Cognition & Emotion

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Ekman's basic emotions: Why not love and

jealousy?

John Sabini & Maury Silver

To cite this article: John Sabini & Maury Silver (2005) Ekman's basic emotions: Why not love and
jealousy?, Cognition & Emotion, 19:5, 693-712, DOI: 10.1080/02699930441000481

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COGNITION AND EMOTION
2005, 19 (5), 693±712

Ekman's basic emotions: Why not love and jealousy?

John Sabini
University of Pennsylvania, USA
Maury Silver
Yeshiva College, New York, NY, USA

Paul Ekman's view of the emotions is, we argue, pervasive in psychology and is
explicitly shaped to be compatible with evolutionary thinking. Yet, strangely,
jealousy and parental love, two emotions that figure prominently in evolutionary
psychology, are absent from Ekman's list of the emotions. In this paper we
examine why Ekman believes this exclusion is necessary, and what this implies
about the limits of his conception of emotion. We propose an alternative way of
thinking about emotion that does not exclude jealousy and parental love.

No one has contributed more to the psychology of emotion in the last 30 years
than Paul Ekman. And one of the things for which he is justly renowned is his
list of ``basic emotions''. Our discussion is focused on this list and on the
criteria that Ekman used to generate the list. We are especially focused on the
criteria that relate emotional experience to emotional expression. We believe
that Ekman's list and criteria constitute his understanding of what an emotion is;
we believe that this understanding is widespread in the history and current
thinking of psychologists. We believe that the list, and therefore the conception
of emotion it embodies, is at odds with evolutionary thinking about emotionÐ
despite Ekman's claims to the contrary. We will offer an account of the emo-
tions that we believe is compatible with evolutionary thinking. We start with the
question: What does Ekman mean by ``basic emotions''?

Basic emotions
There are two kinds of answers one might give to this question. One answer is:
A basic emotion is one that meets a set of criteria; Ekman offers such a set which
we shall discuss below. But the other answer is in terms of what Ekman thinks is

Correspondence should be addressed to John Sabini, Department of Psychology, University of

Pennsylvania, 3720 Walnut Street, Room C1, Philadelphia, PA 19103, USA; e-mail:
sabini@psych.upenn.edu

# 2005 Psychology Press Ltd

http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals/pp/02699931.html DOI:10.1080/02699930441000481
694 SABINI AND SILVER

true of the basic emotions by virtue of being ``basic'' (other than that they meet
his criteria) and this gives a reason for making a list of criteria. Ekman has
claimed that the basic emotions are the ``biological'' emotionsÐthose provided
by evolution (Ekman, 1992a) and, at least in one instance, he has claimed that
the basic emotions are the real emotions (Ekman, 1994b): An emotion is either
basic or not really an emotion (Ekman, 1992a). Thus, if there are emotions that
are ``biological'', given to us by evolution, and ``real'' that are not on the list,
then there is something wrong with the criteria because these are supposed to
provide the real, etc., emotions. And, since the criteria are themselves derived
from a conception of emotion, there is something wrong with the conception.
The starting point of this paper is the observation that at least two important
emotions that would seem to be real, biological, and provided by evolution are
not on Ekman's list, namely jealousy and parental love. Their absence is at the
least curious; indeed jealousy and parental love seem to be the stars of evolu-
tionary psychology: They are understood as being the prototypes of emotions
given to us by evolution, the emotions closest to our reproductive interests (see
Buss, 2000; Pinker, 1997), and this leads us to wonder whether Ekman's criteria
are the right ones to pick out the real emotions, and, therefore, whether his
conception of emotion is the right conception. The absence from Ekman's list of
the star evolutionary emotions would perhaps not be so unsettling were it not for
the fact that no one is a more dedicated evolutionist than Ekman. Indeed, it is
Ekman who edited and annotated the third edition of Darwin's (1872/1998)
classic book on the emotions; so this dispute is within the community of evo-
lutionists, not a dispute between those with an evolutionary view and those
inclined toward social constructivism. This dispute arises, as we shall see,
because there are two fundamentally different ideas in play about what an
emotion is. And that leads us to ask: Which one is right?

Ekman and reductionism

In creating a short list of basic emotions Ekman joins a strong tradition of
reductionism in psychology. Indeed, psychologists since James (1892/1961),
ourselves included, have complained about the large number of emotions there
seems to be, and about the tediousness of their endless subtletyÐthey bored
even James.1 Psychologists have longed to reduce the list to some subset from
which the other emotions could somehow be constructedÐin something like the
way the enormous palette of subtly differing colours can be constructed from the
primary colours. Ekman does not embrace anything like an ``emotion wheel''

1
``But as far as the `scientific psychology' of the emotion goes, I may have been surfeited by too
much reading of classic works on the subject, but I should as lief read verbal descriptions of the
shapes of the rocks on a New Hampshire farm as toil through them again'' (James, 1892/1961, pp.
241±242).
 LOVE AND JEALOUSY 695

(Plutchick, 1980), but he does embrace the reductionist desires that go with it,
and, as we shall argue, he, at least at a distance, embraces the notion that the
emotions, like colours, are really sensations or ``raw feels''.
What are these raw feels? A reasonably current list of the established basic
emotions is: anger, fear, surprise, sadness, happiness, disgust, and perhaps
contempt (Ekman, 1992a). Just how one gets from the basic emotions to the
other (not basic?) emotions has not been the focus of Ekman's attention.
Although, as we mentioned, it is true that at least in Ekman's 1992 and 1994
writings it becomes clear that ``basic'' is just a polite term for real. So Ekman's
lack of interest in the not-basic emotions is, perhaps, understandable, since he
sees them as the not-real emotions. Unfortunately, other psychologists, also
interested in sparing James from having to read all those tedious pages about the
endless parade of emotions, have other lists of the basic emotions (see Ekman,
1992a; Izard, 1992; Turner & Ortony, 1992, for a spirited discussion.) But
Ekman is not really interested in defending any particular list. What he is
concerned with is the criteria by which these basic emotions are picked out.
Table 1 is one set of criteria Ekman has proposed; Table 2 is a list of emotions
that Ekman either believes are well established as belonging on the list, or might
turn out to be picked out by these criteria (Ekman, 1992).

Criteria for basic emotions. Let us concede to Ekman that the criteria he
proposes indeed pick out the emotions he says they pick out. So they are, by
definition, basic emotions. But, of course, Ekman does not intend his criteria
simply to define what he means by ``basic emotions''. He believes that his
criteria establish something important about whatever meets them. Specifically,
he believes that all (and only) states that meet these criteria are emotions,
emotions that we have by virtue of natural selection. These criteria embody

TABLE 1
Criteria of the basic emotions according to Ekman (1994b)

. Distinctive universal signals

. Presence in other primates
. Distinctive physiology
. Distinctive universals in antecedent events
. Rapid onset
. Brief duration
. Automatic appraisal
. Unbidden occurrence

Note: In 1999, Ekman added three additional criteria:

. Distinctive appearance developmentally.
. Distinctive thoughts, memories, images
. Distinctive subjective experience.
696 SABINI AND SILVER

TABLE 2
The well-established and possible basic emotions according
to Ekman (1999)

Well-established basic emotions

Anger
Fear
Sadness
Enjoyment
Disgust
Surprise

Candidate basic emotions

Contempt Excitement
Shame Pride in achievement
Guilt Relief
Embarrassment Satisfaction
Awe Sensory pleasure
Amusement Enjoyment

Ekman's theory of evolution and emotion; they are not a theory of how the
emotions evolved, but they are (collectively) a theory of how one recognises
evolved emotions when one sees them.
Some of the work the criteria do is to distinguish emotions from other mental
entities. Thus, rapid onset and short duration are criteria intended to distinguish
emotions from other phenomena, such as moods. But other criteria are
concerned specifically with evolution. Universality, isomorphism in form from
one species to another, and, especially, the requirement that there be a unique
facial expression for every unique emotion are intended to be criteria that reveal
the hand of natural selection at work.
It might seem odd to qualify ``criteria'' with ``especially'' but both Ekman's
criteria and his research have as their central element emotional expression.
Expression is important to Ekman for two distinct reasons. The first is metho-
dological; Ekman's way of studying the emotions is through their expression.
But the second reason is more theoretical. As we shall see, Ekman follows
Darwin in arguing that natural selection created emotions by shaping expres-
sions. Let us examine how Ekman aligns expression and experience first in a
methodological sense and then in a theoretical sense.

Ekman and behaviourism. Ekman's approach to the negotiation of

expression and experience was shaped by his dialogue with the behaviourist
tradition, although he is not himself a behaviourist. Behaviourists tended to
dismiss emotions in one of two ways. They tended to declare emotional
experience to be subjective and then either to deny the reality of subjective
 LOVE AND JEALOUSY 697

experience or to deny that one could study subjective experience scientifically.

Either way, emotional experience was dismissed. Ekman does neither. He does
not deny the reality of subjective experience; indeed he explicitly endorses
subjective experience as an aspect of emotion. But Ekman, on the other hand,
does not study emotion by asking people about their experiences, the traditional
way to proceed for those who think subjective experience is the central
component of emotion. Rather, he studies emotion by examining in minute
detail people's expressions of emotion. Ekman, then, partakes of the
behaviourist tradition both by eschewing asking people about things that are
subjective and by measuring things that are observable with ever increasing
precision. Indeed, throughout his career Ekman has continually refined his
measurement techniques for facial expression. So while Ekman is not an
ontological behaviourist, he is a methodological behaviourist in that he studies
and measures facial expressions (i.e., observable phenomena).
The problem, of course, with, on the one hand, allowing that subjective
experience is what is important when it comes to emotion but, on the other hand,
measuring facial expressions, is that it leads one to wonder whether all this
measurement attention might not be on something only distantly related to what
one is really interested in. Is the measuring of facial expressions a matter of
looking for one's keys where the light is strong rather than where one thinks one
lost them?
There are many different ways Ekman has addressed this issue over the years;
that is, there are many ways Ekman has argued that there is a very tight rela-
tionship between facial expression and emotional experience (see, for example,
Rosenberg & Ekman, 1994, on the coherence of various measures of certain
emotions). The tighter this relationship can be made, the more telling about
emotional experience emotional expression is. We will consider three ways
Ekman has addressed the expression-experience relationship: display rules, the
facial feedback hypothesis, and the notion of faked versus spontaneous
expressions. Our aim in doing this is not to criticise these treatments, but rather
to establish how important it is to Ekman that experience and expression be very
tightly bound. As we shall see, jealousy and love have been excluded from the
list to preserve the experience-expression link.

Display rules. There are at least two threats to a tight link between facial
expression and experience: Concealed emotions and faked expressions. Ekman,
of course, has not failed to notice either of these. First, Ekman invented, the
notion of ``display rules''; these are cultural rules that proscribe or prescribe
displays that people should make in specific social situations.
From the point of view of a student of the emotions per se, display rules are
an annoyance. They annoy in two ways: they can cause people to express
emotions they do not feel, or they can cause people to suppress emotions they do
feel. But these annoyances are practical, not principled. That is, as is true in
698 SABINI AND SILVER

much of science, only under the right viewing circumstances can the true nature
of the object under observation be seen, and for the emotions, according to
Ekman, that is when the participant knows he or she is alone. When alone, the
argument goes, display rules are not operative, and emotional expressions are
neither faked nor suppressed. So one way Ekman deals with the tension between
expression and experience is by specifying the conditions under which they are
closely aligned (see Ekman, 1989, for the argument about display rules, as well
as an interesting history of the study of emotional expression).

The facial feedback hypothesis. Another way that Ekman keeps emotion
and expression tightly linked, is that he follows Darwin (1872/1998), James
(1890/1950), and Tomkins (1962) in endorsing the ``facial feedback hypoth-
esis'', the idea that facial expressions produce emotional experience as well as
reflect it. On this view, even if a facial expression were to begin as faked, it
would finish by inducing the experience it was a faked expression of.2 And,
indeed, Ekman has also suggested that facial expressions will generate unique
physiology and brain activity associated with the emotions (Davidson, Ekman,
Saron, Senulis, & Friesen, 1990; Ekman, 1992b; Ekman & Davidson, 1993;
Ekman, Levenson, & Friesen, 1983; Levenson, Ekman, & Friesen, 1990;
Levenson, Ekman, Heider, & Friesen, 1992).

Faked and spontaneous expressions. Ekman has conceded that facial

expressions can be faked; he has also insisted that faked expressions can be
distinguished from spontaneous expressions. It is important, however, to realise
that what Ekman has shown in this regard is that there is information in facial
expressions that allows one to distinguish spontaneous from faked expressions.3
Detecting faked expressions typically requires trained observers or elaborate
equipment, or both. (See Ekman, 1991; Ekman & O'Sullivan, 1991, on attempts
to demonstrate that professional lie-catchers can detect these expressions and
Frank & Ekman, 1997, for evidence that the ability to detect lies generalises from
one situation to another. (See also, Ekman, Friesen, & Ancoli, 1980; Ekman,
Friesen, & O'Sullivan, 1988, and Mark, Ekman, & Friesen, 1993, on detecting
smiles of enjoyment from smiles concealing bad feelings using the Facial Affect

2
Proponents of the facial feedback hypothesis were driven into retreat by the Tourangeau and
Ellsworth (1979) data which were not supportive of this hypothesis. The retreat led to a lively
exchange, but just where the proponents retreated to is hard to say (see Hager & Ekman, 1981).
3
One might argue that the broad social smile one offers one's dinner guests when one is dead
tired from having been up all night with one's screaming infant, and when one is not at all sure that
one's souffle will rise and when, in general, one would really much rather have a nap than a dinner
party is not, as it might seem, a faked expression of pleasure, but is, rather, a real sign of self- and
other-respect, respect for the social life. One might, in other words, see it as naive to believe this is a
faked expression of pleasure. However, one must surely conceal that the expression is what it is. In
other words, considerable subtlety lurks here.
 LOVE AND JEALOUSY 699

Coding System.) It is as if the stickleback's dance could be decoded, but only by

ethologists armed with slow motion photography and electrodes.
For Ekman, then, the experience and the expression of emotion are certainly
distinct; Ekman is not a behaviourist. But it is crucial that they be tightly bound,
at least under the right circumstances. Ekman's position about display rules, the
facial feedback hypothesis, and faked versus spontaneous expressions are all
consistent with the idea that although expression and experience are distinct,
expression is the royal road to experience. We shall return to this issue below.

Ekman and the evolution of emotion

Perhaps the most important way Ekman ties the expression and the experience of
the emotions together is via the evolution of emotion. Evolution cannot affect
aspects of phenomena that do not have implications for reproduction. Evolution
has to ``see'' things for it to shape them. If emotions are purely subjective, then
evolution cannot see them and cannot shape them. But expressions of emotion,
on the other hand, are behaviours, and expressions have consequences for sur-
vival and, more importantly, for reproduction. So evolution can act on emotional
expression. And, in so far as expression and experience are linked, it can act on
experience as well. For Ekman, then, his research programme has a behaviourist
component because natural selection is a behaviourist.

Darwin and Ekman on experience and expression

Darwin had an explanation for why the expressions came to have the form they
had: The ``doctrine of serviceable associated habits''. The doctrine works this
way: On being threatened, an animal may expose its teeth, crouch, and so on, as
part of its most important response (biting). By association, the same movements
come to be performed in new, threatening situations even though they may not
be of use in these new situations. Over time, the muscular expressions that are
mainly under voluntary control will cease. Those under the least such control
will remain and be passed on to the animal's descendants (Darwin, 1872/1998).
This account is clear but unfortunately, as Ekman points out, it is Lamarkian,
requiring the passing on of acquired characteristics (Ekman, 1998a). Thus,
Ekman cannot rely on Darwin's account of the evolution of emotion. But if not
Darwin's, then what account does Ekman rely upon?
Ekman offers this view of the evolution of the anger expression: An organism
that displays its intent to attack another might, by so doing, avoid the necessity
of actually attacking the otherÐif the animal reading the display withdraws in
anticipation of the attack. It is in the interest of both the attacker and the attacked
that unnecessary fights be avoided. Ekman's account leaves us here. But, in the
case of humans, it is also in the interest of the attacker to overstate either his
capacity to attack or the firmness of his intention: How is such a signal to be
kept honest?
700 SABINI AND SILVER

One answer offered by Frank (1988) (and Pinker, 1997) is that for a threat to
work it must be a credible threat; that is, the attacker must convince the to-be-
attacked that the attacker means business. And, the story goes, the best wayÐ
perhaps the only wayÐfor the attacker to convince the attacked that the display
is authentic is by having an honest signal. That is, the threat display signals that
an attack is imminent and unavoidable (unless the to-be-attacked withdraws) and
the threat display is an honest signal because the propensity to carry through on
such a threat display is beyond the voluntary control of the attacker.
The idea here is that those signallers whose signals were under voluntary
control were likely to give off dishonest signals. They got caught and their
signals were ignored. Those signallers, on the other hand, whose signals were
involuntary continued to be attended to and hence avoided useless fights. Thus,
signallers with involuntary signals enjoyed a competitive advantage. And this
explains why the tight linkage between signal and experience evolved.4, 5
There are at least two things worth pointing out about this theorising (as
Frank, 1988, has discussed): In a world full of honest signallers, cheaters are
unlikely to be detected. So one wonders whether this line of attack really does
solve the honest signal problem. And second, does this same argument apply for
fear? For surprise? For contempt? For happiness? What advantage accrues for
the signaller who signals fear? From the evolutionary perspective that Ekman
and Darwin share, expression is an essential rather than detachable component
of emotion, in part because it is on the expression of emotion that natural
selection works. The experience of emotion is shaped by natural selection
through selection's effects on expression. Expression, then is where the many
threads of Ekman's (and psychology's more general) treatment of emotion come
together. Now we can address the question with which we started: Why are
jealousy and parental love missing from Ekman's list?

Jealousy and parental love

The short answer to why love and jealousy are missing from the list is that they
do not have unique facial expressions; there is no facial expression that all and
only jealous people have, or that all and only people experiencing love have.
The jealous person is now lonely, then angry, then sadÐdifferent experiences
and different expressions, expressions shared by other emotions. A parent
expresses love in the smile in return of the child's smile, but also in the look of

4
This explains why a tight relationship between signal and subsequent behaviour evolved, but
this is a distinction Ekman repeatedly rejects as a distinction that makes no difference (Ekman,
1997).
5
This account does not explain why any particular display evolved, which Darwin's account did.
Indeed, it is perhaps because there is no account of the evolution of particular expressions of emotion
that universality is so important to Ekman.
 LOVE AND JEALOUSY 701

terror when the child is in trouble; there is no expression always and only
associated with parental love. But Ekman, of course, does not want to remove
jealousy, love, envy, and so on from the list of emotions just because they lack
unique expressions; were he to, then the idea that real emotions have unique
expressions would, obviously, be a stipulation not a discovery. So Ekman wants
to exclude them from the list of proper emotions on other grounds, then their
also lacking unique expressions is evidence for the claim that the basic (real)
emotions have unique expressions. So by what (other) means does Ekman
exclude love, jealousy, envy, and so on from the catalogue of authentic
emotions?
One way he has of excluding them is by calling them ``emotion plots'' (or
``emotion complexes'', or affective commitments, Ekman, 1998, pp. 60, 213,
260) rather than emotions. How are emotion plots different from the basic
emotions?
Ekman offers several reasons. Here is the first: ``Emotions are brief and
episodic, lasting seconds or minutes. Parental love, romantic love, hatred, envy
or jealousy last for much longer periods-months, years, a lifetime for love and
hatred, and at least hours or days for envy and jealousy'' (Ekman, 1998, p. 83).
But is this really a difference between jealousy and love on the one hand and
sadness and anger on the other? Ryle (1949/1961) pointed out that emotion
terms like anger, jealousy, and so on have both a dispositional and an episodic
sense. It is perfectly understandable to say of someone that he has been angry
with his brother ever since his brother stole his sweetheart in high school 40
years ago. And no one would think that this means that for every moment in the
last 40 years he has been experiencing (or showing the facial expression, or
physiology appropriate to) anger. Rather one means that he is prone to experi-
ence episodes of anger when, but only when, he thinks of his brother. Well, the
same goes for jealousy, envy, and so on. Of course one can be jealous of
someone for months, or years, but there are also episodes of acute jealousy. It is
in the dispositional sense that one is jealous for 40 years, but in the episodic
sense that one has pangs of jealousy. And, surely, sadness, one of Ekman's basic
emotions, can endure in some sense for years. It would seem, then, that duration
does not really pick out the emotion plots from the basic emotions.
The second difference between emotion plots and basic emotions has to do
with whether they have ``objects''. Ekman wants to argue that the basic emo-
tions are essentially experiential states of the organismÐlike a pain or an itchÐ
which are expressed in facial expressions. Emotional states are, to be sure,
typically triggered by events in the world, but that is their only connection to
things in the world. So fear, for example, is a pure feeling triggered, perhaps, by
some dangerous something or other in the world, but once it is triggered by the
dangerous thing that triggered it, it is no more connected to it than is an itch to
the mosquito that caused it. And so too for anger. But for Ekman things are
different for jealousy, envy, and love. Ekman argues that the jealous person is
702 SABINI AND SILVER

always jealous of someone; the envious person is always envious of someone,

the parent who loves a child loves a specific child. These ``emotion plots''
always have a connection with something in the world (Ekman, 1998). In philo-
sophical language, the emotion plots have ``objects'' but the basic emotions do
not. Is this so?
Well, first, one may dispute that fear and anger do not have objects. Certainly
many episodes of fear and anger do have objects. If someone is angry at a
reviewer, that person is angry at the reviewer (pace James, 1892/1961). If
someone is afraid of a root canal, that person is afraid of a root canal. If someone
has insulted you and you wish revenge, your wish for revenge against that
person is surely as connected to that person as is your jealousy toward him if he
has moved in on your spouse. So it seems just plainly wrong to claim that the
basic emotions cannot have objects in the same sense that the emotion plots do.
Still one supposes that people can be happy or sad without at the moment having
anything in mind they are happy or sad about. And there is such a thing as free
floating anxiety. But is there free floating anger? Are people really ever angry
without being angry at someone in particular? To be sure there are bad moods in
which one flits between now this target of anger now that target, but, still, at
every moment there is a specific target. And contempt? Is it really possible to
have contempt but not for anyone or anything in particular? If not, then why
does Ekman admit it as a possible emotion and not parental love or jealousy?
The fact is, we do not believe that these reasons Ekman gives to distinguish
emotion plots from basic emotions are very compelling. In the end, we believe
that the only criterion for being a basic emotion that anger passes but love and
jealousy do not pass is that anger has, but the other two do not have, a unique
facial expression. Striking parental love and jealousy from the list of basicÐin
the sense of evolved, biologicalÐemotions is a steep price for a theory of
emotions to pay; surely we should pay it if and only if there is no other choice.

No unique facial expressions

Suppose we give up on the idea that all emotions have a unique facial expres-
sions; what are the costs? What unravels if we let in emotions without unique
expressions?
First, let us confront natural selection's behaviourism. That is, natural
selection can operate only on traits that have reproductive consequences. On
Ekman's (and perhaps Darwin's) view the behavioural manifestation of the
emotions on which natural selection works is their expression. But if jealousy,
and parental love have no particular expression, then how can natural selection
shape them? The answer evolutionary psychologists would give is that these
emotional states have behavioural consequences, consequences quite different
from mere expression (Buss, 2000)Ðfor example, jealous males physically
attack mates they believe to be unfaithful, thus discouraging further infidelity;
 LOVE AND JEALOUSY 703

parents who experience the emotion of parental love take batter care of their
children than those who do not; these are the important behavioural manifes-
tations of these emotions and show why the emotions were shaped by evolution.
Jealousy induces unfaithful mate abuse; parental love induces care for one's
young; hunger induces eating. The third of these is usually considered part of the
psychology of motivation, or, as it is sometimes called, the psychology of
motivated behaviour. But the first two are thought of as emotions. Why? How
are emotions and motives different? Sabini and Silver (1998a) have addressed
this elsewhere, at least for some emotions, and we will address it below. But
before we do that, what has Ekman to say on the topic of the relationship of
emotions to motivation?

Emotion and motivation

Ekman (Ekman & Davidson, 1994) allows as how emotions ``have motivational
properties'' (p. 412). There seem to be two concepts Ekman means by that: First,
some emotional states are pleasant or unpleasant. And, hence, we try to seek
them out or avoid them. Fear, for example, is an unpleasant state, quite apart
from the fact that, typically, that which is feared is unpleasant. In other words,
emotional states may have reinforcement value. But this is not the sense in
which one means that jealousy motivated attacking an unfaithful mate. What one
means is that the jealous person wants to attack, is driven to attack, is eager to
attack.
Second, Ekman seems to endorse what might be called the booster rocket
theory of the emotions (i.e., that the emotions energise desires). They add energy
to desires so that the desires can find expression in behaviour. Of course, for this
to make any sense, one needs a way to distinguish the motives or desires from
the emotions. Let us try out a way to distinguish motives or desires from
emotions.
One traditional way to distinguish motives or desires from emotions is to try
to build on a distinction between acting and feeling. An angry person wants to
do certain things, often get revenge, but the angry person also feels certain
things; motivation has to do with action; emotion has to do with feelings. Action
and feelings, of course, have always been the anchor points of American psy-
chological thought about emotion. The question is: Should we conceive of the
emotions as feelingsÐakin to sensations in the psychophysical tradition, the
tradition that generated emotion wheels akin to colour wheelsÐor should we
conceive of emotions as impulses to act? These are the elements of James's
tableau of the bear, running away, and the bodily sensations. The issue for James
was: What is the emotion? His famous answer centred on the feelings: The
perception of bodily feedback IS the emotion. Ekman, by downplaying action,
places himself in the ``feeling'' (subjective experience) corner on emotion. And
since jealousy, parental, love, envy, and so on have no distinctive feeling
704 SABINI AND SILVER

attached to themÐany more than they have a distinct expression; they are
excluded from the list of true emotions.
But let us follow through on the notion that emotions are actually feelings and
are, as such, distinct from actions. How would these feelings result in facial
expressions? As Darwin and Ekman know, the only path is because feelings and
facial expressions are to some degree connected to action. Natural selection will
not pay off on an organism's idle curiosity about another organism's subjective
states. If, and only if, those states are to some degree predictive of subsequent
action will it be in the interest of the receiver to detect and decode those facial
expressions. And if, and only if, it is in the interest of the recipient to detect and
decode is it in the interest of the sender to send. So the only way to sustain a
communications view of facial expressions is to embed those expressions in
action and, therefore, in motivation.6 There are, then, at least three elements of
this story: internal (subjective) feelings, facial expressions, and actions. As we
have said, one way to make the emotion-motivation distinction is to argue that
emotions have to do with feelings, while motivations (desires) have to do with
actions. The question is, then: What do facial expressions have to do with? For
Ekman the answer is: with emotions, feelings. But the story of how the facial
expressions and emotions evolved must tie facial expressions to actions, not
feelings.
A way out of this dilemma is to decide that emotions and motives are, in the
end, the same psychological entities. One must explain, then: (1) Why we have
use for talk about emotion as distinct from talk about motivation. (2) How
feelings, facial expressions, and actions are related regardless of what one calls
them. And Sabini and Silver have tried to provide a solution in that direction, at
least for some emotions/motives (Sabini & Silver, 1998a). But rehashing that
solution is not our primary aim here, instead we want first to go in a different
direction. Suppose Ekman were to argue that trying to distinguish emotion from
motivation is hair-splitting. What problem would follow for him?
Ekman's argument contra jealousy and parental love is that they are not basic
emotions because they lack unique facial expressions and, soto voce, they lack
unique subjective feelings. Suppose we concede that argument for the moment.
Still, evolutionists like Buss, insist that jealousy is an important motive (i.e.,
they insist that jealous people are engaged in goal-directed behaviour), where
the goal is the guarding of their mates from encroachment by other potential
mates. Their argument is that jealousy consists in the actions and feelings that
were shaped by our having this goal. Thus, although it may be true that people
may feel different things at different times, what makes the token feelings and

6
This point is independent of the point that whatever facial expressions communicate, they
should not do so perfectly, but only well enough to provide enough information to the recipient to
keep the recipient attentive.
 LOVE AND JEALOUSY 705

expressions all feelings and expression of jealousy is not that they have similar
``raw feels'' but that they are all provoked by the loss of an exclusive rela-
tionship with a mate to an interloper and directed toward that fact. Similarly,
what makes the various feelings of parental love feelings of parental love is that
whether they be joy or fear, or anger, they are organised by the idea of protecting
the welfare (in the broadest sense) of one's child. Motives are distinguished,
differentiated, identified, after all, by what they are aimed at. Jealousy and
parental love have single, though abstract, goalsÐthe retention of a mate, the
well-being of a child. Motives, desires, are individuated, then, by something
more abstract either than feelings or facial expressions.
That jealousy and love are constituted by patterns of feelings and actions is
surely true as a linguistic, semantic fact. If your mate is run over by a car driven
by a drunk driver, and you intermittently feel loss, loneliness, rage, and so onÐ
the constituent feelings of jealousyÐyou would not, nonetheless, be described
as feeling jealousy. For these feelings to be described as tokens of jealous
feelings they must be triggered by and aimed at an interloper (see Russell, 2003,
on the distinction between a linguistic convention and a mechanism). But Buss
(2000) is not making a semantic argument; he is making an argument that, we
believe, asserts that language aside, there is evidence that jealousy as a motive
evolved under selection pressure provided by the advantages that come to
organisms which mate guard.
Now let us see what this comes to. Ekman (and Darwin) view jealousy as
simply the name given to feelings of sadness, loneliness, anger, and so on when
an interloper moves in on one's mate. On his view, sadness, anger and, so on,
indeed evolved under selection pressure, selection pressure having nothing to do
with mate-guarding per se. Buss might well concede this and agree that evo-
lution does not start from scratch, but, rather, builds on what already exists.
Thus, Buss might argue that evolution bound these earlier states together in the
service of mate guarding; on this account it is the organisation, one might say
orchestration, of these other states that IS the motivation or emotion of jealousy.
Buss might argue that the question of their being (or not being) a unique feeling
(or expression) associated with jealousy is simply beside the point; jealousy is a
pattern, and that pattern evolved. How does Buss propose to show that jealousy,
as a specific goal directed pattern evolved? He and his colleagues have argued
that there is a specific sexual dimorphism that is characteristic of the emotion of
jealousy, one that is not characteristic of the underlying states, and one that can
be understood only in the light of the different reproductive roles of males and
females (see, for example, Buss, 2000; Buss, Larsen, Westen, & Semmelroth,
1992; Sabini & Green, 2004, for a list of replications). Others have offered
counter-arguments and conflicting data (see DeSteno, Bartlett, Braverman, &
Salovey, 2002; DeSteno & Salovey, 1996; Green & Sabini, 2005; Harris, 2002,
2003; Harris & Christenfeld, 1996; Sabini & Green; 2004; Sabini & Silver, this
issue). Now we do not mean to resolve this empirical issue here; at the moment
706 SABINI AND SILVER

the evidence is looking rather bad for Buss' view. All we mean to assert here is
that the issue is empirical and not to be decided on the basis of whether jealousy
has a unique facial expression or feeling attached to it. And, of course, all of
these arguments apply a fortiori to parental love.

Excessive concreteness
The quest, we suggest, for a psychology of emotions since, at least, James has
been for something concrete that would differentiate one emotion from another.
Sensations, facial expressions, bodily states have all had their starring moments.
And this emphasis on concrete behaviours fit well with the traditional etholo-
gical view of evolution, that is, with the idea that what is passed on from one
species to the next are concrete behavioral programmes. How far is an affect
programme from the dance of the stickleback? But is it sensible to identify the
emotions that way?
Time was when anger was seen as doubly concrete. On its expressive side
was some sort of affect programme, on the stimulus side was ``frustration'',
meant seriously and concretely as the blocking of a goal-directed action. The
charm of that conception of the triggering of anger was that it was a concept
borrowed from animal models, and it was surely a concept that could be easily
operationalised. The problem was that it did not fit very well with what made
people angry. Ironically, much, if not almost all, of the research on anger
conducted under the auspices of this theory actually operationalised frustration
by insulting participants, not blocking their goal-directed behaviour. By now, we
suspect, there are few psychologists who would want to hold on to ``frustration''
as the cause of anger rather than the appraisal that one has been insulted or in
some other way transgressed. Transgression is a really rather abstract idea, but it
does seem that it is the right idea, as Aristotle said, for what triggers anger. But
if the perception of transgression is the stimulus for anger, what is anger itself?7
What is an angry response?
Angry actions are those directed at revenge against the apparent transgressor,
whether they be physical assaults, actions at law, letters to the editor, or painting
or writing one's adversaries in hell, as did Michelangelo and Dante. There is, we
suggest, nothing concrete these actions have in common; they have in common
only what goal directed actions typically have in commonÐa goal.8 But if angry
actions are individuated by their goals, how are angry feelings differentiated
from other feelings?

7
We certainly are not claiming that all cases of anger are a consequence of an actual trans-
gression, merely that the perception of transgression is the usual cause of anger. And we admit that
frustration can turn one's mind in the direction of transgression (see Berkowitz, 1989).
8
Just exactly what the goal of the angry person is hard to say. The best account we have heard is
that an angry person wants the target of her anger to ``rue the day he messed with me''. This account
was offered by Karlene Hanko; we thank her for it.
 LOVE AND JEALOUSY 707

Sabini and Silver (1998a) have argued that, at least for some emotions, what
one feels when one feels an emotion is the preparation for the action. In other
words, there is nothing all feelings of anger have except they are all feelings of
preparing oneself to take revenge. There is nothing all feelings of jealousy have
in common, except they are all attempts to respond to a wandering mate. And so
on.
If parental love and jealousy are to be readmitted to the family of emotions,
or at least become candidates for admission, then, it seems to us, one must give
up on the idea that the emotionsÐor, at least, all of the emotions, are to be
identified with anything concrete. Parental love is not a unitary feeling, facial
expression, or autonomic state. It is not a unitary anything, except function.
What, then, evolved? What did evolution give us in giving us emotions?
We offer the following: At least for the passions, what evolved was a set of
connections, connections between certain (abstract) perceptions or appraisals
and certain desires. What evolved in fear was the propensity to seek safety when
one perceives danger. The evolved connection, we argue, is not between some
fixed set of stimuli defined physically and some response defined equally
physically. What evolved was a connection between certain perceptions
(appraisals) and certain response tendencies. It is just true that people can be
driven to panic by sinking Dow Jones Averages or raging cholesterol, and
evolution certainly did not prepare us for those particulars. (And conditioning
accounts of how we come to fear those things are, well, just so stories.) Ekman
(1999) certainly recognises that the antecedent events that trigger emotional
episodes might well be abstract; it is less obvious that he is as aware of the
abstract nature of the class of events that will serve as a response. It is the lack of
willingness to accept ``whatever it takes to guard one's mate'' as the defining
class of jealousy that leads him to reject jealousy as a proper emotion, quite
independent of the kinds of data Buss offers, and others criticise.

Ekman's basic emotions revisited

What, then, are Ekman's basic emotions; what do they have in common other
than meeting the criteria Ekman sets for them? Well, they certainly seem to be
universal, communicative gestures. Despite the sharp, critical reading of the
literature Russell (1994) has offered us, it still seems that the evidence favors the
universality of Ekman's set of basic emotions as messages we can all deliver and
read. (See Ekman, 1994a; Ekman & Friesen, 1971; Ekman et al., 1987;
Rosenberg & Ekman, 1995b, and Russell, 1994, for an extraordinary exchange
on this issue.) So one thing the Ekman list might be is a list of innate messages.
The smile delivers the message: ``I like what is going on, please do more of it''.
Contempt delivers the message, ``Scum!''. The angry face says, ``Get out of my
way, dude'', and so on. Note that this view allows for a distinction between
spontaneous and fake; a fake smile says do more of this I like it, when you really
708 SABINI AND SILVER

do not like it. Are the facial expressions also hitched to unique feeling states?
This is somewhat murky.
Perhaps all tokens of the experience of fear involve autonomic arousal;
perhaps for evolutionary reasons sympathetic arousal is part of our preparation
to act in the face of perceived danger, regardless of the source. And perhaps the
unique feeling we feel in fear is that feedback from that autonomic arousal
(despite the Schachter and Singer, 1962, finding that the feeling is not unique).
But what about sadness and happiness? Is there an experience of happiness that
is the same regardless of whether one is happy with: the meal one just ate, the
smile one just got from one's child, the smile one just got from the person one is
flirting with, one's party having just won the election, and so on. Note that the
answer to this question might well be no, even if there are real and faked smiles
and real and faked likings. One might like many different things, in many
different ways. So on our view, Ekman's list is certainly a (perhaps incomplete)
list of innate, universal messages. It is also (arguably) a list of affective sen-
sations. But it is not a list of the basic, or real, emotions.

Some alternative thoughts

Let us conclude by offering some alternative thoughts about the nature of
emotion or affect, but first we must repeat what we said at the beginning, no one
has contributed more to the study of emotion in the last 30 years than Paul
Ekman. Still, we would suggest that facial expressions be placed at some dis-
tance from the study of emotion. As Fridlund (1994) has argued, facial
expressions are communicative gestures, so to understand them one must specify
how it is in the interest of the sender and the receiver to produce and decode
them. It strikes us as unlikely that too tight a link between such expressions and
subjective experience will be in the interest of sender and receiver. Receivers are
unlikely to care about the raw feels of senders except to the degree that those
feels are linked to action, but to the degree that facial expressions signal action
tendencies they are likely to take more into account than raw feels. And, on the
other hand, if expressions are too tightly linked to action they may give away
more than the sender can afford to convey.
Second, we would suggest that more attention be paid to taxonomy in the
domain of emotion. Whether contempt has or does not have a unique facial
expression, we strongly doubt that it is wise to include it as an emotion. Is it not
an attitude? Is happiness an emotion? Is it one in an episodic sense or in a
dispositional sense? Generally, we would urge greater attention to ordinary
language use in the domain of affect. For example, Clore, Ortony, and Foss
(1987); Kenny (1963); and Ortony (1987) have argued that in English saying
that someone ``is afraid'' and saying that someone ``feels afraid'' mean roughly
the same thing, but saying that someone ``is guilty'' and ``feels guilty'' do not at
all mean the same thing. This seems to us to be an example of how ordinary
 LOVE AND JEALOUSY 709

language might be used to classify the broad domain of mental states called
affect (for more on such attempts, see Sabini & Silver, 2005).
Finally, and most importantly, we suggest greater attention to the relation
between motivation and emotion. We have taken the position that, at least for
some emotions, the passions, there is at bottom only one psychological entity
sometimes referred to as emotion and sometimes as motivation (Sabini & Silver,
1998a). And we have offered some thoughts about why this phenomenon is
sometimes called emotion and sometimes motivation. We are not alone in this
position. Buck (1985), for example, explicitly refers to emotion and motivation
as one and the same thingÐprimes. And both Fridja and Roseman have come
close to this identity view (Fridja, Kuipers, & ter Shure, 1989; Roseman, Weist,
& Swartz, 1994). Indeed, Roseman refers to some emotions and motivations as
``emotivational'' states and Fridja identifies action tendencies as definitional
elements in emotion. Obviously, we have taken this approach in this paper
toward jealousy and parental love. We believe that the prime evolutionary
question, at least for the passions, is how did these motivational states evolve;
we do not expect to see a different history for the emotions named by the same
terms.
We are in sympathy with Russell's (2003) view of emotion, but we do not
quite share it. Russell calls attention to an analogy he sees between the phe-
nomena of emotion and hands of poker. There are names for certain patterns
found in poker hands. So five cards in order of the same suit is a ``straight
flush''. That is, if the pattern of the elements of a particular card hand match
certain patterns in the semantics of card terms, we have a name for them.
Analogously, Russell suggests, there are elements of emotion: triggering events,
facial expressions, subjective experiences, action tendencies, and so on. And if,
say, a person happens to have a hostile expression in response to an insult, and
wants revenge, then we would say the person is angry. For Russell, this is just
like saying that a 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8 of spades is a straight flush. But, and here is the
key point, Russell points out that although there are card hands we call a
``straight flush'' there is no ``straight flush-generating mechanism'' anywhere;
at least in honest games, card hands are generated by a random mechanism. The
claim, then, that Tom has a straight flush is not a claim about the mechanism that
generated Tom's hand, it is merely a description of that hand. So too, Russell
argues, saying that Tom is angry is simply a description of his mental/physical
state at the moment and innocent of any causal claim. And, therefore, it would
be useless to look for the evolutionary history of that causal mechanism.
As we said, we are in sympathy with Russell's view, but we do not quite
share it. We think there really is a mechanism in the brain that produces desires
for revenge in response to perceptions of transgression, and if so we believe this
mechanism in the brain has an evolutionary history. We believe there might be a
mechanism in the brain that produces a desire to guard one's mate in the face of
possible poaching. And that mechanism too has a causal history. We suggest,
710 SABINI AND SILVER

however, that these mechanisms link abstract classes of stimuli to abstract

classes of responses, they are not links among concrete elements directly,
though, of course, in each case of an emotion, or its expression, some concrete
token must be exhibited (Royzman & Sabini, 2001; Sabini & Silver 1998b).
Lastly, what is at stake in the decision to tie emotion to action rather than to
feelings? We have argued that emotions are important constituents of the self,
that what emotions a person experiences reveals important aspects of character
(Sabini & Silver, 1998a). We would suggest that to the degree that emotions are
tied to raw feels rather than to action it is hard to see why emotions have the
moral/social significance they do. Removing them from action undermines, we
suggest, an important aspect of the self.

Manuscript received 2 April 2003

Revised manuscript received 28 June 2004

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