methodology of the E-Government Survey was the introduction and addition of the Local
Online Service Index (LOSI) in 2018. The UN DESA’s LOSI assessment accurately depicts
how e-government service development is currently progressing at the local governance
level throughout all United Nations’ Member States. The research aims to assess the current
level of maturity of Municipal Governance Portals (MGPs) in selected Indian cities in
terms of institutional framework, technology, provision of service, information, and features
for local participation. The report follows a hypothesis that online public service delivery
under the e-governance domain is quite mature in India from the citizen’s side at the front
end, thanks to recent advancements in technology and efforts made by various public
and private entities. The assessment process consists of four steps. The first step involves
selection of Urban Local Bodies (ULBs) and their municipal portals. The identification of
the portal that caters to the ULB only and not part of a state or national scheme is crucial
for this assessment. The second step involves understanding the parameters that form the
questionnaire for the LOSI assessment. The third step involves filling up the questionnaire
with provision of proof for every answer. The fourth step involves re-checking all the
answers provided and deriving results by percentage value method. There can be multiple
parameters from which the results can be derived, such as city-wise results and component-
wise results. The data points that are captured from multiple sources are determined by the
analysis and correlations to be made with different factors governing the maturity of the
city in terms of online services. Primary data about city demographics, such as population,
state, zone, designation of smart city, and budget allocation for e-governance projects were
collated from Census India 2011 and Smart Cities database. The availability of budget was

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checked manually. The assessment results generated a database of city-wise scores, category-
wise scores, and parameter-wise scores. From the combined database, there could be a
possibility of visualisation and analysis by correlating data. This visualisation and analysis
include inferences from different maps and charts to identify data dispersion and positive
or negative outliers which can be studied upon in detail further. In conclusion, the report
provides valuable insights into the maturity level of Municipal Governance Portals (MGPs)
in Indian cities. It highlights good practices in cities scoring well on the index and identifies
areas of improvement for each component under the assessment methodology. Inferring
from the analysis, it provides high-level recommendations for the areas of improvement
identified for each component.

Role of Development Control Regulations in Achieving Compact

Urban Development: A Case of Ahmedabad, Gujarat
Apurv Patel, Master’s Student, School of Planning and Architecture, Bhopal
Paulose Kuriakose, Assistant Professor, School of Planning and Architecture, Bhopal

Rapid urbanisation and migration result in urban sprawl, an increase in housing and
infrastructure demand, and cause an increase in the city’s overall density. The urban fabric
and infrastructure of cities are impacted by variations in population density. Various cities
and states have distinct building bye-laws, rules, and organisation tools to assure that this
process is effective and structured. These regulations determine the urban form, land use,
and building typology of the city. Municipalities use various tools to control population
density and restrict unplanned urban expansion. These tools govern parameters such as
ground coverage, building height, building density, land use, amenities, infrastructure, and
architectural design and construction features. These tools shape the city’s response to
urbanisation i.e., sprawl or compactness. Similarly, certain cities have restrictions on building
tall structures, thus indirectly limiting the supply of the built-up [Link] concept of a compact
city is implemented in the urban planning policies of developed countries to effectively use
the land while reducing sprawl, decreasing transport networks, and increasing reliance on
mass transportation, better provision of infrastructure, financial viability, and a vibrant city
atmosphere. However, it is still unclear, whether already dense cities in a developing nation
like India will benefit from a compact urban fabric. Assessing cities’ urban morphology
and compactness has become essential for understanding the spatial urban structure and
intervening appropriately for sustainable urban development. This study examined several
criteria and dimensions for measuring compactness and its relationship with development

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control tools. The research investigated the implementation and effectiveness of various
development control tools such as the Local Area Plan, Development Plan, and TOD
policy. Specifically focusing on Ahmedabad, this study is critically analyse the specific
parameters of development control regulations. To gain insights into the compactness of
the city and evaluated its urban morphology, five designated areas measuring 2 km x 2 km
each were selected as case study sites. A comprehensive assessment of land use patterns,
urban and built forms, as well as public realm, was conducted within these areas. This
analysis aimed to provide a deeper understanding of the city’s compactness and its impact
on urban development. Also, the study has identified the implementation and violation
gap in development control tools from the perspective of various stakeholders. Through
analysis, this research examined the correlation between compactness and the utilisation
of development control tools. The study has identified the development control tools that
are intended to facilitate compact urban development through the implementation of
policies and regulations, including higher FSI, TOZ, TOD, and others. However, the actual
development on the ground does not align with the envisioned outcomes outlined in the
development plan. Based on this finding, the study proposed policy-level interventions
to foster a transformation in the existing urban morphology. The objective is to create a
high-density, high-rise urban environment that is well-connected to public transportation,
equipped with adequate infrastructure, and characterised by pedestrian-friendly streets and
abundant green spaces. These interventions are crucial to accommodate the high population
density of the city while ensuring a sustainable and liveable urban environment. Additionally,
it emphasised the importance of considering various parameters in the formulation of the
upcoming development plan.

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 TECHNICAL SESSION 30
Urban Environment and Planning

Evaluation of Public Parks in Bengaluru, India: Are they Inclusive

for Children with Disabilities?
Nivedita Krishna, Founder-Director, Pacta, Bengaluru
Krithika Sambasivan, Lead, Disability Research, Pacta, Bengaluru
Deepanshi Sharma, Graduate Student, Yonsei University, Seoul, South Korea
Upasana Nath, Policy Analyst, Pacta, Bengaluru
Riddhi Lakhiani, Policy Analyst, Pacta, Bengaluru

Article 31 of the Convention on the Right of Children recognises every child’s right to
leisure, to engage in age-appropriate play, and recreational activities. The Convention on
the Rights of Persons with Disabilities also requires state actors to ensure that, “children
with disabilities have equal access with other children to participation in play, recreation,
leisure and sporting activities….” India is a party to both of these Conventions and
has, consequently, enacted the Rights of Persons with Disability Act 2016. This statute
makes it the state’s obligation to formulate rules and standards of accessibility of public
spaces, facilities, and services. In densely populated urban settings in India, recreation
and leisure for children is often limited. Parks in urban areas offer a place for children
to play, however, for most part they remain unavailable or inaccessible for children with
disabilities. Bengaluru, which is considered the ‘Garden City’ of India, has more than 1200
parks, as per Bruhat Bengaluru Mahanagara Palike, the administrative body responsible for
civic amenities in Bengaluru (Karnataka). Amongst these, only four parks are considered
inclusive, up to varying degrees). This is alarming since Karnataka is estimated to have more
than 330,000 children (aged 5-19 years) with disability. Further, even the “inclusive” parks
suffer from poor maintenance and upkeep issues. Why focus on parks? Physical activity-
based interventions in parks, even though limited, have provided evidence of short-term
improvements in physical, psychological, and social health outcomes in children and adults
with disabilities. Inclusive play requires creation of places that allows for social relationships
to emerge based on the idea that children of different abilities have the right and need to
play together. However, in India law and policy discourses on education remain limited to

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school boundaries. Inclusion of children with disabilities must run beyond the boundaries
of the school system. Non-inclusive play spaces for children with disabilities may make
such children and their parents/guardians feel unwelcome and intimidated in parks. This
may also perpetuate the creation of segregated spaces for children — antithetical to the
goals of inclusion. Creating inclusive spaces within existing park systems becomes crucial
to pursue an inclusive agenda for children with disabilities. The objective of the study was
to evaluate the state of inclusivity and accessibility of public parks focused on the access
for children with disabilities. A survey tool was used to evaluate 16 parks in and around
the central and eastern ends of Bengaluru city as part of the pilot study. The survey tool
was developed by Pacta based on Kilikili’s guide and the guidelines on ‘Creating accessible
parks and play spaces: A how-to guide for Indian cities’ developed by the National
Institute of Urban Affairs (2019). The survey assessed the parks based on seven broad
categories namely, physical accessibility, environmental quality, accessibility of play area and
equipment, general facilities, inclusive maps and signages, and maintenance. In preliminary
results of the pilot study conducted across 16 parks in Bengaluru, we found that most parks
were physically accessible but lacked inclusive and accessible play facilities. Play facilities
mostly catered to typically developing children between ages 4-12 years. Only half of the
parks had sensory play equipment. Most parks did not have play equipment for cognitive
development for children with different abilities. None of the parks had inclusive/accessible
maps and signages. The results indicate the necessity for transforming existing parks into
inclusive safe spaces for children with disabilities. The survey tool will be used to study a
small but significant dataset (an addition of another 15 parks) in Bengaluru to understand
the current status of inclusion across a wider geography. The research will contribute to
understanding the status of inclusiveness and accessibility of parks in Bengaluru, to inform
future strategies towards inclusive parks in other cities. The study will also identify enablers
such as laws, policies and ecosystem participants that play a crucial role towards more
inclusive parks and public spaces for children with disabilities.

Towards Just Cities: An Environmental Justice Analysis of

Aligarh, India
Ubaid Sidique, PhD Student, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh

Environmental justice is a critical aspect of sustainable and inclusive urban development.

With about 44% of the Indian population projected to live in cities by 2035, the infrastructure
and the management systems are yet to catch up with this growing urban population. This

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has exacerbated the environmental problems with more per capita waste being generated,
increased motorised transport on the roads, an increase in industrial and manufacturing
activities, and a growing demand for clean fuel. This increasing urbanisation highlights the
need of analysing distributive injustices that locate environmental risks within urban scale
inequalities. Environmental justice studies examining the disproportionate distribution of
environmental benefits and burdens along socio-economic lines have been very influential
yet surprisingly few in India compared to its social and natural setting. Previous research
generally focused on social movements and the procedural inequalities they draw attention
to, rather than on the particular demographic and socioeconomic groups who suffer
from environmental injustices. Only a handful of studies have drawn attention to how
hazardous waste generation and particulate air pollution are disproportionately distributed
with respect to socially disadvantaged and marginalised communities in India. Also, focus
of such studies has been mainly on major metropolitan and industrial cities like Delhi,
Bengaluru, Ahmedabad, etc. with hardly any study revealing the growing disparities in
Tier-II cities like Aligarh. The primary objective this study is to examine the correlation
between environmental justice and social inequality in the city of Aligarh. The research
aims to understand the varying degrees of exposure to environmental risks or access to
environmental resources among diverse social groups in the urban area, based on their
socioeconomic standing. Through a case study, the study will explore the intersection of
environmental justice issues with social disparities in special context of Aligarh, India. Both
primary and secondary data sources have been used to analyse the extent of environmental
injustices in the Aligarh city. The researcher collected and generated primary data via a
cross-sectional household survey using an interview schedule. The secondary data used in
this study included city administration data, books, journals, and various online sources
of national and international importance that helped the researcher to gain a deeper
understanding of contemporary discourses on environmental justice and to contextualise
Indian environmental justice issues within these discourses. The researcher employed a
mixed-methods approach, utilising both qualitative and quantitative data collection and
analysis techniques. Thematic analysis approach has been utilised to analyse the qualitative
data obtained from the in-depth interviews. The information was systematically organised
and classified into major themes and sub-themes, and the results have been presented in
a narrative format. On the other hand, the quantitative data collected through the survey
has be analysed using descriptive and inferential statistics using statistical software, and
the findings have been presented in the form of tables, charts, and graphs. Geographic
Information System (GIS) has also been used in this study to map the relevant wards
information. The findings of the study suggest significant disparities in the distribution of

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environmental resources and risks across different socioeconomic classes in Aligarh. The
research revealed that disadvantaged communities and castes have limited access to clean
resources like clean water, sanitation, and green spaces while bearing a disproportionate
burden of environmental damage and pollution. The findings also show lack of representation
from disadvantaged communities in environmental decision-making, that results into
disregard of their concerns and needs, thereby exacerbating the environmental disparities.
The study provides various policy recommendations such as increased participation of
communities in environmental decision-making, enforcing environmental regulations, and
adopting sustainable development strategies for mitigating disproportionate distribution
of negative environmental externalities and thus promoting social justice. The study offers
significant contributions to the domain of environmental justice research in India aimed at
promoting just and sustainable urban areas.

Environmental Sustainability Assessment of Varanasi Smart City

Based on Ecosystem Services Assessment: Gaining Insight into
The Challenges Towards Achieving SDG-11
Garima Jasrotia, PhD Student, Central University of Punjab, Bathinda
Kiran Singh, Associate Professor, University of Allahabad, Prayagraj

With a population share of 55.0% globally, and 31.6% of India, cities are serving as centres
of population concentration. The resulting enormous burden on the urban landscape and
resources has led to challenges of pollution, liveability, urban resiliency and sustainability.
Thus, the idea of building cities that are not only environmentally sustainable and resilient,
economic powerhouses, but also technologically advanced and inclusive, has emerged as a
possible solution in the last decade of the 20th century. In India, this has led to development
of programmes such as the GRIHA rating system, the AMRUT Mission, and more
recently, the National Smart City Mission (NSCM) by the government of India. Although
seen as a method of achieving city sustainability, smart city plans in India mainly focus on
the economic and social/governance aspects of urban development, with a little attention
paid to the environment component. With this disparity in mind, this research focuses on
Varanasi – a heritage smart city of historical, cultural and ecological importance – and seeks
to study the extent to which elements of environmental sustainability are incorporated into
its planning and development. The objectives of this research are: (i) to analyse the Smart City
Mission document and city development plans of Varanasi city in light of SDG 11 in order
to know the priority given to the environment component in city development plan and, (ii)

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to analyse the land use and land cover (LULC) dynamics and assess the status of ecosystem
services as a result of this change. The work for first objective will be carried out by studying
the mission statement and guidelines of NSCM, the smart city proposal (SCP) of Varanasi,
the lists of works authorised and executed under the SCP and city development plan of
Varanasi; and thereby identifying the proportion of proposed (or executed) developmental
works falling under the ambit of environmental sustainability in Varanasi smart city. The
second objective will be achieved by using time series satellite data of pre-monsoon period
(2000, 2005, 2010, 2015, 2020 and 2022). This work will be done in two stages i.e., (i) by
identifying the LULC change of the city landscape over the years and (ii) using the results
of this as proxies to estimate the change in ecosystem service values (ESVs). For LULC
classification and change detection, supervised classification using support vector machine
algorithm will be used and kappa coefficient will be calculated for accuracy assessment. The
ESVs will be determined using Costanza et al. (2014) and De Groot et al. (2012) methods.
Evaluation and monitoring of ecosystem services calls for the integration of ecosystem
conservation in a city planning. Determination of ecosystem services’ sensitivities and
ESVs change hotspots help in better policy making for sustainable urban land use. The
study will shed a light on interactions among humans, land and environment in Varanasi
city and specifically the shifts before and after being selected under the NSCM. It will not
only identify the current challenges to achieve environmental sustainability in Varanasi
smart city, but will also have significant sustainable urban planning implications.

Tree Diversity through the Lens of Public Perception: A Study of

Parks in Delhi
Anisha Yadav, PhD Student, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar University, Delhi

This paper focuses on the perceptions of citizens and state officials on the tree diversity in
public parks and its promotion in the city of Delhi. Delhi was planned as a city of gardens
by Edwin Lutyens. To represent urban green spaces, parks and gardens were one of the main
components of the city. Urban parks are the backbone of high-quality urban ecosystem
services and sustainability. Scholars have been reiterating that the pace of urbanisation in
developing countries like India has been affecting the relationship between human and
nature. Quantity and quality of green spaces both hold equal importance in order to achieve
sustainability among major cities in the country. Urban greens have become an essential
component for solving major issues of environmental and health hazards. The same is
recognised in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) that are targeted to be achieved

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by 2030. Urban Green Spaces provides a wide variety of ecosystem services which are of
fundamental importance for human survival, health, livelihood, and well-being. They also
provide benefits like carbon sequestration, maintain soil fertility, air quality regulations,
reduce air pollution, mitigate urban heat island effect, spiritual values, tourism, aesthetic
values, recreational opportunities, nutrient recycling and moderation of disturbances etc.
Despite all the benefits and importance, they remain very less researched. In Delhi, the green
spaces are kept under the responsibility of different departments and bodies including the
Delhi Development Authority (DDA), Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD), Central
Public Works Department (CPWD), Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), etc. Delhi has
made rapid strides in improving the green cover, nearly doubling it in the last two decades
approximately from 150 [Link] in 2001 to 300 [Link] in 2017. Almost 20% of the land area
is under green cover, as per the Department of Forests, GNCTD 2017. Based on empirical
research using mixed method approach including quantitative and qualitative tools, this
paper tries to analyse the relationship between tree diversity and visitors’ perception in
urban parks of Delhi. Transect walks and Diversity indices have been used as methods to
evaluate the diversity of the parks. A semi structured questionnaire was used to interview
people in order to get a viewpoint of the people with different socio-economic backgrounds.
It also tries to investigate the state’s role in developing these parks and increasing the overall
green cover in the city. As a result, it has been observed that socio economic characteristics
like age, gender, education and occupation exhibit significant variation in the perception
diversity of trees. The authorities have a positive point of view towards the maintenance of
the quality and tree diversity of these parks which can also be traced from the importance
given to the green spaces in the various Master Plans of the city.

Assessing Transnational Climate Governance in Urban South

Asia: An Analysis of Post-Paris Initiatives
Ali Kaif, PhD Student, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh

This paper examines the effectiveness of transnational climate change governance in

the urban space of the Global South. The transnational climate change governance
(TCCG) arrangement gained momentum in the early decade of the 21st century and
was institutionalised by the UNFCCC in its various meetings. It is perceived to fill
the gap of climate governance created by multilateral processes. Unlike the multilateral
governance structure, it involves non-state (environmental organisations or companies)
and sub-national actors (public authorities like cities) to achieve mutually shared public

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policy goals. This paper seeks to reveal whether the institutional novelty of working at
various levels and engaging different stakeholders globally results in Effective climate
change governance. Previous research has indicated that the spatial arrangement of TCCG
exhibits similarities with the non-uniformity and North-South disparity observed in the
UNFCCC. This research acknowledges the presence of geographical disparities and delves
deeper into the efficacy of Transnational arrangements specifically targeted toward South
Asia. The aim is better to understand the correlation between geographical disparities
and effectiveness. This research examines the spatial distribution of transnational climate
change governance (TCCG) initiatives in the post-Paris era, focusing on those addressing
urban climate governance. It assesses the effectiveness of Transnational Climate Change
Governance (TCCG) initiatives in addressing urban climate governance concerns in South
Asia. Methodology Assessing the effectiveness of transnational governance arrangements
is a complex task that requires extensive analysis due to their multifaceted nature. These
initiatives involve various actors’ participation, making it challenging to evaluate their impact
comprehensively. Despite the challenges, many studies developed different methodologies
to assess their effectiveness. The Function-Output-Fit (FOF) methodology is considered
appropriate for our study, as it has previously been employed to assess the effectiveness of
climate initiatives. It indicates output performance by comparing the functions of climate
actions with its outputs. FOF requires an explicit and well-defined range of governance
functions and output categories, as well as a theoretical linking between functions and
outputs, to determine whether and to what extent a climate action’s function(s) is/are
matched by fitting outputs. This methodology goes beyond mere output measurement, as
it indicates production and whether produced outputs are consistent with the self-declared
function. We studied the post-Paris transnational climate initiatives using survey data
and self-collected data from publicly available sources such as websites and social media.
We used the survey data of the Climate Initiatives Platform (CIP). The study finds that
developed and emerging economies are home to a majority of the mitigation potential,
whereas the need for resilience and adaptation to climate change is highest in developing
countries. In transnational climate change governance initiatives, the non-state and sub-
national actors involved are mostly from the Global North, and planning and coordination,
including the location of secretariats, lead organisations, and focal points, are also primarily
done in that region. The study also reveals a low level of effectiveness of climate initiatives
in South Asia, with notable disparities within the region, as India performs considerably
better than other South Asian countries.

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Environment and Sustainability

Filling the Gaps in Coastal Policy and Management in Goa: A

Multistakeholder Approach
Tahir Noronha, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan, USA
Sarita Fernandes, Director, Living Earth Foundation, Chennai
Amar Kulkarni, Architect and Urbanist, Panaji, Goa

This paper explores the relationship between coastal policy, coastal stakeholders and
ecosystem management in the context of India. The paper explores the unique case study
of Morjim, which abuts the city of Mapusa, North Goa. Morjim is recognised as a nesting
site for Olive Ridley Sea Turtles (Lepidocehlys olivacea) and illustrative of shortfalls in
Goa’s coastal management systems. The paper proposes a solution in the form of a Coastal
Resilience Index (CRI) tool, which can assist administrators in quantifying harms and
addressing developmental challenges in most coastal villages and cities, considering the
factor of climate change impacts like sea level rise. Recognising the degradation of coastal
ecosystems, the Government of India codified restrictions on development through
the Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) Notification in 1991, and CRZ was subsequently
strengthened in 2011 to address concerns arising from coastal hazards and climate change,
especially sea level rise. CRZ is unique in its principles of: protecting land and marine
resources for future generations; recognising stakeholders that are otherwise overlooked in
planning, such as flora, fauna, sand dunes, and indigenous people; mapping coastal assets;
accounting for diverse interests and investments, by regulating development along the coast;
and promoting sustainable and equitable development. Despite the progressive nature of the
CRZ, India’s smallest state has a complex, often conflicting relationship with its coastline.
80% of Goa’s population resides in the coastal zone (Census 2011). As a popular tourist
destination, Goa witnessed rapid tourism growth, resulting in unregulated development
and neglect of coastal ecosystems. Beaches of North Goa including Calangute, Baga and
Anjuna, experienced unchecked mushrooming of hotels and restaurants. From 2012 to
2019, the built-up area within the 200-meter No Development Zone (NDZ) increased
from 15.12% to 36.79%. These data are explained by a delay in preparing a Coastal Zone

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Management Plan (CZMP) in Goa, which was the last to meet the 2011 notification
deadline. In the absence of a plan, the state Coastal Zone Management Authority (GCZMA)
granted permits on a case-by-case basis, leading to concerns around interpretation of
statutes, miscalculation of setbacks, and lack of enforcement. From 2017 to 2022, 51% of
all reported coastal violations in the country came from Goa. The case of Morjim reveals
two key issues. Firstly, stakeholder consultation and ground truthing in Morjim reveal
incorrect marking of the High Tide Line (HTL), sand dunes, and turtle nesting areas in
the CZMP. These errors, if ignored, can disrupt the delicate coastal ecosystem, posing a
threat to the coastline and future generations in the wake of climate change. People of Goa
have taken an interest in rectifying the plan. The CZMP public hearings in 2021 brought
out thousands of corrections and suggestions from a variety of experts, including fisherfolk,
scientists, youth leaders, and coastal villagers. Secondly, the case of Morjim highlights a
disconnect between CRZ policy and its implementation through governance systems.
Unauthorised constructions, such as hotels and holiday homes emerged within the NDZ
in Morjim, violating exceptions in the CRZ notifications, indicating a lack of enforcement
or integration of construction permissions with CRZ policy, as highlighted in a report by
the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) of India (2022) and the courts. This has
significant implications for economic growth, private property rights, and investments.
Investor confidence is hindered by uncertainty surrounding CRZ violations and potential
legal disputes. Further, degradation of the coastal ecosystem adversely affects tourism,
fisheries, and other economic activities reliant on a healthy coastal environment. To address
these issues, the paper proposes development of a Coastal Resilience Index (CRI) as a tool
to evaluate the resilience of coastal land parcels within the context of CRZ considerations.
CRI incorporates parameters such as man-made and natural coastal adaptation, historic
risks from erosion and flooding, and land use patterns. By utilising CRI administrators and
developers can quantify and evaluate impacts of investments and weigh the costs of poor
coastal management. The study intends to apply CRI to various human and non-human
stakeholders, including property owners, fisherfolk, future generations, and sea turtles. CRI
can contribute to the sustainable and equitable development of Goa’s coastline, and can be
applied to fast-growing areas across India that face similar problems connected to climate
change and sea level rise.

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The Role of Storytelling through Arts and Culture in Building

Collective Climate Action in Urban India: Examples from the
North, West and South
Harpreet Bhullar, Impact Measurement and Learning Manager, Purpose, Delhi
Harpreet Bagga, Partner and Managing Director, Purpose, Delhi
Vincy Abraham, Campaign Manager, Purpose, Delhi

While cities contribute 70% of the global greenhouse emissions, they are often the most
vulnerable to climate change impact from a socio-economic and political standpoint.
Climate resilience, especially in the Global South cities, therefore gains centrality to urban
planning and development. Closer home, the UN data suggests that 70% of the Indian urban
population resides in 12% of its cities, indicating a detrimental impact of climate change on
human development and economic growth in these mega cities. Whilst awareness of the
issue now exists, it is largely determined by international data and context. This paper presents
action-based insights from the work of Purpose Climate Lab (PCL), a creative storytelling
lab, in urban centres across three regions: Delhi and Uttar Pradesh in the North, Mumbai
in the West and Bengaluru and Kerala in the South of India. Cultural storytelling and art-
based engagements executed through the Lab for a diversity of urban citizens have built a
groundswell of public support for an accelerated adoption of urban climate solutions. PCL
works in an iterative and experimental model to accelerate the adoption and build the ambition
of climate solutions. The Lab connects local identity and culture to the need for climate action,
popularises people-centred climate narratives and engages multiple actors to drive behaviour
and policy change. A mixed-methods approach to project-level impact evaluation informs
the results and learnings for the Lab. Secondary literature confirms the Lab’s premise that
empowering people to engage in culturally rooted communications enables them to become
trusted influencers on equitable climate action and sustains the engagement and interest of
those with low knowledge about climate issues. Engaging with diverse stakeholders, including
those from marginalised backgrounds, creates conditions for equitable and just approach to
climate action. A few examples from the experiments by the Lab in the three stated regions
will be shared in this paper. In North India, PCL has creatively engaged citizens and civil
society groups in Delhi and Uttar Pradesh on clean air and sustainable energy solutions under
the initiative of Help Delhi Breathe and 100% UP. Results from the last six years of work in
both states include greater issue salience on clean air and introduction of pro-climate policies
on solarisation, electrification, National Clean Air Programme amongst others. Leveraging
UP’s shared identity culture or Ganga-Jamuni tehzeeb, the Lab has also empowered a diverse

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set of citizens, including interfaith communities, to drive collective action on these issues. In
West India, Ministry of Mumbai’s Magic (MMM) is a youth community building initiative
in Mumbai where cultural storytelling, participatory art and design solutions have enabled
a shift in the dominant youth perception on the role of the city’s original inhabitants — the
kolis as preservers of the city’s biodiversity. Showcasing visual narratives through archival
photo-exhibition, Through the Eyes of the Kolis, placemaking activities in Versova Koliwada
and indigenous knowledge-based solutions like New Catch in Town have challenged the slum
narrative carried by these traditional village communities and platformed the community itself
at the frontiers of city’s climate solutions. Findings from the perception surveys point towards
an overall positive shift in young people’s acknowledgement of Kolis as the preservers of the
city’s coastline. In South India, Bengaluru and coastal cities in Kerala form the epicentre
of PCL’s impact. Bengaluru Moving is a citizen’s engagement intervention to build public
demand for sustainable mobility solutions for Bengaluru city. Participatory design, tactical
urbanism and pedestrian-friendly neighbourhood art activations like Malleshawarm Hogona
have given innovative and hyperlocal solutions to the city’s decision makers to enhance the
citizen’s mobility experience and unlock public funds to boost non-motorised transportation
infrastructure. Climate Voices Kerala (CVK) is a strategic communications initiative that is
focused on building citizen support for just-based adaptation and resilience planning in Kerala.
Leveraging storytelling, cultural and community symbols and stakeholder engagement, the
initiative has mainstreamed often unexplored issues like coastal erosion and climate migration.
CVK co-created an internationally acclaimed documentary called Theeram, which elevated
the state’s growing coastal challenges and the urgency to act now. Acknowledged by Kerala’s
Fisheries Minister, this documentary went on to inspire perspectives on climate migration
and finance for Global South countries at COP27 deliberations.

Assessing Vulnerability and Adaptive Capacity to Cyclone Fani:

A Case Study on Urban Coastal Communities Odisha, India
Sidharth Verma, PhD Student, Centre of Excellence in Disaster Management, Guru Gobind
Singh Indraprastha University, New Delhi

As the climate continues to change, cyclones have become more frequent and intense,
leading to heightened vulnerability among urban communities and an increased risk of
disaster impacts. Odisha, located on the eastern coast of India, with a population of 4.2 crore,
has been susceptible to recurrent cyclones. The state has been hit by more than eight severe
cyclones since 1999. In May 2019, Cyclone Fani wreaked havoc across 14 coastal districts

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of Odisha, displacing 1.6 crore people and destroying 1.88 lakh hectares of agricultural
land, causing widespread devastation and affecting numerous fishing communities,
including Chandrabhaga Nolia Sahi situated in Puri district, Odisha. Chandrabhaga Nolia
Sahi is mainly inhabited by domiciled Oriya of Telugu community, who largely depend
on marine resources as their primary source of livelihood. Their geographical location and
reliance on natural resources make them susceptible to the adverse effects of cyclones. This
study aims to assess the vulnerability and capacity of the fishing community in the face of
tropical cyclones as well as evaluate the readiness of institutions to mitigate such disasters.
Using four critical dimensions of DFID’s Sustainable Livelihood Framework, i.e., physical,
human, social and financial assets, vulnerability and capacity has been assessed through
a systematic literature review and field survey of 226 households in 2021 using a semi-
structured questionnaire in. QGIS version 3.10.8 was also employed to generate maps to
showcase the area’s vulnerability. The vulnerability and capacity assessments within disaster-
prone communities play a crucial role in formulating effective strategies for mitigating
the potential impact of disasters on the community. This research study underscores the
importance of addressing vulnerability and capacity gaps in urban coastal communities
such as Chandrabhaga Nolia Sahi. The study findings show that in addition to fishing,
which is the primary source of livelihood for people within the community, many of them
have adopted alternative livelihood options as an additional source of income to protect
themselves from the economic impact of the cyclone. Some even engage as temporary
employees in privately owned shops/companies or as casual labourers as part of their coping
capacity. Even the educational facilities and infrastructure require improvement to develop
the community’s capacity since the classes get disrupted due to stalling of electricity supply
and cyclone impact. The study suggests policy options for addressing these challenges
and the need to re-design comprehensive disaster risk reduction strategies to enhance the
community’s capacity and minimise the adverse consequences of future disasters.

From Resource Depletion to Ecological Harmony: Rethinking

Urban Planning for Multi-species Cohabitation in the Global South
Sneha Yogeshbhai Ravani, Associate Fellow, National Institute of Urban Affairs (NIUA)
New Delhi

With rapid urbanisation and an unprecedented population growth rate in the world, by
the most recent estimates over half of the world’s population is expected to reside in urban
areas by 2050. As expected, with the increasing demand for resources multitude of issues

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pertaining to urban space management have surfaced. These high-density areas create an
intense pull of resources in concentrated form from the surrounding ecological services,
establishing an unequal and undistributed flow of resources. This also leads to severely
altering and disrupting ecological processes to an array of disastrous consequences in the
form of insurmountable water pollution, creating heat island effect, air quality depletion,
and other environmental problems eventually causing drastic global environmental changes.
It is imperative for urban planners and policymakers to implement sustainable and efficient
resource management strategies to ensure the well-being of both the urban population and
the environment. The issue of multi-species cohabitation becomes increasingly significant
due their interdependence and to ensure better eco resource management. Understanding
urban metabolism must involve a heterogenous imagination of creating an urban mosaic
that is just and supports interaction between biodiversity and humans, providing a rich
ecosystem maintained and supported by human stewardship. In order to mitigate the issues
regarding multi-species cohabitation in urban areas, the current urban planning strategies
in the Global South must be transformed from its traditional linear model of development
to polycentric governance of urban agglomerations with a holistic approach of horizontal
growth equipped with nature-based solutions that create a balance between growing
populations, environmental concerns, and wildlife conservation. So far, the development of
urban landscapes and infrastructure have happened under extremely demanding conditions
and has relied on political and economic benefits negotiated to raise the value of real estate
development. This approach has failed to acknowledge the ecological and social synergy in
these spaces, resulting in insensitive development towards other species. A few examples
include: concreting the edges of lakes, urban river corridors, fencing of larger urban parks,
and isolation in the planning of green spaces, parks, urban forests, streetscapes, private
gardens, and wetlands from one another leading to the loss of habitat caused by urbanisation,
and the lack of spaces serving as refuge for wildlife and fail to contribute to the overall well-
being of urban dwellers. To address these challenges, the unexplored potential of cities
must be explored by forming an interconnection between ecological, social, economic, and
technical aspects in designing urban infrastructure towards ecosystem management to
serve as labs for green infrastructure development, reviving socio-cultural environmental
spaces for cattle rearing, and urban-agro farming. Establishing green infrastructure
development that promotes non-motorised mobility, retrofitting existing buildings to have
features that support wildlife such as bird-friendly glass, signage greenways, and wildlife
crossing or underpass to function as ecological connections between fragmented natural
areas. The paper will also focus on the implementation of conservation programs focused
on threatened species by studying their behaviour patterns, tracking population trends,

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and integrating zoning regulations to protect and enhance biodiversity that minimises
disruption to natural habitat and migration routes. Focusing on engaging local communities
and fostering partnerships amongst academic institutes, research organisations, and local
authorities through education, and capacity building to generate evidence-based and
informed policy decisions to promote budget and inclusive governance to ensure equitable
resource allocation. By embracing these innovative approaches, cities can become vibrant
hubs of creativity and innovation that not only benefit their residents but also contribute to
the global effort towards the cohabitation of multiple species.

Built Heritage Economics: A Perspective in the Modern Trade

Anand Khatri, Professor AITSAP & Director UVCT, Noida
Mrinalini Singh, Assistant Professor, Apeejay Institute of Technology-School of Architecture
and Planning (AIT-SAP) Greater Noida

The world today has segregated built heritage in cities and it is isolated as a built mass,
largely to be visited for tourism, to be documented, restored and conserved. There is no
dialogue on the growth of cities with built heritage against cities with no heritage. Economic
activity that involves the modern life overlooks the advantages of a cultural connection and
the benefit of a community with traditional economics supporting the modern economics,
as a catalyst and as a measure of resilience. Built heritage must get its space in modern
investment economics. Like the municipal bonds which are being issued for the generation
of capital/ green capital, to carry out municipal works, cities must develop a municipal bond
specific for built heritage, one that connects it to the tangible and the intangible cultural
processes and traditional trades. The built heritage bonds and people’s investment should be
a must to get it a heritage stamp. Urbanisation as a result of universal guidelines in a world
is creating a built form that is making almost all parts of an administrative boundary, if not
the world, alike. Fifty years from now, we can see a world united in look and feel. Even today
a street in newer parts of Delhi, the suburbs of Kolkata, and planned parts of Mohali look
almost alike. Monotony of built will kill the interest of people. The uniqueness of cultural
immersion, the experience of urban cultures, and virtual belongingness to build heritage
are reducing and so is the experiential difference. Built heritage and urban character of a
place must represent the people, history, society, and tradition and this should be connected
to economics. People should be able to identify the economic advantages and progress in
cities with built heritage. This paper discusses the development post-independence to argue
and identify the encouraging growth of heritage towns as compared to ones with just a

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geographic or strategic advantage. With an aim to establish the historical connection of

living cultures and built heritage to the economic performance of cities, the paper proposes
to meet the following objectives: 1. To establish that cities with built heritage have better
economic activity than those without heritage. This could be done by looking through
the historic centres in post-colonial India, through observing city growth and visible city
economics. 2. That built heritage bonds similar to municipal bonds can adapt people with
heritage economics. This would be done by proving the built heritage connection to cultural
trade practices. 3. Nature of Built-Heritage Bonds and the parameters for establishing
economic connections between people, traditional trades and built heritage municipal
bonds, thereby engaging historicity as a tangible parameter of city growth. While the
research paper establishes the possible connection of heritage built with economics, it
also establishes the importance of heritage in city economics by discussing the cases of
changing nature of cities and city growth in the decades following the formation of the
Indian Republic. It outlines the nature of the built heritage bonds through the impact of
the present grading of buildings in the historic districts of Shahjahanabad after meeting the
objectives mentioned above. It is thus a very important link of economic growth through
built heritage and people’s connect to economic benefits thereby, missing in the heritage
dialogue.

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