14 World Trade Rev 337
14 World Trade Rev 337
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World TradeReview (2015), 14: 2 331-319
© Philip 1.Levy and Donald H. Regan doi:10.1017/S1474745615000051
Abstract: The EC Seal Products case stemmed from complaints by Canada and
Norway against European Union regulations that effectively banned the
importation and marketing of seal products from those countries. The EU said it
had responded to European moral outrage at the killing of seals. Canada and
Norway challenged the regime under various provisions of the Technical Barriers
to Trade (TBT) Agreement and the GATT. This article considers TBT aspects of
the Panel and Appellate Body decisions. It discusses issues such as whether there
is any bright line to be drawn between legitimate and illegitimate purposes in
regulation, the proper legal meaning of a 'technical regulation', and the
interpretation of TBT 2.1.
1. Introduction
"Email: plevy@thechicagocounciLorg.
""Email: donregan@umich.edu.
1 WT/DS400 & 401/R (adopted as modified 18 June 2014).
338 PHILIP I. LEVY AND DONALD H. REGAN
management (the 'MRM exception'); and products brought in by travelers for their
own use (the 'Travelers' exception').
Canada and Norway challenged the EU seal products regime under various pro-
visions of the Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT) Agreement and the GATT. Aside
from the threshold TBT issue of whether the regime was a technical regulation, the
principal issues under both agreements revolved around whether the EU's various
purposes were legitimate, whether they were evenhandedly applied, and whether
the general ban on seal products was unnecessarily trade-restrictive. The Panel
found that the measure was a technical regulation within the meaning of TBT
Annex 1.1, and that both the IC exception and the MRM exception violated
TBT 2.1. The Panel also found a violation of TBT 5.1.2, first sentence, as well as
violations of GATT 1:1 (the IC exception) and 111:4 (the MRM exception). The
Appellate Body has already decided the appeals from the Panel's decision. 2 The
Appellate Body found that the measure was not shown to be a technical regulation,
and declared the Panel's discussion of particular TBT violations 'moot and of no
legal effect'. The Appellate Body then confirmed the GATT 1:1 violation, although
on somewhat different reasoning from the Panel. (The EU did not appeal the
Panel's finding of a 111:4 violation.)
This essay comprises two principal sections, Section 2 on economic consider-
ations, and Section 3 on the legal issues. Of course, it is the premise of this entire
series of case reports that there is no essential conflict between the economic and
legal perspectives, and that a unified presentation should be possible in principle.
Both co-authors accept that premise. But regardless of disciplinary background,
people can disagree about how tribunals should approach cases such as EC-Seal
Products, about the relative dangers of protectionism and undue restriction of legit-
imate regulation; and we have not achieved sufficient agreement between ourselves
to allow a unified presentation. So by default, each author has tended to his own
disciplinary last, with input from the other.
Section 2 attempts to describe a general framework for thinking about conflicts
between the right to regulate and rights of market access. One of the most interest-
ing aspects of the case is the extent to which the EU concern was based on the senti-
ments of its citizenry about economic activity occurring in other countries. Section
2 considers different economic approaches to consumer welfare and asks whether
there are any bright lines that can be drawn between different justifications for
regulation. Section 2 also considers how we might use the economic theory of
screening equilibria in trying to identify regulations motivated by illegitimate
national-origin preferences. Finally, Section 2 takes up the economic theory of
incomplete contracting and time-inconsistency, to discuss the effect on trade nego-
tiations of uncertainty about how treaty language will be interpreted by dispute
settlement tribunals; and it asks whether there are lessons for the treaty interpreter.
Section 3, on the legal issues, faces a special problem, which also turns out to be
an opportunity. The general plan of this series of case discussions requires that we
should discuss the Panel report, and leave the Appellate Body report for discussion
next year. That seems quixotic enough. In addition, the Panel's main focus was on
the TBT; its treatment of the GATT issues was parasitic on its TBT analysis. But, as
noted above, the Appellate Body found that the measure was not shown to be a
technical regulation (reversing the Panel on that), and declared the Panel's discus-
sion of particular TBT violations 'moot and of no legal effect'. In Section 3, we will
discuss the TBT issues (and only the TBT issues) at both the Panel and Appellate
Body levels. We will discuss both the Panel's analysis and the Appellate Body's
analysis of whether the EU seal products regime is a technical regulation; and we
will then discuss the Panel's analysis of the other TBT issues (which the
Appellate Body does not address). Even though the Panel's TBT analysis has no
legal effect, it is nonetheless the first discussion we have by a WTO tribunal of
important TBT issues that will certainly arise again. We will not discuss the
GATT issues at either the Panel or Appellate Body level. The Panel's GATT analysis
has not been declared moot across the board, but it has been largely superseded by
the Appellate Body's treatment, which we leave for discussion next year.
2. Economic considerations
From an economic standpoint, the most interesting facets of the case include the
plausible scope of individual and societal preferences, screening equilibria, and
incomplete contracting. The case revolved around the EU contention that the
sale of seal products within the European market would pose a threat to
European morals. Curiously, throughout the argumentation, there was relatively
little dispute about this assertion. There were disputes aplenty, to be sure, but
they tended to revolve around which line of legal reasoning would arrive at this
conclusion, and in turn, what requirements the ultimate legal approach would
impose on the EU's devotion to its cause, and the actions the EU would take.
In a prescient analysis from 1997,3 Charnovitz discussed the concept of morality
in international trade law. He noted that clauses in trade agreements had made
allowances for measures in support of public morals from the 1920s and earlier.
The explicit GATT provision, Article XX(a), thus had a long provenance, but
had yet to be explored or fleshed out through dispute settlement. 4 The EC-Seal
Products case marks at least the opening round of that exploration.
3 Steve Charnovitz (1997), 'Moral Exception in Trade Policy', The Virginia Journal of International
Law, 38: 689.
4 Although there is no previous jurisprudence on GATT XX(a) itself, the discussion of GATS XIV(a) in
United States Measures Affecting the Cross-Border Supply of Gambling and Betting Services (Antigua
and Barbuda), WT/DS285/R (adopted 22 May 2007) is generally thought to be relevant.
340 PHILIP I. LEVY AND DONALD H. REGAN
In the dispute, the question of whether the EU seal regime denied Canada and
Norway their rights under TBT or under GATT took center stage. Here, though,
we shunt it aside and focus instead on how one might think of the case in terms
of some of the first principles of economics, such as preferences and consumption.
That leads to some more subtle topics, such as imperfect information and bargain-
ing. In deliberate contrast to a legal approach, we consider these matters afresh,
without worrying about precedents or judicial interpretations. The goal is to
make a connection between conceptual approaches and likely outcomes.
Particularly on a topic that is being freshly litigated, the hope is that this approach
will provide, if not a guide, at least a yardstick against which the legally mandated
approaches can be measured.
A core question in the EC-Seal Products case is the extent and character of EU
concerns over Canadian and Norwegian seal hunts. Section 2.1 asks whether there
are natural bright lines that separate the legitimate topics of national concern from
illegitimate topics. For that section, we stipulate purity of motive on the part of the
EU. Section 2.2 relaxes the purity assumption and considers the quest for a separ-
ating equilibrium which might distinguish the purely motivated from the impurely
motivated. Section 2.3 sets aside questions of the legitimacy of motivation and steps
back from the particular questions of seals and morality to ask what happens if we
observe shifts in the scope of rights and obligations over time.
Before delving in, it may be worth taking a moment to look at the concept of
'natural limitations'. This is not a reference to any sort of divinely ordained categ-
orization. Rather, it is looking for qualitative differences in approach. Of course,
there is nothing that restricts the WTO membership to one category or another
as it describes the limitations on countries' rights to impose trade barriers. But
subtle, quantitative distinctions usually require explicit delineation in agreements
in a way that broad, categorical distinctions do not. Thus, if the Dispute
Settlement Body is in search of safe havens to find consistency in rulings, such
havens are more likely to be found at these categorical boundaries.
The presumption is that there may be a desire to stop short of extreme territorial-
ity. There are two broad checks on the potential for capricious trade restrictions - the
motive must be one that the WTO membership has approved, and the implemen-
tation of the measure must meet particular requirements (e.g. least trade restric-
tive). 5 If governments can act with impunity on any moral indignation of the
citizenry, and that indignation can have any cause (e.g. educational curricula in
6
Timbuktu), then the first of these two checks becomes meaningless.
We proceed through three different categories. First, preferences over the phys-
ical characteristics of a product. Second, preferences over the pedigree of a
product (how it was made). Third, moral sentiments, potentially disconnected
from a product altogether. These are not mutually exclusive, but represent steadily
broader domains of concern.
5 This generalization abstracts from potential differences between restrictions under the GATT and
TBT.
6 This seems to be a principal source of division between those who are more or less concerned about an
expansive interpretation of the 'moral exceptions' clause. Those who are comfortable with backup protec-
tions against capriciousness are less concerned about allowing a broad range of motives.
342 PHILIP I. LEVY AND DONALD H. REGAN
conflict. While one can observe the physical characteristics, there could be disputes
over the relevance of those characteristics. A classic example would be genetically
modified organisms (GMOs). Their presence can be measured, but what of their
impact on health? From a trade perspective, under our strong assumption of hom-
ogeneity of tastes, it should not make much difference. If everyone in a country
believes that GMOs pose an unacceptable health risk, there will be no market
for products containing GMOs. 7 Thus, even if another country had a very different
view of the health effects, a non-discriminatory ban on the product would be
unnecessary. As foreshadowing for looser assumptions in Section 2.2, this issue
will reemerge as a major problem with heterogeneity of preferences, under which
one group believed GMOs were risky and another thought them safe. As far as
measurability is concerned, the bottom line is that the physical characteristics
could be readily verified, even if the medical implications could not.
Thus, the simplest argument of the utility function is direct consumption of a
product. We can also consider indirect consumption of a product, when the con-
sumption undertaken by a fellow countryman has positive or negative externalities.
Classic examples could include second-hand smoke or garish house paint, each of
which could provide pleasure to the original consumer but displease a compatriot.
Such externalities provide a well-established basis for regulation, since individual
welfare maximization could lead to a suboptimal outcome. Because we are
talking about the effects of physical characteristics (drifting smoke, visible color),
measurability is not much of a problem here. One certainly could encounter inter-
national disputes in instances in which it appeared that 'like' products with similar
negative effects were being treated differently. This was part of the claim in
US-Clove Cigarettes, in which it was argued by Indonesia that clove and
menthol cigarettes had similar effects, while the United States argued that their
physical characteristics were distinct.8
We conclude the discussion of physical characteristics with a consideration of the
natural limitations on the scope of this type of regulation. The regulations would
cover the physical characteristics of goods sold in the imposing country. As an
importer, the country need take no stance on how the goods achieved their physical
state. So long as the relevant physical characteristics were measurable, there would
be no reason for concern about how the product came to be that way. We note this
as a baseline to contrast with broader concerns to come. We also note that, while
drawing a bright line at observable physical characteristics might be well-grounded
7 So as not to take on every conceivable point of conflict, we set aside questions about the cost of infor-
mational regulation (e.g. country of origin or content labeling) and assume that regulators could make clear
the contents.
8 United States Measures Affecting the Production and Sale of Clove Cigarettes (Indonesia), WT/
DS406/AB/R (adopted 24 April 2012). For a detailed discussion, see Broude et al. (2014), 'Do you mind
if I don't smoke? Products, purpose and indeterminacy in US Measures Affecting the Production and
Sale of Clove Cigarettes', World Trade Review, 13(2): 357 392.
EC Seal Products 343
in economic tradition, this approach has previously been rejected by the Appellate
Body in US-Shrimp 21.5. 9
9 United States Import Prohibition of Certain Shrimp and Shrimp Products (India; Malaysia;
Pakistan; Thailand), WT/DS58/AB/R (adopted 6 November 1998), Article 21.5.
10 We are assuming here that regulation is limited to working through effects on domestic consump-
tion, as opposed to through adopting penalties that might alter the behavior of foreign producers who also
had interests within the country or through attempting to influence foreign governments.
11 A point of disagreement between the AB and the Panel in EC Seal Productsconcerned whether such
production history counted as a 'product characteristic' or not. The Panel said yes; the AB said no. It was a
distinction critical to whether the EU Seal Regime counted as a technical barrier to trade (Panel) or
not (AB).
12 This is dealt with in Section 3.1 below.
344 PHILIP I. LEVY AND DONALD H. REGAN
Organic farming, for example, would not fall into this category. While it could well
affect the presence of pesticides in food, that concern would properly fall into the
previous category - the physical characteristic of containing pesticides. The method
would only serve as an imperfect proxy for the true concern. 13 Similarly, this would
not encompass concerns such as those of the EU over an inhumane seal hunt. In the
arguments put forward in EC-Seal Products, there was no allegation that
Canadian or Norwegian practices inflicted physical harm through negative spil-
lovers. The alleged harm was psychic - a moral offense. Thus, those concerns prop-
erly belong in the next category.
13 In legal parlance, the distinction is between 'incorporated PPM's' (where the process affects the
physical constitution of the product) and 'unincorporated PPM's' (where it does not). Only the latter
are controversial.
14 Keith Maskus (1997), Should Core Labor Standards be Imposed Through International Trade
Policy, Policy Research Working Paper No. 1817, Washington, DC: World Bank.
EC Seal Products 345
allowing nations to impose 'social safeguards' tariffs against countries that follow
labor practices that can be shown, through a series of filters, to be morally repre-
hensible to a majority of citizens in the importers. His argument is that high-stan-
dard countries, such as the United States, have expressed in their legislation social
preferences against certain domestic production technologies, such as child labor
use and 'sweat shops'. However, allowing free imports with low-standard
countries is, in his view, simply an additional technology that is equivalent to
importing foreign workers and allowing them to work under these unacceptable
conditions. Accordingly, importing nations should be allowed to prevent access
to this technology as well via trade restrictions.
Maskus quotes T. N. Srinivasan as critiquing the idea:
acceptance of this proposal would pose considerable difficulties for the trading
system. Apart from technical difficulties in calculating appropriate social tariffs,
its logic would open the WTO to trade sanctions imposed by countries for any
purpose related to cost-raising domestic regulations. Countries constrain or pro-
hibit numerous types of processes for environmental, health, aesthetic, and other
reasons. Under Rodrik's approach, any such differences in domestic and foreign
production regulations potentially could invite tariffs to offset resulting cost
variations.
Note that Srinivasan's argument, as quoted, presumes a limitation that need not
exist in the public morals setting. He imagines that there must at least be a
linkage between foreign practice and domestic costs. With public morals, there
need be no such linkage. The public could be offended by multinationals linked
to imperialism, or by countries with objectionable human rights records. All that
seems required is a sincere belief that the act is offensive and commerce would,
directly or indirectly, support the act.
In his consideration of the GATT public morals clause, Charnovitz finds rela-
tively few limitations. He writes:
The danger of protectionist abuse is real. Virtually anything can be characterized
as a moral issue. At this point, however, it seems premature to worry about
overuse of article XX(a). One can imagine nations justifying many import bans
as morally based. Throughout the 50 years of the GATT-WTO system,
however, no member state has challenged a morally based import ban.' -'
That last consolation, of course, no longer applies. In his invocation of protectionist
danger, Charnovitz raises the specter of mixed motives, which we have deferred to
the following section.
The point here is the potential breadth of moral claims. The potential for extra-
territoriality and overreach has drawn dramatic speculative examples from other
authors, particularly in the analyses of the US-Gambling decision, which relied
15 Steve Charnovitz (1998), 'The Moral Exception in Trade Policy', The Virginia Journal of
InternationalLaw, 38(Summer): 21.
346 PHILIP I. LEVY AND DONALD H. REGAN
on the analogous GATS Article XIV(a). Marwell attributes the growing challenge
of limiting public morals cases under the GATT to the burgeoning membership of
the organization:
Amongst 148 WTO Member States, 'public morals' could mean anything from
religious views on drinking alcohol or eating certain foods to cultural attitudes
toward pornography, free expression, human rights, labor norms, women's
rights, or general cultural judgments about education or social welfare. What
one society defines as public morals may have little relevance for another, at
16
least outside a certain core of religious or cultural traditions.
Wu, in his analysis of US-Gambling, provides a trichotomy of potential public
morals measures:
Type I restrictions are those used to directly safeguard the morals of inhabitants
within one's own country. The US ban on internet gambling would fall into this
category, as would bans on pornography, narcotics, or alcohol. Type II restric-
tions are those linked to the protection of those directly involved in the pro-
duction of the product or service in the exporting state. For example, a ban on
products made by child labor would fall within this category, as would a ban
on services for sex tourism. Type III restrictions are those aimed at products or
services produced in an exporting state whose practices are considered morally
offensive by the importing state, but where the practices are not directly involved
in the production of the products or service being banned. An example would be
an outright ban on imports from Sudan because of its government's human rights
17
violations in Darfur.
Wu goes on to recommend that a natural limitation on morals measures would be
to limit countries to Type I restrictions. This typology matches only imperfectly
with one based on an economic welfare approach. In the Type I examples given
in the quoted paragraph- gambling, pornography, narcotics, or alcohol- we
think of the harm as deriving from either an individual's consumption or the nega-
tive spillovers of the consumption of others in the community. Such a narrow
reading of Type I moral concerns would effectively take us back to the types of
welfare analysis described before this section. In Wu's typology, seal hunting
should properly fall within Type II. However, the EU claim, if taken seriously, is
that EU consumers suffer moral harm from purchasing the products of seal
hunts. If the moral harm is psychic in this way, rather than through consumption,
and if states have the right to try to alleviate this harm, then it is hard to see why it
matters whether the sincere moral offense stems from a production process or from
16 Jeremy C. Marwell (2006), 'Trade and morality: The WTO public morals exception after gam-
bling', New York University Law Review, 81: 802, at 815.
17 Mark Wu (2008), 'Free Trade and the Protection of Public Morals: An Analysis of the Newly
Emerging Public Morals Clause Doctrine', The Virginia Journal of InternationalLaw, 33: 215, at 235.
EC Seal Products 347
dealing with an individual, company, or country that the morally sensitive inhabi-
tants of the importing country find objectionable.
This moral category of welfare claim poses commensurate challenges when it
comes to measurability. Though a trade measure would necessarily apply to a
good or service imported from another country, there need be no observable
characteristic of that product to reveal whether it should be subject to the
measure. Nor would there need to be any observable transboundary flows of pol-
lution or other diminished migration.
In fact, the measurability problem runs even deeper. One of the questions raised
in the EC-Seal Productscase was whether the EU seal regime served to ameliorate
the problem. If the 'problem' were the Canadian or Norwegian seal hunts, then evi-
dence of the sort presented in the Panel decision" s should suffice. But the EC-Seal
Products case is emphatically not about animal welfare, which would be covered
under GATT Article XX(b). The Panel writes: 'Based on the examination of the
measure at issue as well as other available evidence before us, we determined
that the objective of the EC Seal Regime was to address the EC public moral con-
cerns on seal welfare. 19 We further found this objective to fall within the scope of
20
the policy objective governed by Article XX(a).'
The extent of public moral concern is substantially more difficult to measure.
Nor is it obvious that such a psychological measure would vary (strongly) mono-
tonically with more observable measures, such as the number of seals hunted. If
we fielded a survey across the EC, for example, which asked the public how
upset they were about seal hunting on a scale of 1 to 10, we might well get the
same level of moral concern in a year in which 400,000 seals were killed as in a
year in which 100,000 seals were killed. There would be nothing irrational or
ignorant about such a finding; an EU citizen could feel strong outrage if even
one seal were killed and need not reserve additional levels of outrage for higher
death tolls. Technically, though, this demonstrates both that the problem (moral
concern) is exceedingly difficult to measure, and that actions to diminish the
subject of concern need not diminish the moral concern itself.
18 Para. 7.457.
19 See Section 7.3.3.1 above.
20 Para. 7.640.
348 PHILIP I. LEVY AND DONALD H. REGAN
21 This may overstate the ease of reaching agreement, but in an interesting and relevant way. Countries
might oppose agreement because they would fear interpretations of a new rule with which they might dis-
agree. This would be an instance of the dangers of anticipated expansive interpretation, as discussed below.
22 Wu, 'Free Trade and the Protection of Public Morals', supra note 17, p. 241.
23 Note, for example, common US disdain for proceedings of the UN General Assembly, as well as
staunch US defense of its ability to block measure at the IMF.
24 Rob Howse, Joanna Langille, and Katie Sykes (2014), 'Sealing the Deal: The WTO's Appellate Body
Report in EC Seal Products', ASIL Insights, 18(12): 4 June 2014, http://www.asil.org/insights/volume/i8/
issue/12/sealing-deal-wto's-appellate-body-report-ec-seal-products.
EC Seal Products 349
25 The decisions spend ample time establishing that there is no real expectation that IC or MRM seal
hunts would be more humane.
26 It is interesting to note that the EU public apparently has difficulty striking a balance between the
different moral imperatives of protecting seals and supporting indigenous communities. The indigenous
community in Greenland the most likely intended beneficiary of EU Seals Regime exceptions saw a
decline in demand after the adoption of the regime. Even though their products were allowed in, consumers
shunned them. See http://arcticjournal.com/politics/494/eu-ban-bLamed-rapid-decline-greenland-sealing.
This also raises questions that have been neglected in the main text about whether trade action is truly
necessary if there is broad moral concern.
27 This somewhat exaggerates the case. Panels have subjected the stated purposes of defendants to
scrutiny.
28 For a survey, see John G. Riley (2001), 'Silver Signals: Twenty-Five Years of Screening and
Signaling', Journalof Economic Literature, 39(2): 432 478.
350 PHILIP I. LEVY AND DONALD H. REGAN
contract (trade agreement), they must base their assessments on their interpret-
29
ations and expectations about what such vague phrases will mean in practice.
In this setting, we will treat the EC-Seal Products case as one that establishes a
clear path for the Respondent to restrict Complainant's access in the seal market.
We will further assume that the restriction came as a surprise- Article XX(a)
emerged as more potent than Complainant had expected.
Under these assumptions, what is the implication of the decision for the state of
trade relations between the two countries, present and future? We conclude our
analysis with a number of scenarios:
1. If we interpret EC Seal Products as an unexpected restriction on Complainant's
market access, we can first consider the possibility that the change is symmetric. If
Complainant can identify moral concerns within its populace that justify equiv-
alent restrictions on Respondent's market access, we will end up in a setting very
much like a dispute with retaliation imposed. The balance of concessions will be
preserved, but market access will be less generous.
2. If Complainant cannot plausibly identify equivalent moral concerns, then the
balance of concessions will be upset. Now, from a political perspective,
Respondent will see the reinterpreted agreement as more appealing, while
Complainant will see it as less appealing. Presumably, at some point, an imbal-
ance could cause Complainant to consider whether the agreement was
worthwhile.
3. The situation gets more interesting if we think of the Complainant-Respondent
agreement as evolving through repeated negotiations, rather than as a single-
shot accord. In this case, we can draw on the lessons of Kydland and
Prescott's seminal work on time-inconsistency. 30 If Complainant now expects
to have Respondent limit promised market access in future periods,
Complainant will limit the concessions it makes at the time of agreement.
Typically, the result is that the potential for negative surprises (discretion) can
result in an inferior equilibrium to a precommitment to a set of rules (in this
case corresponding to the expectations of a narrower interpretation of Article
XX(a)).
4. A more difficult situation to analyze occurs if we consider repeated interactions in
which Complainant can use the broader interpretation of Article XX(a) to reba-
lance concessions with Respondent. In this case, we can think of the broadening
29 There is a nascent literature on incomplete contracts and renegotiation in trade agreements. See, in
particular, Giovanni Maggi, and Robert W. Staiger (forthcoming) 'Optimal Design of Trade Agreements in
the Presence of Renegotiation', American EconomicJournal:Microeconomics. While this is one sign of the
importance of the issue, the literature is still at a stage at which it is difficult to apply directly to cases such as
the one at hand.
30 Finn E. Kydland and Edward C. Prescott (1977), 'Rules rather than Discretion: The Inconsistency of
Optimal Plans', The Journal of PoliticalEconomy, 85(3): 473 491.
352 PHILIP I. LEVY AND DONALD H. REGAN
3. Legal analysis
In this section, we discuss the TBT issues in both the Panel and Appellate Body
reports. As we explained in the Introduction, the EU seal products regime bans
the import and marketing of seal products. The ban covers both pure seal products
(such as skins or pure seal oil) and products containing seal (such as seal fur coats,
or food supplements combining seal oil and other ingredients). There are three
exceptions to the ban, the IC (indigenous communities) exception, the MRM
(marine resources management) exception, and the Travelers' exception. The
Travelers' exception was not challenged. As between the IC exception and the
MRM exception, the IC exception is much more important: it gets much more
attention, and all the important legal issues are raised in connection with it. So
we shall discuss only the IC exception, often writing, for convenience, as if it
were the only one. It is worth noting here, for those who worry that tribunals
will be too generous in allowing moral purposes, that while the Panel found the
IC exception had a legitimate purpose that was not evenhandedly applied, it
rejected the MRM exception's purpose outright (and the EU did not bother to
appeal this rejection).
The seal products regime consisted of a basic regulation, adopted by the
European Parliament and Council on 16 September 2009,31 and implementing
regulations for the exceptions, adopted by the Commission on 10 August
2010.32 By general agreement, the basic regulation and implementing regulations
were treated as a single measure. Limiting ourselves to the TBT challenges,
Canada challenged the measure under TBT 2.1,2.2, 5.1.2, and 5.2.1. Norway chal-
lenged the measure under TBT 2.2, 5.1.2, and 5.2.1. The Panel found that the
measure was a technical regulation, and that it violated TBT 2.1 and 5.1.2, first sen-
tence. It found no violation of TBT 2.2, nor of 5.1.2, second sentence, nor of 5.2.1.
The Appellate Body's only finding under the TBT was that the measure was not
shown to be a technical regulation.
31 Regulation (EQ No 1007/2009 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 16 September
2009, Official Journal of the European Union, L Series, No. 286 (31 October 2009).
32 Commission Regulation (EU) No 737/2010 of 10 August 2010, Official Journal of the European
Union, L Series, No. 216 (17 August 2010).
EC Seal Products 353
conclusion 'is not affected by the fact that the prohibition of seals 'in their natural
state' might not, in itself, prescribe or impose any "characteristics"'1. 37 But they
never say unambiguously whether they see the EU measure a having a part that
does not lay down a product characteristic, namely the ban on pure seal products
(such as seal skins and pure seal oil). Instead, they jump to a discussion of 'appli-
cable administrative provisions', namely the administrative provisions for enfor-
cing the exceptions. They implicitly recognize that the relevant administrative
provisions must be about product characteristics (or their related PPM's), 3 and
by this route they back into a discussion of whether the exceptions lay down
product characteristics. They decide that the exceptions do lay down product
characteristics; and, on that basis, they decide that the measure as a whole is a tech-
nical regulation.
The Panel finds that the exceptions lay down product characteristics because they
specify 'objectively definable features',"39 a phrase they had quoted previously from
the EC-Asbestos Appellate Body. But what the Appellate Body said in full (and the
Panel had quoted) was that 'characteristics' included 'objectively definable "fea-
tures", "qualities", "attributes", or other "distinguishing mark" of a product'. The
full list here suggests a concern with intrinsic or near-intrinsic properties. This
impression is greatly strengthened by the next sentence of the EC-Asbestos
report, which the Panel did not quote. This sentence says that, 'Such "character-
istics" might relate, inter alia, to a product's composition, size, shape, colour,
texture, hardness, tensile strength, flammability, conductivity, density, or vis-
cosity'. 40 This is a list of intrinsic, or near-intrinsic, properties of the product-
and not, incidentally, properties related to the product's usefulness for particular
purposes. All of them are a far cry from the 'feature' the Panel finds is a product
characteristic, namely 'having been killed by an Inuit'. To be sure, the EC-
Asbestos Appellate Body also said, as the Panel quoted above, that 'product charac-
teristics' are not limited to intrinsic features of the product itself, but include
'related "characteristics", such as the means of identification, the presentation
and the appearance of a product'. But this reference to labeling and means of
identification does not seem like an invitation to regard all non-intrinsic properties
of a product as 'product characteristics'.
In the Panel's defense, we have got to a somewhat surprising place in TBT juris-
prudence. Are the regulations in US-Tuna II (Mexico)4 1 and US-COOL, 42 which
are about labeling, really so different in substance from the EU seal regime? Like the
43 The suggestion that PPM's are not 'product characteristics' within the meaning of TBT Annex 1.1 is
perfectly consistent with the argument Rob Howse and I have made that PPM's are relevant to 'likeness' in
GATT I:1and 111:4. The two issues involve different terms, in different contexts. See Robert Howse and
Donald Regan (2000), 'The Product/Process Distinction An Illusory Basis for Disciplining
"Unilateralism" in Trade Policy', European Journal of InternationalLaw, 11(2): 249 289.
356 PHILIP I. LEVY AND DONALD H. REGAN
approach would turn all PPM's into product characteristics, in view of the fact
that the Panel later claims to have been able to avoid deciding any issue
44
about PPM's.
The Appellate Body's second approach involves identifying the most 'integral
and essential aspect' of the measure, which in the Appellate Body's view is the
exception.5 0 Focusing on this most 'integral and essential aspect', the Appellate
Body concludes that the measure is not a technical regulation, because the excep-
tion does not lay down a product characteristic.5 1 But in general, trying to identify
the most 'integral and essential aspect' of a complicated regulatory scheme is a sen-
seless task. Illustrating that point, the Appellate Body's identification of the excep-
tion as the most 'integral and essential' aspect in this case seems bizarre. The
Appellate Body says the 'prohibition on the products containing seal [i.e.,
the ban] seems to be derivative of the ... permissive component of the measure
[the exceptions]'. 5 2 But how can the ban be 'derivative' of the exceptions, when
its purpose, which is preventing moral outrage at seal suffering, is completely dis-
tinct from the purpose of the exceptions, which is allowing the preservation of Inuit
culture, and so on? Surely it is clear that the EU first conceived of the ban, and only
then realized that it wanted the IC exception (and the others).
There are cases where it does seem plausible to think of the ban as derivative. For
example, the stadium owner who excludes people from the baseball game unless
they buy a ticket. There is no independent purpose for the ban on entry; the
owner is not trying to minimize the number of people in the stadium. It's just
that excluding people who don't have a ticket is the only way to get people to
buy tickets. In this example, there is only one purpose, getting ticket revenue;
and the function of the ban is simply to provide an incentive for people to buy
tickets (that is, to bring themselves within the exception). So the ban does indeed
seem derivative. Conversely, there are cases where the exception may seem deriva-
tive, for example, the final US shrimp-turtle regulation, which (simplified) says that
no shrimp harvested without US-style turtle-excluder devices [TED's] can enter the
US market, except shrimp from places where there are no turtles. Here the only
purpose is protecting turtles, and the ban is what achieves that purpose. The excep-
tion is for cases where the purpose simply is not implicated. But the EC-Seal
Products case is not like either the ball-park case or the shrimp-turtle case. In
EC-Seal Products, there are two distinct purposes, which sometimes conflict;
people cannot act to bring themselves within the exception; and the purpose of
the ban is fully implicated even in the cases where the exception is made. In
truth, EC-Seal Products represents the only sort of case where it is entirely
natural to talk about a 'ban' and an 'exception'. There is something forced
about describing either of the other cases that way. But enough. I hope we have
said enough to establish the oddity of saying the ban is 'derivative' in EC-Seal
Products, and to suggest the fruitlessness of asking, in complex cases, what aspect
53
of the regulation is most 'integral and essential'.
In the end, neither the nose-counting-over-all-aspects approach, nor the
approach of deciding by reference to the most 'integral and essential' aspect,
seems to make much sense. Consider what happens if we try to apply these
approaches to an even simpler case. Imagine that the EU seal regime consisted
only of the ban, on both pure seal products and seal-containing products, with
no exceptions. Would this be a technical regulation or not? On the nose-counting
approach as applied by the Appellate Body, the score over distinct aspects is a one-
to-one tie. We might break the tie by saying it is the complaining Member's burden
to show the measure is a technical regulation; so in case of a tie, the regulation is not
a technical regulation. But this 'burden of proof' approach does not seem apposite
when the issue is the purely legal issue of whether a measure is a technical regu-
lation, where no relevant facts about how the measure operates are in dispute. If
instead we adopt the 'most integral and essential aspect' approach, how do we
decide whether it is the ban on pure seal products or the ban on seal-containing pro-
ducts that is dominant? The only apparent test would be the quantity (or value, or
some such) of commerce in each category; but then the measure would be a tech-
nical regulation or not, depending on whether the commerce in seal-containing pro-
ducts was just more or just less than half the total.
There is another possible approach, overlooked by both the Panel and the
Appellate Body, that might seem more sensible. We could distinguish between
the measure as applied to pure seal products, and the measure as applied to seal-
containing products. If there are doubts about the textual basis for such an 'as
applied to ... ' distinction, we could follow the lead of the Panel in EC-Biotech
54
Products ('GMOs'), in their discussion of a ban justified by multiple purposes.
We could say that the EC seal products regime actually creates two measures,
one applying to pure seal products, and the other applying to seal-containing pro-
ducts. But this approach is problematic as well. There is no apparent reason why a
measure about products containing seal (which would be a technical regulation on
the EC-Asbestos approach) should be subject to the distinctive disciplines of TBT
2.2 and 2.4, while a measure about pure seal products is not.
The true upshot of all this may be that we need a deeper rethinking of our
approach to the TBT. Perhaps we should pay more attention to the idea that the
TBT is supposed to be about technical regulations and standards. As we noted
above, when the EC-Asbestos Appellate Body gave examples of 'product charac-
teristics', it was a very technical-sounding list ('composition, size, shape, colour,
texture, hardness, tensile strength, flammability, conductivity, density, or
53 The Appellate Body's confusion could be made more understandable by discussing the peculiar
drafting of both the EU's basic regulation and the implementing regulations. But space limitations forbid.
54 EC Measures Affecting the Approval and Marketing of Biotech Products,WT/DS291 & 292 &
293/R (adopted 21 November 2006), paras. 7.162 7.170.
EC Seal Products 359
'evenhanded' under TBT 2.1 corresponds to the question whether it satisfies the
chapeau of GATT XX.
Let us take it step-by-step. The first question in the Panel's 2.1 analysis is whether
the measure involves 'like products'. This is precisely the same question under TBT
2.1 as it is under GATT 111:4, since US-Clove Cigarettes simply imported into TBT
2.1 the current GATT 111:4 definition of 'likeness' in terms of 'competitive relation-
ship'. 57 The next question the Panel asks is whether there is 'less favorable treat-
ment' for some foreign products. This question is subdivided into (a) whether
there is disparate impact on competitive conditions, and (b) whether, if so, the dis-
parate impact 'stems exclusively from legitimate regulatory distinctions'. Question
(a), about disparate impact, corresponds to the question whether there is 'less
favorable treatment' in the Appellate Body's current approach to GATT 111:4,
since they seem to regard 'less favorable treatment' as involving just disparate
impact. 58 The Panel's question (b), about whether the disparate impact stems
from legitimate distinctions, is further subdivided into (i) whether there is a 'legit-
imate regulatory purpose', and (ii) whether the regulation pursues that purpose
'evenhandedly'. Question (i), about legitimate regulatory purpose, corresponds
to the question whether the measure comes within one of the specific sub-para-
graphs of GATT XX; and question (ii), about 'evenhandedness', corresponds to
the question whether the measure satisfies the chapeau of GATT XX. 59 (Despite
matter of competitive relationship; but they then presented us with a mystery box in their enigmatic para-
graph 100 on 'less favorable treatment'. In Dominican Republic Measures Affecting the Importation and
Internal Sale of Cigarettes,WT/DS302/AB/R (adopted 19 May 2005), para. 96, the Appellate Body said
explicitly that there was not 'less favorable treatment' if the disparate impact was explained by factors
unrelated to the foreign origin of the products. Then in US Clove Cigarettes, n.372 to para. 179, the
Appellate Body simply denies that Dominican Republic Cigaretteswas concerned with whether the dispa-
rate impact was explained by foreign origin. The US Clove CigarettesAppellate Body dismisses one sen-
tence where Dominican Republic Cigarettes said that explicitly, and they ignore a later sentence in the
same paragraph that repeated the point. Instead, they quote a sentence from in between those two sentences
about foreign origin. It is true that the sentence the US Clove Cigarettes Appellate Body quotes did not
mention foreign origin; the reason is that it was describing what the other explanation, unrelated to
foreign origin, was in the actual case. In sum, history gives us little reason to expect that the Appellate
Body's GATT 111:4 jurisprudence five years hence will be what it is now. For the full story, and my preferred
approach, see Donald Regan (2012), 'Regulatory Purpose in GATT Article III, TBT Article 2.1, the
Subsidies Agreement, and Elsewhere: Hic et Ubique', in Denise Prevost and Geert Van Calster (eds.),
Research Handbook on Environment, Health, and the WTO, Edward Elgar, pp. 41 78, at 42 61.
571 have suggested elsewhere that importing the GATT 111:4 criterion of 'likeness' into TBT 2.1 was a
mistake. Regan, 'Regulatory Purpose', supra note 53, at 61 68.
58 See, e.g., EC Seal Products, Appellate Body, para. 5.125, and the discussion of US Clove
Cigarettes, supra note 53.
59 Some sub-paragraphs of GATT XX, those stated in terms of 'necessity', require a least-restrictive-
alternative analysis, while others do not. But even when the sub-paragraph does not require least-restric-
tive-alternative analysis, the Appellate Body has read such a requirement into the chapeau, as in the
decision in US Import Prohibitionof Certain Shrimp and Shrimp Products, WT/DS58/AB/R (adopted 6
November 1998), that US-style TED's were not necessary in Malaysian shrimping grounds. So it seems
that, one way or another, least-restrictive-alternative analysis is always required under GATT XX. It is
not entirely clear whether the EC Seal Products Panel would do this analysis under question (b)(i) or
EC Seal Products 361
this structural isomorphism, we shall see below that the range of possible justifying
purposes may be broader under TBT 2.1 than under GATT XX; and the burden of
proof may not be allocated the same way.)
In EC-Seal Products, the issue of whether all seal products were 'like' was not
controverted. The issue about disparate impact on competitive conditions was con-
troverted, but the Panel decided without difficulty that there was disparate impact,
and this need not detain us. So we are left with the questions whether there was a
legitimate regulatory purpose, and whether that purpose was implemented
evenhandedly.
3.2.1 Legitimate regulatory purpose: the indigenous culture purpose (and the
phantasmal 'Brazil-Tyres rule')
The EU says the purpose of the IC exception is to allow the preservation of Inuit
culture. (We shall allow the Inuit, the only indigenous communities involve in
the present case, to stand in for all indigenous communities.) It is striking that
the EU apparently does not characterize its concern for Inuit culture as a matter
of public morals, since they do characterize their concern for seal welfare that
way (as we discuss in Section 3.3). Nor does the Panel ever characterize the
concern for Inuit culture as a matter of public morals. 60 In fact, the Panel treats
the concern for Inuit culture as a legitimate purpose, without attempting to bring
it under any bit of WTO text at all. The Panel does point to international conven-
tions and resolutions that assert the rights of indigenous peoples to maintain their
cultures. But it carefully says that it uses these international documents only as
'factual evidence' that 'demonstrate [s] the recognized interests of Inuit and indigen-
ous peoples in preserving their traditions and cultures'. 61 Remarkably, Canada
does not seem to object (or no more than half-heartedly) to the idea that a
purpose to allow preservation of Inuit culture can be a legitimate purpose in prin-
ciple under the TBT. That may be because of Canada's lack of success in arguing
against the consumer-information purpose in US-COOL. Or it may be because
Canada has a different sort of objection to the EU's relying on the Inuit culture
purpose in this context. (We will return to Canada's objection in a moment.)
The Panel does not offer any general discussion of what is a 'legitimate purpose'
under the TBT. But the most natural reading of their approach suggests that they
regard any sincerely held purpose as legitimate, provided it is not protectionism
(b)(ii) above, but there is no reason to doubt that they would regard failure to use a less restrictive alterna-
tive as relevant. (This does not make TBT 2.2 redundant, since 2.2 applies even when there is no disparate
impact.)
60 One could argue that it does so implicitly when it writes, '[W]e did not consider that the evidence
before us supports the European Union's position that the EU public attributes a higher moral value to
the protection of Inuit interests as compared to seal welfare' (EC Seal Products (Panel), para. 7.299.
But this is in any case a negative judgment on the idea that the particularresolution of the seals/Inuit
conflict represents a formed view of the EU public.
61 Ibid., para. 7.295.
362 PHILIP I. LEVY AND DONALD H. REGAN
(in the national treatment context), or does not involve favoritism for traders of one
country over another (in the most-favored nation context). On this view, we are not
looking for a positive list of legitimate purposes; rather, we have a much shorter list
of purposes that are not legitimate. Both in principle and in practice, these are very
different approaches. And focusing on identifying and restraining illegitimate pur-
poses is more consistent with the general spirit of the WTO as a negative integration
agreement.
Notice that focusing on illegitimate purposes under the TBT may mean that a
wider range of regulatory purposes are acceptable under the TBT than under
GATT Article XX. One has to stretch, for example, to bring the Inuit culture
purpose within GATT XX. Is Inuit culture a 'national treasure of artistic, historic
or archaeological value' under XX(f)? Can we argue under XX(b) that destruction
of indigenous cultures tends to have negative effects on public health? Or must we
rely on the kitchen-sink interpretation of the 'public morals' exception of XX(a)?
As long as the Appellate Body is committed to not considering regulatory
purpose under GATT 111:4 or GATT 1:1, there will be pressure to expand Article
XX to cover all purposes that are not illegitimate. 6 2 And if we do not expand
Article XX, the range of permissible purposes under the GATT will be narrower
63
than the range under the TBT.
Now back to Canada's objection to relying on the Inuit culture purpose to justify
the IC exception. Canada relies on Brazil-Tyres64 for the proposition that if an
exception to a prima facie justified ban has a disparate impact, then that exception
can only be justified by reference to the same purpose that justifies the ban itself.
Confronted with this argument, the EC-Seal Products Panel finds that the IC
exception is not justified by the public morals purpose that justifies the ban, since
the evidence does not establish that Inuit hunts are more humane than commercial
hunts (indeed, the evidence may suggest that they are less humane). 65 But even
though the Panel seems to accept Canada's assertion of the existence of the
'Brazil-Tyres rule' against multiple purposes, they decline to apply the rule in
this case; and they find that the EU can justify the IC exception by the separate
purpose of preserving Inuit culture. The Panel's sketchy argument about why
this case is different from Brazil-Tyres seems entirely conclusory. 6 6 Nonetheless,
62 Similarly, the Appellate Body's very generous interpretation in US Measures Affecting the Cross-
Border Supply of Gambling and Betting Services, WT/DS285/AB/R (adopted 7 April 2005) of 'public
morals or public order' in GATS XIV(a) was necessitated by their mistaken finding of a XVI:2(a) violation.
See Donald Regan (2007), 'A Gambling Paradox: Why an Origin-Neutral 'Zero-Quota' Is Not a Quota
Under GATS Article XVI', Journal of World Trade, 41(6): 1297 1317, and other articles cited there.
63 The EC Seal ProductsAppellate Body, paras. 5.126 5.129, is notably ambivalent about whether
this is the case, and whether they care.
64 Brazil Measures Affecting Imports of Retreaded Tyres, WT/DS332/AB/R (adopted 17 December
2007).
65 EC Seal Products (Panel), para. 7.275.
66 See EC Seal Products (Panel), paras. 7.296 7.298.
EC Seal Products 363
the Panel is right to ignore the 'Brazil-Tyres rule'. The rule makes no sense; the only
argument that is suggested for it in Brazil-Tyres is based on a misunderstanding of
US-Shrimp; and there is a charitable reading available on which the Brazil -Tyres
Appellate Body did not mean to lay down the rule at all.
As to why the putative Brazil-Tyres rule makes no sense, reasonable regulators
often have multiple legitimate purposes, which point in different directions in par-
ticular cases. Here the EU wants to discourage inhumane seal hunting, and it also
wants to allow preservation of the Inuit way of life. In the case of Inuit seal hunting,
these purposes come into conflict. There is no reason at all to say that because it is
the former purpose that explains the ban, that purpose must prevail in all cases of
conflict. A fair-minded regulator could perfectly well conclude that when the pur-
poses conflict, it is more important to allow the expression of Inuit culture than to
protect seals. We may well think that as the regulatory regime responds to more
and more purposes, the opportunities for covert protectionism, or for favoritism
between trading partners, increase, so we should look for such covert purposeful
discrimination with special care. But the danger of covert protectionism is not so
great, nor so unmanageable, that it calls for a flat rule that the regulator must
respond to only one purpose, a rule that would do enormous violence to sensible
decision making. If both purposes appear to be genuine, as they do here, the regu-
lator should be free to decide as it will about cases of conflict, unless there is per-
suasive evidence of misbehavior.
The only argument the Brazil-Tyres Appellate Body gave for their supposed sug-
gestion that an exception must be justified by the same purpose as the underlying
ban was an analogy to US-Shrimp. They wrote:
We note, for example, that one of the bases on which the Appellate Body relied in
US Shrimp for concluding that the operation of the measure at issue resulted in
unjustifiable discrimination was that one particular aspect of the application of
the measure (the measure implied that, in certain circumstances, shrimp caught
abroad using methods identical to those employed in the United States would
be excluded from the United States market) was 'difficult to reconcile with the
declared objective of protecting and conserving sea turtles'. Accordingly, we
have difficulty understanding how discrimination might be viewed as complying
with the chapeau of Article XX when the alleged rationale for discriminating does
not relate to the pursuit of or would go against the objective that was provision-
ally found to justify a measure under a paragraph of Article XX'. [Citations to
67
US Shrimp omitted.]
But the situation in Brazil-Tyres was completely different from the situation in
US-Shrimp. The United States in US-Shrimp did not claim to have multiple pur-
poses (as Brazil did in Brazil-Tyres). The only justifying purpose the US offered
for any aspect of the measure was the protection of turtles. So, of course, if some
discriminatory feature of the measure was not justified by that purpose, it was not
justified; but only because there was no other purpose on offer. In US-Shrimp, the
Appellate Body did not reject any proffered purpose on the ground that it was
68
different from the purpose of the ban.
There is a way to make sense of Brazil-Tyres, which makes the analogy to US-
Shrimp more plausible, and which suggests that the Appellate Body in Brazil-Tyres
was not really relying on the 'Brazil-Tyres rule' at all. In Brazil-Tyres, the purpose
of the import ban was protection of health, and the purpose that was offered to
justify the exception for Mercosur countries was complying with a Mercosur tribu-
nal's judgment. Arguably, this was not a legitimate purpose at all in the context of
the case. For one thing, it is not clear that Brazil actually had an obligation under
Mercosur, except by virtue of its own incompetence in not relying on Mercosur's
Article XX(b) analogue in the Mercosur proceeding against it. (Incompetence,
unless it was attempting to create a WTO justification for favoring its Mercosur
partners.) Even if Brazil did have an obligation under Mercosur, a WTO
Member cannot simply supersede its WTO obligation, at least not for WTO
purposes, by pointing to some other conflicting treaty obligation. (In some
circumstances, of course, GATT Article XXIV allows precisely this, but the
Brazil-Tyres Appellate Body argued that Article XXIV did not save Brazil in this
case.)6 9 So Brazil's purpose of satisfying its Mercosur obligation was simply not
a legitimate purpose at all, in this context; and that is why Brazil could not rely
on it.
The Brazil-Tyres Appellate Body never says flatly that complying with the
Mercosur judgment is not a legitimate purpose (perhaps because they were
bemused by the fact that it obviously is legitimate in the abstract). But they do
discuss all the reasons we have given for finding the purpose illegitimate in this
context. Furthermore, whenever they explain specifically why Brazil cannot rely
on the compliance purpose, they say things like the following: 'In our view, the
ruling issued by the MERCOSUR arbitral tribunal is not an acceptable rationale
for the discrimination, because it bears no relationship to the legitimate objective
70
pursued by the Import Ban that falls within the purview of Article XX(b)'.
There is always a reference to Article XX, which suggests that the Appellate
Body is troubled, not simply by the fact that the compliance purpose is different
from the health purpose, but more specifically by the fact that the compliance
purpose does not seem to fit under Article XX, as the health purpose does. If we
68 Note also that in US Shrimp, there was no question of justifying an exception to the underlying ban;
there was no exception. The US Shrimp Appellate Body's objection to the feature of the measure they were
discussing was that the ban itself was overbroad with respect to its purpose; the ban forbade more than the
purpose could explain. In effect, the US Shrimp Appellate Body was complaining about the failure to have
an 'exception' that was required by the purpose of the ban.
69 Brazil Tyres, n. 445 to para. 234.
70 Ibid., para. 228.
EC Seal Products 365
read the Appellate Body as responding to the reasons for regarding the compliance
purpose as illegitimate in the context, then Brazil-Tyres says nothing at all
about how to deal with multiple legitimate purposes, in EC-Seal Products or any
other case.
The EC-Seal Products Appellate Body discusses the 'Brazil-Tyres rule' briefly,
without clearly relying on it. They write:
[T]he European Union has failed to demonstrate, in our view, how the discrimi-
nation resulting from the manner in which the EU Seal Regime treats IC hunts as
compared to 'commercial' hunts can be reconciled with, or is related to, the policy
objective of addressing EU public moral concerns regarding seal welfare. In this
connection, we note that the European Union has not established, for example,
why the need to protect the economic and social interests of the Inuit and other
indigenous peoples necessarily implies that the European Union cannot do any-
thing further to ensure that the welfare of seals is addressed in the context of
71
IC hunts [which can also cause seal suffering].
The first sentence of this sounds like the 'Brazil-Tyres rule' pure and simple. That
would be unfortunate. But the second sentence suggests something subtler: that we
might allow the exception to be justified by a purpose different from, and even in
conflict with, the purpose of the ban, provided that the exception is designed in such
a way as to minimize the negative effect on the purpose of the ban from any
specified degree of achievement of the purpose of the exception. That makes
better sense. (Or at least, it would make better sense in a context where the ban
itself required a justifying purpose, as it does under TBT 2.2 in the Panel's analysis,
or as it did in Brazil-Tyres, which involved an import ban that violated GATT
XJ:1. But the EC-Seal Products Appellate Body is deciding the case under GATT
1:1, so the ban itself, being non-discriminatory, actually required no formal justifi-
cation. It seems odd to judge the exceptions in part by the purpose of the ban, which
arguably need never have come to the tribunal's official notice.)
3.2.2 Evenhandedness
Having decided that the purpose of preserving Inuit culture was legitimate, the
Panel faced one final question: whether the IC exception implemented this
purpose evenhandedly. Note that the exception might fail to be evenhanded
either (a) with regard to the distinction between the Greenland Inuit and
Canadiancommercial seal-hunters, or (b) with regard to the distinction between
the Greenland Inuit and CanadianInuit. The Panel considers a variety of evidence,
some of which is relevant to both questions, and some of which is relevant only to
the second question, without for the most part saying explicitly which question it
is concerned with. This vagueness leaves it unclear just what violation the Panel
finds, which means it is also unclear what violation must be corrected to bring
71 EC Seal Products (Appellate Body), para. 5.320, and cf. paras. 5.306, 5.321.
366 PHILIP I. LEVY AND DONALD H. REGAN
the measure into compliance. We should not have to speculate about what the
violation is. Tribunals should make it clear what aspects of a measure they are
finding illegal.
On the whole, it seems likely that the Panel found the measure un-evenhanded
only in the disparate treatment of the Greenland and Canadian Inuit, so we will
focus on that. Deciding whether the measure is evenhanded involves a highly
fact-based inquiry, and it is not our goal to say whether the Panel was right to
find the measure was not evenhanded. But there are things to say about the legal
structuring of the factual discussion, and on the proper interpretive approach to
certain aspects of the evidence. The first requisite is to be as specific as we can
about what 'evenhandedness' requires. The Panel sometimes writes as if the
measure is un-evenhanded just because of its disparate impact. Thus: 'This
[de facto exclusive access for Greenland Inuit] suggests in our view that the IC
exception was not designed or applied in an even-handed manner so as to make
the benefits of the exception available for all potential beneficiaries.' 72 But dispa-
rate impact cannot be enough. After all, the whole point of the general inquiry
into 'legitimate regulatory justification' is to validate some measures with disparate
impact. Also, if the Panel really thought disparate impact was all that mattered, its
discussion of evenhandedness could have been drastically shorter.
If the issue is not simply disparate impact, it is tempting to suggest the issue must
be discriminatory purpose. But this would be too quick. In US-Shrimp, for
example, 'arbitrary discrimination' was found on the basis of procedural inadequa-
cies in the United States' system for certifying other countries' turtle-protection
regimes. And one element of 'unjustified discrimination' was the refusal to
certify countries that did not require US-style turtle-excluder devices [TED's],
even when TED's were not necessary for turtle-protection. Neither of these
defects of the measure involved objectionable purpose. On the other hand, the
EC-Seal Products Panel does not discuss any analogues of these defects in
the EU seal products regime. So it appears that the issue about evenhandedness
in EC-Seal Products must be about purpose.
Even if that is right, there is still an important distinction to be made. Some
people argue that the EU regime cannot have had the purpose of favoring
the Greenland Inuit, because they were hurt by the regime, albeit less than the
Canadian Inuit. 7 3 This is a strong argument against the presence of discriminatory
purpose as we normally conceive it. To illustrate what I mean by 'discriminatory
purpose as we normally conceive it', consider a protectionist tariff. The purpose
of the tariff is precisely to discriminate, to put domestic and foreign producers in
different positions, and thus to improve the fortunes of the domestic producers.
(And, of course, this sort of discriminatory purpose has an analogue in the most-
favored nation context.) But there is no reason to think that the EU seal pro-
ducts regime was motivated by discriminatory purpose of this sort. Even aside
from the fact that the regime harmed the Greenland Inuit, there is no reason
to think the goal of the measure was to put Greenland and Canadian Inuit in
different positions. But even though there was no discriminatory purpose in
this most traditional sense, there may still have been what we might call 'dis-
crimination in respect of purpose'. Even if the regulator had no desire to
create disparity between the Greenland and Canadian Inuit for its own sake,
we could still think the regulator was more concerned to spare the Greenland
Inuit from the full effects of the ban than to spare the Canadian Inuit. Indeed,
the claim that there was this sort of 'discrimination in respect of purpose' is
very plausible.
Even given this discrimination in respect of purpose, there is a further point to
consider before we can conclude that there was a 2.1 violation. The ultimate ques-
tion under TBT 2.1 is not whether there was discriminatory purpose, or discrimi-
nation in respect of purpose, but whether the measure is discriminatory. Let us
hypothesize that the EU would have struck the balance between the value of indi-
genous culture and the value of seal welfare differently, and there would have been
no IC exception at all, were it not for Denmark's championing of the Greenland
Inuit. Even on this hypothesis, where the existence of the exception depends on
special concern for Greenland, it could still be that the terms of the exception do
not reflect greater concern with market access for the Greenland Inuit. This
would be perfectly clear if the exception turned out to be de facto available to
Canadian Inuit as well. But once we grasp the conceptual point that differential
concern for certain Inuit communities does not necessarily produce a discrimina-
tory exception, we should understand that that could be true even though the
exception has a disparate impact, if there is a non-discriminatory explanation for
that differential impact. And arguably there is. Apparently, the reason the
Canadian Inuit did not take advantage of the IC exception was that the certification
scheme requires segregation of Inuit and non-Inuit seal products (to make sure
commercial seal products are not masquerading as Inuit seal products). Such segre-
gation is practicable for Greenland seal products, because the Greenland Inuit seal
hunt is large enough to support its own processing facility. The Canadian Inuit
hunts are much smaller, and depend on processing facilities that also process com-
mercially hunted seal, and segregation would be too costly. So the disparate impact
of the IC exception seems to be explained by the difference in scale of the Greenland
and Canadian hunts. The obvious analogue here is the required bond to insure
payment of the cigarette tax in Dominican Republic-Cigarettes. Honduras
objected that because they sold fewer cigarettes in the Dominican Republic than
local producers did, the flat-rate bond created a greater burden on them, in the
form of a higher per-cigarette cost. The Appellate Body rejected that argument,
in effect saying that a disparate impact that was fully explained by a difference
368 PHILIP I. LEVY AND DONALD H. REGAN
in scale was not a GATT 111:4 violation. 74 So far, then, there does not seem to be a
convincing case that the EU seal products regime is un-evenhanded.
The Panel says darkly that the fact the Greenland Inuit can use the IC exception
and the Canadian Inuit cannot is 'not merely an incidental effect of the application
of the measure'.75 This sounds like saying the disparate impact was part of the EU's
purpose. But all the evidence shows is that this disparate impact was not unantici-
pated. The Panel points out that the 2010 COWI Report, done for the Commission,
predicted that only the Greenland Inuit would be able to take advantage of the Inuit
exception, because only they operated on a scale that would make satisfying the
certification requirements economically feasible. 76 So the EU could anticipate the
disparate impact. But that is not the same as being motivated to achieve it.
Arguably, the EU merely chose the certification scheme that would most reliably
prevent commercial seal products from masquerading as Inuit products, which
was central to their concerns.
We quoted the Panel above saying: 'This [de facto exclusive access for Greenland
Inuit] suggests in our view that the IC exception was not designed or applied in an
even-handed manner so as to make the benefits of the exception available for all
potential beneficiaries'. 77 We have explained why this cannot mean that disparate
impact by itself makes the exception un-evenhanded. But it might suggest instead
that the EU regime was un-evenhanded because the EU made insufficient efforts
to facilitate access for the Canadian Inuit. The Appellate Body in EC-Seal
Products, citing US-Shrimp 2 1 .5 ,7s complains specifically that the EU did not
exert 'comparable effort' on behalf of the Canadian Inuit. 7 9 But this case is not
like US-Shrimp. In US-Shrimp, the United States did things for some countries
that it did not do for the complainants: it negotiated more with them (and con-
cluded one regional agreement); and it allowed them a longer phase-in time for
the newly required technology. There is no evidence that the EU did anything to
facilitate access for the Greenland Inuit (aside from Denmark's premature certifi-
cation of some shipments, which the EU explains as a misunderstanding by
Denmark of the new regulation). If the Panel thought that the EU should have
done more for the Canadian Inuit, they give no indication of what they had in
mind. Nor does the Appellate Body, beyond 'cooperative arrangements to facilitate
the access of Canadian Inuit to the IC exception'. 80 The Panel and Appellate Body
almost suggest that the test of whether the EU has made enough effort is whether
the Canadian Inuit can sell in the EU. But US-Shrimp 21.5 made it clear that the
requirement of 'comparable effort' by the regulator does not mean that the com-
plainant country's goods must be admitted. 8 '
There are unquestionably certain ironies in the effects of the IC exception. The
Greenland Inuit have access to the EU market, and the Canadian Inuit do not,
even though the Greenland hunt is more commercialized than the Canadian Inuit
hunt. Similarly, the Greenland Inuit have access to the EU market, and Canadian
commercial hunters do not, even though the Greenland hunt is in some respects
more inhumane than the commercial hunt. (The Greenland Inuit sometimes use
nets to take seals, which is probably the most inhumane method of all.) But it
should be remembered that even if the Greenland hunt is more commercialized
than the Canadian Inuit hunt, it is still very different from the Canadian commer-
cial hunt. The Greenland Inuit hunters work alone or in pairs; a much greater pro-
portion of the seal products are consumed by the hunters or in their community;
sealing represents a much higher proportion of the hunters' income; and the
hunters have fewer alternative employment opportunities. Most importantly, the
Greenland hunt is the continuation of a long cultural history, which is changing
but still historically rooted and distinctive, and which is much more pervasive in
the lives of the Inuit than seal-hunting is for Canadian commercial hunters. In
sum, protecting the Greenland Inuit is not protecting a commercial hunt. As to
the claim that the Greenland Inuit use more inhumane hunting methods than com-
mercial hunters, this is largely or entirely attributable to the fact that the Inuit of
necessity hunt all year round, and netting is the only practicable technique in the
dark months. The harm to seals may be heightened, but so is the connection to
the distinctiveness of Inuit culture. (Incidentally, it appears that the northern
Canadian Inuit also use nets for similar reasons.) So, ironies, yes, but only
because the world is complicated.
In sum, the facts relevant to 'evenhandedness' are messy. But if we assume that
Canada has the burden of showing un-evenhandedness, as part of its general
burden of proof under 2.1 (remember that the EC-Sardines Appellate Body
imposed on Peru the burden of showing under TBT 2.4 that the Codex standard
was effective and appropriate for the EU);8 2 and if we assume that the Panel has
produced the best evidence available to show that the regulation is un-evenhanded,
then I am not sure the Panel got the right result. Indeed, the evidence seems suffi-
ciently inconclusive in either direction so that it might be that the right answer
under TBT 2.1 is that Canada has not shown the measure is un-evenhanded, so
the EU wins; and the right answer under the GATT XX chapeau is that the EU
has not shown the measure is in compliance with the chapeau, so Canada wins.
81 US Import Prohibition of Certain Shrimp and Shrimp Products, Recourse to Article 21.5 of the
DSU by Malaysia, WT/DS58/AB/R (adopted 22 October 2001).
82 EC Trade Description of Sardines, WT/DS231/AB/R (adopted 23 October 2002).
370 PHILIP I. LEVY AND DONALD H. REGAN
The different burdens of proof would make the GATT more restrictive than the
TBT in national treatment and most-favored nation cases.
Whatever we think about the right result on the facts, let us quickly summarize
the conceptual and legal lessons from our discussion: (1) the evenhandedness
inquiry is not simply about whether there is disparate impact (although there
may be cases like US-Shrimp, involving specific types of disparate impact, where
there can be un-evenhandedness without any illegitimate purpose); (2) even when
there is no discriminatory purpose in the classic sense (exemplified by protection-
ism), there may still be what we have called 'discrimination in respect of
purpose'; (3) the measure may be evenhanded, even if its adoption was motivated
by a distinctive concern for particular beneficiaries; (4) anticipating a disparate
impact is not the same as being motivated by it; (5) disparate impact that results
from differences of scale is not necessarily a violation; and (6) there is no general
requirement that the regulator take measures sufficient to alleviate disparate
impact from an innocently motivated measure.
With regard to how we establish the content of the Member's 'public morals', it
is notable that the Panel does not appear to require polling evidence, or surveys, or
the like. The evidence in the case did include some unsystematic public-comment
evidence, of dubious probative value, collected by a consulting firm that studied
the seals issue for the European Commission.1 4 But the Panel seems to have
relied instead on the long history of more dispersed expressions of public
concern, through NGO's and the like, and by legislative efforts in the various
European countries and the EU itself (on related issues such as the killing of seal
pups), which repeatedly characterized the issue as a moral or ethical one. This is
completely appropriate. Especially in a democratic government (and we must
assume by default for all WTO members), one of the roles of government is to con-
struct and articulate public commitments, moral and otherwise (subject to certain
limits of course), more concretely and distinctly than the population at large has the
means to do. 8 5 In US-COOL, the Panel was explicit that the legislature can estab-
lish a public purpose of providing country-of-origin information to consumers,
without any evidence other than the regulation itself that consumers wanted
86
such information.
There are features of the EU seal products regime that cause some people to
doubt the EU's commitment to avoiding animal suffering. (1) The ban was con-
cerned only with seal products, ignoring the killing of farmed fox and mink for
fur. But the conditions under which seal are killed are very different. (2) The
exempted Greenland Inuit hunt was arguably especially inhumane, because it
allowed netting in some circumstances. But as noted above, this was attributable
to the year-round nature of a subsistence hunt. (3) Perhaps most troubling, the
regime did not prevent the import of seal products for auctioning or other proces-
sing and re-export. This may be partly explained by the idea that prohibiting such
'inward processing' would probably not reduce the overall commerce in seal pro-
ducts (and hence the harm to seals) to nearly the extent that banning local pur-
chases does. But the most persuasive argument for the genuineness of the EU's
moral purpose is just this: Unless we think the seal ban was protectionism for
fox and mink farmers (an argument the complainants apparently thought too
84 Of dubious probative value because most of the respondents were Anglophone, and most of those
who favored the ban were from outside the EU. See Tamara Perisin (2013), 'Is the EU Seal Products
Regulation a Sealed Deal? EU and ETO Challenges', International and Comparative Law Quarterly,
62: 373 405, at 394.
85 See Robert Howse and Joanna Langille (2012), 'Permitting Pluralism: The Seal Products Dispute
and Why the WTO Should Accept Trade Restrictions Justified by Noninstrumental Moral Values', Yale
Journal of InternationalLaw, 37: 367-432.
86 US COOL (Panel), para. 7.649. The Appellate Body in US COOL quoted this point from the
Panel report, without expressly approving or disapproving; but in context the absence of disapproval
suggests approval, since the Appellate Body expressed dissatisfaction with four other specific aspects of
the Panel's discussion of the legitimacy of the US's purpose, even while generally upholding the Panel.
US COOL (Appellate Body), paras. 449 452.
372 PHILIP I. LEVY AND DONALD H. REGAN
weak to rely on), there is simply no reason for the EU to have enacted the ban, even
with all its limitations and exceptions, other than a concern for seals.
It is striking that the EU does not defend its seal products regime with the 'direct'
argument that it protects seals, but only (or very predominantly) with the 'indirect'
argument that it avoids moral outrage over seal suffering and participation in
immorality by consumption. Presumably the EU was worried that protecting
seals in Canada or Norway would not qualify as a legitimate purpose under the
TBT or under GATT XX(b); whereas the moral outrage and the participation-
by-consumption, even with regard to 'foreign' seals, are located safely inside the
EU. Relying on the public morals argument may have been a prudent litigation
strategy, although it is worth remembering that the Appellate Body has never estab-
lished the sort of territorial limitation the EU was presumably worried about. The
Appellate Body set aside the territoriality issue in US-Shrimp with the observation
that the relevant sea turtle populations were all of species that migrated through US
territorial waters; 87 and in US-Tuna II (Mexico), neither the Panel nor the
Appellate Body found it necessary to discuss territoriality at all (although that
might have been because the dolphins were on the high seas).
Canada and Norway's behavior is harder to understand. If the EU was suffi-
ciently worried about territoriality issues to avoid claiming that they were protect-
ing foreign seals, why didn't Canada and Norway positively assert that the EU
could not protect seals in their countries, and then follow up with the argument
that it should not be possible for the EU to evade that territorial limitation by shift-
ing the focus from the seals to EU citizens' feelings about the seals? Of course, one
can respond to a crude ipse dixit that, 'The EU can't protect seals in Canada and
Norway', with the equally crude response, 'The moral feelings are in the EU'.
But if there is any serious argument that establishes that the EU should not be
able to protect foreign seals (not even using only the mechanism of limiting its
own purchases), then that argument will very probably establish also that the EU
should not be able to act on its feelings about foreign seals. In that case, appeal
to public morals should not be allowed to avoid the territorial limitation.
So the crucial question is whether it would be legitimate for the EU to apply its
consumption ban to Canadian and Norwegian seal products in order to protect
Canadian and Norwegian seals. I think the answer is yes, it would be legitimate.
Why should it not be? It is uncontroversial that a regulator may, as matter of
fact, have a sincere concern for avoiding suffering by its domestic seals; and it is
uncontroversial that the regulator may legally act on that concern. But any sensible
regulator concerned to avoid suffering by its domestic seals would have exactly the
same concern regarding foreign seals. The fact that the regulator acts to protect
foreign seals as well as domestic is not by itself reason to think either that the regu-
lation is motivated by national-origin preference (which is what TBT 2.1 and
GATT 1:1 and 111:4 are designed to prevent), or that the regulation is more trade
restrictive than necessary to protect the foreign seals (which is what TBT 2.2 is
designed to prevent). To be sure, if the case were about different treatment of
seal products, mostly from abroad, and fox or mink products, mostly domestic,
then we would want to take a specially careful look at the sincerity of the
concern for seals, and the reasons for not extending the same protection to fox
and mink, to make sure there is no national-origin preference at work. But the com-
plainants did not make that argument. Similarly, we may sometimes want to take a
closer look at the regulator's assumptions about what degree of trade restriction is
necessary to prevent harm occurring abroad and caused by behavior abroad, just
because the regulator may be less well-informed about such cases. (Arguably
US-Shrimp on TED's is an example of this.) But to my mind, none of these
reasons for a close look justifies a flat ban on concern for foreign animals.
A different sort of argument is often suggested: that it is up to Canada (for
example) to decide how Canadian seals shall be treated, and that the EU's applying
its seal products ban to Canadian seal products is interfering in Canada's internal
affairs. But the EU is not claiming any power to regulate seal-hunting in Canada
directly. All it is doing is collectively refusing to purchase goods that it collectively
does not want. Once we recognize the general right of governments to aggregate the
preferences of their citizens, and to speak for their citizens on economic matters
such as this, this is just the way the market works. Consumers, including countries
as collective consumers, are not expected or required to buy what they do not want.
Indeed, to force countries to buy what they do not want would be a serious inter-
ference in their internal affairs.
It may seem that my argument here is too strong. Can a Member refuse to buy
foreign goods, or goods from some other particular Member, just because it
doesn't want to buy foreign goods, or goods from that other Member? Of course
not. But the reason is not any internal limitation on my argument. Countries
should properly be free to act in this way, unless they have undertaken a commitment
not to. But WTO Members have undertaken a general commitment not to engage in
national-origin discrimination, either protectionism (except by tariffs) or preferences
between foreign countries. 88 A nation that wants to engage in protectionism should
not join the WTO; a nation that wants to be able to discriminate against some par-
ticular other Member should take care to exclude WTO legal relations with that
Member (as WTO Agreement Article XIII allows). Otherwise, each WTO
Member has agreed not to exclude goods from any other Member on national-
origin grounds, even if it regards that Member as a pariahs 9
8 8 There are, of course, important exceptions in the most-favored nation context, for preferential trade
areas and general systems of preferences for developing countries.
89 The hard case here, perhaps the case that requires an exception, is where a good-citizen Member
radically changes its character, and becomes a systematic violator of international norms, like Burma
becoming Myanmar.
374 PHILIP I. LEVY AND DONALD H. REGAN
The question that has brought our discussion to this point is whether the EU can
protect foreign seals. Protecting foreign seals could be done (indeed, if this were the
only goal, it would be done best) by a simple ban, with no exceptions. Such a ban
would not be a PPM; it would exclude seal products on the basis of properties fully
ascertainable by inspection at the border. Even so, the issue about territorial restric-
tions on regulators' purposes bleeds over into the discussion of PPM's. So let us
shift our focus for a moment to PPM's. Many people used to think that WTO mem-
bership entailed a general commitment not to choose among products on the basis
of their production history (where that production history left no trace in the phys-
ical constitution of the product as it crossed the border). But the Appellate Body in
US-Shrimp 21.5 established definitively that there is no such general commitment.
In fact, I think much of the opposition to PPM's resulted from the fact that the
examples that people used to talk about were country-based PPM's involving
national-origin discrimination. Country-based PPM's are indeed forbidden,
because of the broader commitment not to engage in national-origin discrimination
that we have already discussed.
But not all the opposition to PPM's is directed at country-based PPM's. Even
people who admit the permissibility of the US's revised shrimp-turtle regulation
(either because they are persuaded, or perforce) raise other, more problematic,
examples. The most-popular example is a hypothetical ban by a rich country on
foreign goods made by workers paid less than the rich country's domestic
minimum wage? (Notice this PPM is product-based.) This perennial example is
powerful because no one wants to allow the minimum-wage PPM. Nor do I. But
I also don't think the specter of the minimum-wage PPM is enough to justify pro-
hibiting the US's shrimp-turtles PPM, or the EU's (non-PPM) seal products ban.
The problem is how to distinguish them.
It is possible that we don't need a theoretical justification for the distinction at all.
There has never been an actual minimum-wage PPM, and very likely the fact that
such a PPM would be universally condemned as illegal, ignorant, and deeply
unjust, is enough to deter any Member from enacting one. If such a PPM ever
were enacted, it would presumably be defended on the ground that it protected
exploited foreign workers. (To admit that it was designed simply to protect dom-
estic workers against the low-wage foreign competition would be to admit protec-
tionism outright.) But in fact, such a PPM is virtually certain to hurt the already
vulnerable foreign workers it is nominally designed to benefit. Which means it is
either disguised protectionism, or monumentally stupid. There is no general
WTO principle forbidding stupidity. With regard to the minimum-wage PPM,
however, we might say that the stupidity required to explain the PPM innocently
is so extreme that the PPM is overwhelmingly likely to be protectionist, and
hence it should be held illegal. This may be the best way to deal with the puzzle.
Still, there are other possibilities for distinguishing the minimum-wage PPM from
the shrimp-turtle PPM or the seal products regime. For one thing, the minimum-
wage PPM is potentially much broader. Even if the minimum-wage PPM as actually
EC Seal Products 375
adopted applies only to some particular product when made with 'underpaid'
labor, it focuses on an aspect of production (the low wage) that is likely to be
common to all productive enterprise throughout any affected exporting country.
So it threatens to function like a country-based measure. That means we might
justify a rule against such potentially broad PPM's as an implementation (admit-
tedly crude, as rules often are) of the consent-based principle against national-
origin discrimination. The potentially broad PPM also represents much more of
a threat to seriously disturb the agreed balance of concessions. So we might
justify a rule against such PPM's as an implementation (again crude, as rules
often are) of GATT XXIII:1(b).
A different sort of point is that the foreign government is conceived of as speak-
ing for its citizens (even though we know real governments often do not speak for
all their citizens), in a way that it is not conceived of as speaking for its seals, its
shrimp, or its turtles. Aside from the fact that seals and other fauna do not speak
on political matters, a nation's animals are not even 'its' animals in the way that
its citizens are 'its' citizens. So it may seem more disrespectful of the foreign coun-
try's autonomy to reject its view (which, at least by a legal fiction, is its citizens'
view) of how its citizens are to be treated than to reject its view of how animals,
some of which just happen to be found in its territory, should be treated. That is
obviously not to say the animals are more important than the citizens; quite the
90
reverse.
I have no space for further discussion of 'extra-territoriality' and PPM's.
(The reader may imagine a sigh of relief.) Although I have made some suggestions
about how to distinguish the seal products ban (conceived as protecting foreign
seals, not moral sensibilities), and similarly the shrimp-turtle PPM, from the
minimum-wage PPM, I have no definite view at present about how best to do it.
But that they should be distinguished, and treated differently by the WTO
system, I have no doubt. So no damage was done by allowing the EU's end-run
around the territoriality issue, although it should not have been necessary.
90 A final point , that didn't quite fit anywhere. It is often objected that big-country PPM's (or regu-
lations with 'extra-territorial' purposes) have disproportionate effects on small countries. That is true.
But it is no less true of big country's non-PPM regulations with intra-territorial purposes. Big countries'
decisions have big effects. That is a fact of economic life that the WTO does not attempt to correct for,
except by specific provisions about special and differential treatment, transition periods, and the like.
The general rules must be for all countries. The litigants here are the EU and Canada (big, rich, highly devel-
oped) and Norway (not so big, but rich and highly developed).
376 PHILIP I. LEVY AND DONALD H. REGAN
3.4 Whether the EU seal products regime violates TBT 5.1.2 and 5.2.1
This is the first report dealing with TBT Article 5 on conformity assessment pro-
cedures [CAP's]. There were complaints under 5.1.2, first sentence, which requires
that a CAP not constitute an 'unnecessary obstacle to international trade'; 5.1.2,
second sentence, which requires that a CAP not be 'more strict or be applied
more strictly than necessary' to give adequate assurance of conformity; and
5.2.1, which requires that a CAP be undertaken and completed 'as expeditiously
as possible'. In general, the Panel (no doubt correctly) regarded these provisions
as applying, mutatis mutandis, to procedures for accrediting certifying bodies, as
well as to the actual process of product certification.
Under 5.1.2, first sentence, Canada and Norway had two grounds of complaint.
By way of factual background, the EU ban on shrimp products entered into force
on 20 August 2010. The EU at no time had a governmental body competent to
certify products; and the procedures for accrediting private bodies to issue certifi-
cations were announced only on 17 August 2010. Accordingly, it was impossible
in practice for any certifying body to be accredited until some time after the ban
became effective. So for some period after the ban became effective, it was not
possible for even products that qualified under the exceptions to enter the
EU market.
The complainants argued first that the EU was required to guarantee that trade in
qualifying products was possible, so that the EU was required to have some EU
agency that could certify products, until there were accredited private certifying
bodies (or indefinitely, if no private bodies applied for, or were granted,
EC Seal Products 377
certification). The Panel rejected this claim with no more argument than the obser-
vation that Article 5 allows a system of third-party accreditation, 1 which does not
seem to fully dispose of the question what happens if no private bodies step up. On
the other hand, the Panel, again without much argument, held that the EU did
create an unnecessary obstacle to trade by creating a situation in which there
was no possibility of certification by the time the ban took effect. 92 These holdings,
both ipse dixit's, may seem to point in opposite directions, but there is no logical
inconsistency. The upshot is that the EU is not required to guarantee that trade
is possible on the date the ban becomes effective, or ever (by creating a government
certifying agency); but it must not guarantee that trade is not possible on the date
the ban becomes effective (by having no procedure for private certifying bodies to
become accredited in time).
It is not clear the Panel was right to find that the late publication of the accred-
itation procedures created an 'unnecessary obstacle'. In the absence of any expla-
nation for why the EU was so late, it surely seems that the EU behaved less than
ideally. But it seems doubtful that the impossibility of certification when the
ban took effect was an 'obstacle' to trade. The only 'obstacle' to trade was the
ban itself (and the Panel had found in its 2.2 discussion that this obstacle was
not unnecessary). 9 3 The IC exception removes an obstacle, for some traders; so it
seems that failure to have the exception is only failure to remove an obstacle,
and not an obstacle in itself. Consider some hypotheticals. There would be no vio-
lation if the EU had simply adopted a ban of seal products, with no thought of any
exception. There would also be no violation if the EU thereafter decided that it
wanted to have an IC exception, and added one. But the Panel is saying in effect
that because the EU knew before it promulgated the ban that it wanted an IC excep-
tion, it could not enact the ban (which is fully justified by its own public morals
purpose) without a functioning IC exception in place. And in the actual case, it
says that without any discussion of what administrative factors might have
accounted for the EU's belated formulation of the certification regime. This
seems a curious jump.
It might seem that the argument here is too strong, that it would mean that failure
to have a functioning exception could never be an unnecessary obstacle, which
seems wrong. But the argument does not have that consequence. Consider a differ-
ent sort of case. Suppose the EU requires that milk be safe, and has a CAP for cer-
tifying safety. In operative terms, this regime will function as a ban on milk, with an
exception for milk certified safe. But this is different from the EC-Seal Products
case, because here the exception is required by the health purpose of the ban.
Without the exception for safe milk, the ban on milk would be unnecessarily trade-
restrictive, by reference to its health purpose. In EC-Seal Products, however, a flat
ban of seal products would be fully justified by its morals purpose. The IC excep-
tion is justified by a different purpose from the purpose of the ban. Hence, it is a
matter of legislative grace. In which case, it seems it is not an 'obstacle' for it not
94
to be available in a timely manner.
As to 5.1.2, second sentence, the Panel found that that sentence required it to
consider whether the chosen CAP, once in force, would be stricter than necessary;
and it held there was no violation. The very plausible reasoning tracked the Panel's
2.2 discussion; and so we might add this decision to the trend of not finding viola-
tions of the 2.2 type. Finally, under 5.2.1, with regard to the question whether the
process for accrediting certifying bodies, once under way, operated 'as expedi-
tiously as possible', the Panel held that it had insufficient evidence to find a viola-
tion. In connection with one application for accreditation from 11 Swedish county
administrative boards, there was an initial exchange in which the EU Commission
listed deficiencies in the application, and the boards responded with new documen-
tation. It then took the Commission over 14 months to decide this new documen-
tation was sufficient, and accredit the boards. The Panel said this did not seem
'expeditious'. 9 5 But they later said that the complainants 'have not provided any
specific argument as to how the CAP was not conducted in the concerned instances
as expeditiously as possible'; and so they found no violation. 96 Perhaps their idea
was that one egregious case (the other case they discussed was slow, but not so
extreme) does not make a violation of a provision aimed at a systematic fault.
941 have not considered whether there is some other way to argue that the EU's behavior is illegal. It
may have disappointed some producer expectations; but even that is not clear. Producers could see some
time in advance that the exception was not going to be available at the time the ban became effective, and
we are given no evidence about how that 'some time in advance' compares to the time scale on which they
made production decisions.
95 Ibid., para. 7.577.
96 Ibid., para. 7.579 (emphasis in original).
EC Seal Products 379
very likely that the same result could have been reached under TBT 2.1, and under
GATT 111:4. Once the Appellate Body held in EC-Sardinesthat the burden was on the
complainant Member to prove that the international standard would be 'effective' and
'appropriate' for use by the respondent Member, they effectively guaranteed that
whenever there is a 2.4 violation, there will be a strong case for a GATT violation
(of 111:4, or 1:1, as relevant), assuming there is disparate impact. Even if there were
no 2.4 and no obligation to use the international standard, the international standard
would still, by hypothesis, describe an effective and appropriate less trade restrictive
alternative measure. The most distinctive feature of TBT 2.2 and 2.4 is that they do
not require disparate impact as part of establishing a violation. But so far, the facts
of all eight TBT cases (including the cases in which no TBT issues were decided
other than issues about what was a technical regulation) have involved disparate
impact. 97 That is not surprising. It is cases involving disparate impact that complai-
nants are most likely to care strongly about, and most likely to be willing to spend
resources litigating. What all this means is that the TBT may not matter much in prac-
tice. Perhaps, heretical thought, the Members should abolish it, to save litigation
resources and focus litigation better on the real issues. 9 8
4. Conclusion
The EC-Seal Products Panel decision dealt with a variety of specific questions
under the TBT. In the process, it also dealt more generally with the balance
between a nation's right to regulate in support of its citizens' moral concerns
and trading partners' rights to market access. The Panel did not settle on any of
the 'bright lines' that have been suggested to limit regulation. It is possible to
wish that the Panel had laid down some bright lines, to give more specific guidance
about what regulations will be upheld or invalidated in the future, and to provide
stronger safeguards against protectionism. Or it is possible to think the Panel gave
about as clear guidance as is desirable or possible for this sort of case, and
additional bright lines would unduly restrict governments' ability to pursue inno-
cent and legitimate purposes.
Whether one welcomes the Panel's analysis or sees it as alarming depends on
how one perceives the prevalence of protectionist motives and the sturdiness of
other safeguards against protectionism. Given the split of opinion and the range
of cases in which these questions might arise, we can expect the discussion to be
prolonged.
97The one case we have had no occasion to mention is EC Protection of Trademarks and
GeographicalIndications for Agricultural Products and Foodstuffs (Australia), WT/DS290/R (adopted
20 April 2005).
98 It would be an argument for keeping the TBT if the TBT Committee has been a useful institution (a
possibility on which I express no view). But it is not clear that we actually need the TBT to get any of the
benefits we now get from the TBT Committee.