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1988年哈马斯宪章

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这是1988年哈马斯宪章当前版本,由Xu.6cl4m4留言 | 贡献编辑于2024年11月25日 (一) 09:22 参考文献。这个网址是本页该版本的固定链接。

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1988年哈马斯宪章哈马斯于1988年8月18日发布的一份綱領性文件。 [1]

哈马斯在憲章中表示自己是穆斯林兄弟會巴勒斯坦分支,而且哈馬斯的成員都是敬畏真主穆斯林,並且要對压迫者發動圣战。哈马斯在憲章中主張要在巴勒斯坦地区建立一个以耶路撒冷为首都、由伊斯兰教法治理的国家,並且要消滅以色列[2][3][4][5]

自从哈馬斯派人參加选举以来,哈马斯一直在淡化該憲章。 [6] 2008年,哈马斯领导人伊斯梅尔·哈尼亚表示,哈马斯同意建立一个以绿线為國界的巴勒斯坦国,并愿意与以色列保持和平,这一言論與憲章內容大相徑庭。 [7] 2010年,哈马斯领导人哈立德·马沙尔表示,1988年宪章“已成為過去式,不再具有现实意义”。 [8]马沙尔还表示,哈马斯将不再與穆斯林兄弟会合作。 [9]

参考文献

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  1. ^ Hamas Covenant 1988: The Covenant of the Islamic Resistance Movement. The Avalon Project: Documents in Law, History and Diplomacy. Yale Law School. 18 August 1988 [15 February 2009]. (原始内容存档于2015-11-17). 
  2. ^ Myre, Greg. Israeli Official Says Hamas Has Made Abbas Irrelevant. The New York Times. 2006-02-27 [2023-12-26]. ISSN 0362-4331. (原始内容存档于2020-04-27) (美国英语). 
  3. ^ The Covenant of the HAMAS - Main Points. Intelligence Resource Project. Federation of American Scientists. [2 May 2017]. (原始内容存档于2015-12-08). 
  4. ^ The Palestinian Hamas By Shaul Mishal, Avraham Sela页面存档备份,存于互联网档案馆). Google Books. Retrieved 9 February 2009.
  5. ^ 中东战火再起,揭开哈马斯面纱. 美国之音. 2023-10-14 [2024-05-13]. (原始内容存档于2024-05-13) (中文). 
  6. ^ Hroub, Khaled. A "New Hamas" through Its New Documents. Journal of Palestine Studies: 6. (原始内容存档于2008-09-18). Since Hamas won the Palestinian legislative elections in January 2006, its political positions as presented in the Western media hark back to its 1988 charter, with almost no reference to its considerable evolution under the impact of political developments. …From its establishment, Hamas had steadfastly refused to run in any national elections, either for PC or for the presidency of the Palestinian Authority (PA). As both these structures grew out of the Oslo accords, which Hamas opposed and considered illegitimate, it had never recognized the legitimacy of either. Thus, whereas the movement has long participated in municipal and other local elections, making its growing strength quantifiable, the question of whether to enter national electoral politics was a difficult decision, fraught with the contradictions that could be expected in a movement whose leadership is geographically divided between the “inside” and the “outside,” whose political and military wings have a degree of autonomy, and which adopts a democratic decision-making process with a diversity of views. … Despite the oft-repeated rhetoric of Hamas’s leaders that their movement will remain faithful to its known principles, the three documents reveal beyond question that the demands of the national arena have driven Hamas in dramatically new directions…Hamas continues to be characterized with reference to its 1988 charter, drawn up less than a year after the movement was established in direct response to the outbreak of the first intifada and when its raison d’être was armed resistance to the occupation. … Given Hamas’s traditional projection of itself as an uncompromising resistance movement, and the popularity it has derived from its resistance to the Israeli occupation, its choice of “change and reform” as the theme of its campaign and name of its electoral list…draws attention to the failure and corruption associated with its rival Fatah. … Without doubt, there are many who remain highly skeptical of Hamas’s new face, suspecting a ploy to gain power by concealing true agendas. … This leaves open the question of whether Hamas in power will be able to function practically within the parameters of the peace process as originally agreed to by Israel and the PLO at Oslo, which Hamas had vehemently opposed. 
  7. ^ "Haniyeh: Hamas willing to accept Palestinian state with 1967 borders页面存档备份,存于互联网档案馆)". Haaretz. (09-11-08) Retrieved 27 May 2011.
  8. ^ Mazin Qumsiyeh on the History and Practice Of Nonviolent Palestinian Resistance页面存档备份,存于互联网档案馆) Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, May–June 2010, pp. 40-42.
  9. ^ Nidal al-Mughrabi; Tom Finn. Hamas softens stance on Israel, drops Muslim Brotherhood link. Reuters. 2 May 2017 [3 May 2017]. (原始内容存档于2019-05-11).