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TRANSLATION AND RACE
Translation and Race brings together translation studies with critical race
studies for a long-overdue reckoning with race and racism in translation
theory and practice. This book explores the “unbearable whiteness of trans-
lation” in the West that excludes scholars and translators of color from the
field and also upholds racial inequities more broadly.
Outlining relevant concepts from critical race studies, Translation and
Race demonstrates how norms of translation theory and practice in the West
actually derive from ideas rooted in white supremacy and other forms of
racism. Chapters explore translation’s role in historical processes of raciali-
zation, racial capitalism and intellectual property, identity politics and Black
translation praxis, the globalization of critical race studies, and ethical strat-
egies for translating racist discourse. Beyond attempts to diversify the field
of translation studies and the literary translation profession, this book ulti-
mately calls for a radical transformation of translation theory and practice.
This book is crucial reading for advanced students and scholars in transla-
Copyright © 2024. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.
tion studies, critical race and ethnic studies, and related areas, as well as for
practicing translators.
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New Perspectives in Translation and Interpreting Studies
Series editor:
Michael Cronin is 1776 Professor of French at Trinity College Dublin and
Director of the Trinity Centre for Literary and Cultural Translation.
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TRANSLATION AND RACE
Corine Tachtiris
Copyright © 2024. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.
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Designed cover image © Getty Images
First published 2024
by Routledge
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605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2024 Corine Tachtiris
The right of Corine Tachtiris to be identified as author of this work has been
asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs
and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered
trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent
to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN: 978-1-032-01813-3 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-032-01811-9 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-003-18016-6 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003180166
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CONTENTS
Conclusion 161
Index 163
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PREFACE
A Note on Terminology and Capitalization
in Guadeloupe and people in the United States think and talk about race
and racial categorization led me to the juncture of translation studies and
critical race studies, where race emerges as a construct rather than a natural
given that need only be described in each language. The different ways that
race is named in different languages and cultures evidence entire histories of
social, cultural, imperial, legal, economic, and other forces that combine to
construct racial categories—processes that are still and constantly at work,
contested, shifting. These linguistic disjunctures around race that surface in
translation have interested me as a means toward exploring how to, as Toni
Morrison writes, “enunciate race while depriving it of its lethal cling” (5). As
I write about race in this book, I am hesitant to make stylistic choices about
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viii Preface
racial terminology that might imply a fixedness of race and racial identities.
Even within cultures, ideas diverge about how best to articulate race and its
real effects in the world while not suggesting that race is something innate
and absolute.
There is a relatively long history of capitalizing Black in US English as
a politicized maneuver, as in the Black Power and Black Pride movements.
Capitalizing Black serves to signal pride in Black community and culture,
which are denigrated by mainstream white culture; to acknowledge a shared
history and sense of identity; and as a collectivist act of resistance against the
racism of a dominant white culture rooted in white supremacy. Capitalizing
Black, but not white, is a frequent practice in racial justice activism and criti-
cal race studies scholarship, both of which I draw from in this book. In the
wake of the Black Lives Matter protests in the spring and summer of 2020,
several large news organizations—such as the Associated Press, USA To-
day, The New York Times, The Los Angeles Times, and NBC News, among
others—opted to implement this same practice of capitalizing Black but not
white. The Associated Press explained their decision as “conveying an essen-
tial and shared sense of history, identity and community among people who
identify as Black, including those in the African diaspora and within Africa”
(Daniszewski np), and The New York Times specified that they would not
capitalize white because it “doesn’t represent a shared culture and history
in the way Black does, and also has long been capitalized by hate groups”
(Coleman np).
Others argue, however, that while only white nationalist supremacists
might have a proud shared sense of white culture and identity, not capi-
talizing White obscures the ways that Whiteness functions in an organized
fashion in US society to unequally distribute power and privilege. As Eve L.
Ewing writes, “Whiteness is not only an absence”; not capitalizing White
may lend it a kind of invisibility, “and as is the case with all power structures,
its invisibility does crucial work to maintain its power” (np). Accordingly,
Ann Thúy Nguyễn and Maya Pendleton at the Center for the Study of Social
Policy indicate that they “intentionally capitalize ‘White’ in part to invite
Copyright © 2024. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.
people … to think deeply about the ways Whiteness survives,” since “the
detachment of ‘White’ as a proper noun allows White people to sit out of
conversations about race and removes accountability from White people’s
and White institutions’ involvement in racism” (np). I am particularly inter-
ested in this book in drawing this kind of attention to what I call the norms
in translation theory and practice that are passed off as universal but actually
emerge from racialized and racist frameworks that center Whiteness.
Yet there is a risk when capitalizing Black and White that these categories
begin to seem self-evident. As Jesse McCarthy notes,
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Preface ix
so he opts to use the lowercase when referring to blackness to convey “its dis-
persive and de-essentializing qualities, its resistance to the assumptive logics
of possessive individualism and state power” (xii). Similarly, La Marr Jurelle
Bruce writes:
Bruce’s use of the lowercase to signify the lack of fixity in blackness thus
resonates with what I see as translation’s potential to unfix language through
linguistic and cultural disjunctures. While Kwame Anthony Appiah states
that “[r]easoned arguments about linguistic usages must always reckon with
the fact that language is a set of conventions, to be determined by the consen-
sus of language users” (np), we see that consensus is never absolute and that
there are a variety of competing capitalization conventions that all intend a
challenge to white supremacy but through different means and meanings.
There’s a joke among translators that if you ask them how to translate
something they’ll always respond, “It depends.” That is, it depends on the
context, how the word or phrase is functioning at a particular moment, in a
particular text. I discuss this contextual contingency in the final chapter of
this book in terms of ethically translating racist language and discourse—
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